The euro crisis, several sovereign debt crises, the Great Recession, the refugee crisis, and Brexit have all challenged Europeans' willingness to show solidarity with other European citizens and member states of the European Union. European Solidarity in Times of Crisis provides a clear theoretical framework to understand European solidarity for the first time. It offers a systematic empirical approach to determine the strength and causes of European solidarity. The authors distinguish between four domains of solidarity and test a set of theoretically derived criteria with a unique dataset to investigate European solidarity. Based on a survey conducted in thirteen EU member states in 2016, the empirical analysis leads to some unanticipated results. Europeans display a notably higher degree of solidarity than many politicians and social scientists have presumed so far. This especially applies to the support of people in need (welfare solidarity) and the reduction of territorial disparities between rich and poor EU countries (territorial solidarity), but also to the domain of fiscal solidarity (financial support of indebted EU countries). This optimistic view is less true for the domain of refugee solidarity. While citizens of western and southern EU countries accept the accommodation of refugees and their allocation between European countries, the majority of people in eastern European countries do not share this point of view. The book will appeal to students and scholars in fields such as comparative sociology, political science, social policy and migration research, and European studies. It is also relevant to a non-academic audience interested in the development of the European project.

Since 2008, the European Union has been affected by one of the most severe crises in the history of Europe. This book builds on the work of Jurgen Habermas to answer the key question: is Europe strong enough to overcome the recent crisis? Arguing that recovery can only take place if the citizens of Europe regard themselves as members of a socially integrated European society, this volume sets out three conditions for successful European social integration: European citizens mutually respect each other as equals, accepting that all EU citizens should have equal economic, political and social rights. Those citizens objecting to the idea of European equality should not constitute a minority with potential for mobilisation that could impede the ongoing process of European social integration. Europeans act upon their equality beliefs in everyday practice - without differentiating between nationals and EU migrants. Based on a survey carried out in Germany, Spain, Poland and Turkey, the authors argue that the requirements for a socially integrated Europe are largely in place already. Their findings allow for optimism regarding the future of the EU, as the cultural foundations for a democratisation of Europe are laid. This volume develops a theoretical framework of a socially integrated European community, and will be useful for students and scholars of sociology, citizenship studies, social policy, political science and European studies.

Within a few years the European Union will be enlarged from fifteen to twenty-eight member states, including Turkey. Cultural Overstretch investigates whether the new countries culturally fit into the European Union. Interpreting the European treaties and the European Law, Gerhards describes in a first step what he calls 'The value script of the European Union'. Using survey data from twenty-eight countries the author examines in a second step whether citizens support the value script of the European Union and whether there are significant differences between old and new member states and candidate countries. The book also highlights cultural differences by referring to modernization theory and forecasts in the concluding chapter the political consequences of a possible cultural overstretch of the European Union.

From decade to decade, significant changes occur in the choice of first names for children. One-time favorites are perceived as old fashioned and replaced by new choices. In The Name Game, Jurgen Gerhards shows that shifts in the choice of names are based on more than arbitrary trends of fashion. Instead, he demonstrates, they are determined by larger currents in cultural modernization. Using classic tools of sociology, Gerhards focuses on changing atterns of first names in Germany from the end of the nineteenth century to the end of the twentieth, using these as an indicator of cultural change. Among the influences he considers are religion, and he notes a trend toward greater secularization in first names. He considers the extent to which Christian names have been displaced, and whether the process is similar for Catholics and Protestants. He traces the impact of different political regimes (Second Empire, Weimar Republic, Third Reich, West Germany, East Germany) and the accompanying rise and fall of German nationalist sentiment. He also investigates the dissolution of the family as a unit of production, and its impact on the naming of children. He shows that the weakening of traditional ties of religion, nation, and family has led to greater individuation and greater receptivity toward foreign first names. Gerhards concludes with a discussion of whether the blurring of gender and sex roles is reflected in the decrease of gender-specific names. Written in a lucid, approachable style, The Name Game will be of interest not only to sociologists and cultural studies specialists, but also non-professionals, especially parents who are interested in reflecting on the process of name giving.

Due to globalization processes, foreign language skills, knowledge about other countries and intercultural competences have increasingly become important for societies and people's social positions. Previous research on social inequality, however, has dominantly focused on the reproduction of class structures within the boundaries of a particular nation-state without considering the importance of these specific skills and competences. Within Social Class and Transnational Human Capital authors Gerhards, Hans and Carlson refer to these skills as 'transnational human capital' and ask to what extent access to this increasingly sought-after resource depends on social class. Based on Pierre Bourdieu's theory of class, they investigate this question via both quantitative and qualitative empirical analyses. In doing so the authors focus, among other examples, on the so-called school year abroad, i.e. students spending up to a year abroad while attending school - a practice which is rather popular in Germany, but also quite common in many other countries. Thus, this insightful volume explores how inequalities in the acquisition of transnational human capital and new forms of social distinction are produced within families, depending on their class position and the educational strategies parents pursue when trying to prepare their children for a globalizing world. An enlightening title, this book will appeal to undergraduate and postgraduate students, as well as postdoctoral researchers interested in fields such as sociology, social inequality research, globalization studies and educational studies.

From decade to decade, significant changes occur in the choice of first names for children. One-time favorites are perceived as old fashioned and replaced by new choices. In "The Name Game," Jrgen Gerhards shows that shifts in the choice of names are based on more than arbitrary trends of fashion. Instead, he demonstrates, they are determined by larger currents in cultural modernization.
Using classic tools of sociology, Gerhards focuses on changing atterns of first names in Germany from the end of the nineteenth century to the end of the twentieth, using these as an indicator of cultural change. Among the influences he considers are religion, and he notes a trend toward greater secularization in first names. He considers the extent to which Christian names have been displaced, and whether the process is similar for Catholics and Protestants. He traces the impact of different political regimes (Second Empire, Weimar Republic, Third Reich, West Germany, East Germany) and the accompanying rise and fall of German nationalist sentiment. He also investigates the dissolution of the family as a unit of production, and its impact on the naming of children. He shows that the weakening of traditional ties of religion, nation, and family has led to greater individuation and greater receptivity toward foreign first names. Gerhards concludes with a discussion of whether the blurring of gender and sex roles is reflected in the decrease of gender-specific names.
Written in a lucid, approachable style, "The Name Game" will be of interest not only to sociologists and cultural studies specialists, but also non-professionals, especially parents who are interested in reflecting on the process of name giving.
Jrgen Gerhards is professor of sociology at the Free University of Berlin. He was a fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study in Berlin and at the Swedish Collegium for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences. He is co-author with Myra Marx Ferree, William A. Gamson, and Dieter Rucht of "Shaping Abortion Discourse: Democracy and the Public Sphere in Germany and the United States."

This book constitutes refereed proceedings of the 4th Maple Conference, MC 2020, held in Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, in November 2020. The 25 revised full papers and 3 short papers were carefully reviewed and selected out of 75 submissions, one invited paper is also presented in the volume. The papers included in this book cover topics in education, algorithms, and applciations of the mathematical software Maple.

This work brings together two streams in computer algebra: symbolic integration and summation on the one hand, and fast algorithmics on the other hand. In many algorithmically oriented areas of computer science, theanalysisof- gorithms-placedintothe limelightbyDonKnuth'stalkat the 1970ICM -provides a crystal-clear criterion for success. The researcher who designs an algorithmthat is faster (asymptotically, in the worst case) than any previous method receives instant grati?cation: her result will be recognized as valuable. Alas, the downside is that such results come along quite infrequently, despite our best efforts. An alternative evaluation method is to run a new algorithm on examples; this has its obvious problems, but is sometimes the best we can do. George Collins, one of the fathers of computer algebra and a great experimenter,wrote in 1969: "I think this demonstrates again that a simple analysis is often more revealing than a ream of empirical data (although both are important). " Within computer algebra, some areas have traditionally followed the former methodology, notably some parts of polynomial algebra and linear algebra. Other areas, such as polynomial system solving, have not yet been amenable to this - proach. The usual "input size" parameters of computer science seem inadequate, and although some natural "geometric" parameters have been identi?ed (solution dimension, regularity), not all (potential) major progress can be expressed in this framework. Symbolic integration and summation have been in a similar state.

Since 2008, the European Union has been affected by one of the most severe crises in the history of Europe. This book builds on the work of Jurgen Habermas to answer the key question: is Europe strong enough to overcome the recent crisis? Arguing that recovery can only take place if the citizens of Europe regard themselves as members of a socially integrated European society, this volume sets out three conditions for successful European social integration: European citizens mutually respect each other as equals, accepting that all EU citizens should have equal economic, political and social rights. Those citizens objecting to the idea of European equality should not constitute a minority with potential for mobilisation that could impede the ongoing process of European social integration. Europeans act upon their equality beliefs in everyday practice - without differentiating between nationals and EU migrants. Based on a survey carried out in Germany, Spain, Poland and Turkey, the authors argue that the requirements for a socially integrated Europe are largely in place already. Their findings allow for optimism regarding the future of the EU, as the cultural foundations for a democratisation of Europe are laid. This volume develops a theoretical framework of a socially integrated European community, and will be useful for students and scholars of sociology, citizenship studies, social policy, political science and European studies.

Due to globalization processes, foreign language skills, knowledge about other countries and intercultural competences have increasingly become important for societies and people's social positions. Previous research on social inequality, however, has dominantly focused on the reproduction of class structures within the boundaries of a particular nation-state without considering the importance of these specific skills and competences. Within Social Class and Transnational Human Capital authors Gerhards, Hans and Carlson refer to these skills as 'transnational human capital' and ask to what extent access to this increasingly sought-after resource depends on social class. Based on Pierre Bourdieu's theory of class, they investigate this question via both quantitative and qualitative empirical analyses. In doing so the authors focus, among other examples, on the so-called school year abroad, i.e. students spending up to a year abroad while attending school - a practice which is rather popular in Germany, but also quite common in many other countries. Thus, this insightful volume explores how inequalities in the acquisition of transnational human capital and new forms of social distinction are produced within families, depending on their class position and the educational strategies parents pursue when trying to prepare their children for a globalizing world. An enlightening title, this book will appeal to undergraduate and postgraduate students, as well as postdoctoral researchers interested in fields such as sociology, social inequality research, globalization studies and educational studies.

The euro crisis, several sovereign debt crises, the Great Recession, the refugee crisis, and Brexit have all challenged Europeans' willingness to show solidarity with other European citizens and member states of the European Union. European Solidarity in Times of Crisis provides a clear theoretical framework to understand European solidarity for the first time. It offers a systematic empirical approach to determine the strength and causes of European solidarity. The authors distinguish between four domains of solidarity and test a set of theoretically derived criteria with a unique dataset to investigate European solidarity. Based on a survey conducted in thirteen EU member states in 2016, the empirical analysis leads to some unanticipated results. Europeans display a notably higher degree of solidarity than many politicians and social scientists have presumed so far. This especially applies to the support of people in need (welfare solidarity) and the reduction of territorial disparities between rich and poor EU countries (territorial solidarity), but also to the domain of fiscal solidarity (financial support of indebted EU countries). This optimistic view is less true for the domain of refugee solidarity. While citizens of western and southern EU countries accept the accommodation of refugees and their allocation between European countries, the majority of people in eastern European countries do not share this point of view. The book will appeal to students and scholars in fields such as comparative sociology, political science, social policy and migration research, and European studies. It is also relevant to a non-academic audience interested in the development of the European project.

This book constitutes the refereed proceedings of the third Maple Conference, MC 2019, held in Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, in October 2019. The 21 revised full papers and 9 short papers were carefully reviewed and selected out of 37 submissions, one invited paper is also presented in the volume. The papers included in this book cover topics in education, algorithms, and applciations of the mathematical software Maple.

Transnationales Humankapital, beispielsweise in Form von Fremdsprachenkenntnissen und interkulturellen Kompetenzen, ist eine Ressource, die im Rahmen von Globalisierungsprozessen immer bedeutsamer wird und zu neuen sozialen Ungleichheiten fuhrt. Der Band beschaftigt sich im ersten Teil mit den veranderten Makrokontexten und Ideologien, die transnationales Humankapital zu einer bedeutsamen Ressource werden lassen, sowie mit den Institutionen, die dessen Vermittlung insbesondere im Jugend- und jungen Erwachsenenalter dienen. Im zweiten Teil liegt der Schwerpunkt auf den sozial ungleich verteilten Zugangschancen zu transnationalem Humankapital. Im dritten Teil geht es um die moglichen Renditen transnationalen Humankapitals und die dadurch entstehenden Ungleichheiten. Die einzelnen Beitrage nutzen unterschiedlichste qualitative und quantitative Vorgehensweisen und bieten Einsichten aus einer Vielzahl europaischer und nichteuropaischer Lander. "

Die Eurokrise ist eine der schwersten Krisen der EU seit ihrer Grundung. Bei ihrer Losung geht es nicht allein um den Erfolg von konkreten wirtschaftspolitischen Massnahmen, sondern um den Zusammenhalt zwischen den Burgern der verschiedenen Mitgliedslander. Jurgen Gerhards und Holger Lengfeld entwickeln ein Konzept einer sozial integrierten europaischen Gesellschaft, das auf der Annahme beruht, dass sich die EU-Burger unabhangig von ihrer jeweils konkreten nationalen Herkunft als Gleiche anerkennen. Anhand von Daten einer Umfrage aus vier Landern prufen sie, in welchem Masse die Europaer diese Idee einer europaisierten Chancengleichheit unterstutzen oder ob sie weiterhin einem nationalstaatlich geschlossenen Gleichheitskonzept anhangen. Die empirischen Befunde der Studie stimmen optimistisch: Die kulturellen Grundlagen fur ein sozial integriertes Europa scheinen gegeben zu sein, da sich die Burger der Europaischen Union in hohem Masse als Gleiche anerkennen, sich kaum gesellschaftliche Konfliktlinien um die Zubilligung gleicher Rechte fur Burger aus anderen EU-Landern zeigen und die Menschen sich auch in der Alltagspraxis weitgehend an diesen Werten orientieren.

Die Studie versteht sich sowohl als eine empirische Analyse kultureller Modernisierungsprozesse am Beispiel der Entwicklung von Vornamen, als auch als eine Einfuhrung in die Kultursoziologie, die sich kritisch mit den Pramissen des "cultural turn" auseinandersetzt und stattdessen auf klassische Theorien und Methoden der Soziologie zuruckgreift. Am Beispiel der Vergabe von Vornamen lassen sich kulturelle Modernisierungsprozesse empirisch beschreiben und strukturell erklaren: Die traditionellen Ligaturen Familie, Religion und Bindung an die Nation verlieren im Zeitverlauf in der Strukturierung der Vergabe von Vornamen an Bedeutung; Prozesse der Individualisierung und der Globalisierung gewinnen stattdessen an Relevanz.

Die Festschrift fur Friedhelm Neidhardt zum 65. Geburtstag enthalt 20 Beitrage von seinen Kollegen und Schulern. Zwei analytische Perspektiven sind fur die Neidhardtsche Soziologie konstitutiv: Zum einen werden soziale Phanomene nicht (allein) auf die Handlungen von einzelnen Akteuren zuruckgefuhrt, sondern auf die Wechselwirkungen zwischen Akteuren und die sich daraus entfaltende Eigendynamik. Zum anderen fragt Neidhardt in seinen Arbeiten nach Rationalitatskriterien sozialer Prozesse und versucht, die Leistungsfahigkeit von Wissenschaft und Offentlichkeit zur Verbesserung von Rationalitat zu bestimmen. Die Autoren des Bandes greifen diese beiden analytischen Perspektiven auf und untersuchen Prozesse der Eigendynamik in unterschiedlichen gesellschaftlichen Bereichen und fragen nach der Rationalitat sozialer Prozesse.

Liberale und deliberative Modelle politischer OEffentlichkeit formulieren unterschiedliche Gutekriterien im Hinblick auf die Zwecke und die Bedingungen oeffentlicher Kommunikation. Auf der Basis einer systematischen Inhaltsanalyse von zwei Tageszeitungen und einer Befragung von kollektiven Akteuren prufen die Autoren am Beispiel der Abtreibungsdebatte und in welchem Masse die OEffentlichkeit der Bundesrepublik den Normvorstellungen liberaler oder deliberativer Modelle nahekommt. Daruber hinaus formulieren und prufen sie Erklarungen fur ihre deskriptiven Befunde: Aufgrund welcher Bedingungen werden Erwartungen an OEffentlichkeit und oeffentliche Meinungsbildung tatsachlich erfullt oder nicht erfullt? Welche Besonderheiten oeffentlicher Kommunikation bestimmen die Auswahl der Akteure, die zu Wort kommen, das Diskursniveau ihrer Argumente und die Qualitaten dessen, was oeffentliche Meinung darstellt?

Welche Merkmale kennzeichnen den Beruf des Kunstlers? Welche Konflikte gibt es innerhalb eines Opernorchesters? Welchen Einfluss haben Galeristen auf die Vermittlung von Kunst? Welche Rollen spielen die Massenmedien in der Prasentation von Kunst in der Offentlichkeit? Wie unterscheiden sich soziale Schichten in der Rezeption von Kunst? Dies sind einige der Fragen, die in diesem Buch beantwortet werden. Im ersten Teil des Bandes werden verschiedene soziologische Theorien der Analyse von Kunst vorgestellt. Der zweite Abschnitt ist dann der Analyse der Vergesellschaftung der Kunstproduzenten gewidmet, wahrend im dritten Teil die Vermittler und Markte von Kunst in verschiedenen empirischen Fallstudien beschrieben werden. Der Band schliesst mit einem Kapitel, das der Analyse der Rezipienten von Kunst gewidmet ist.

Wie werden Themen zu oeffentlich diskutierten Themen? Welche Strukturbedingungen und welche Deutungsmuster sind fur eine Mobilisierung von OEffentlichkeit bedeutsam? Im ersten Teil dieses Buches wird ein theoretisches Modell oeffentlicher Meinungsbildung entwickelt, das eine systemtheoretische Bestimmung von OEffentlichkeit als ein intermediares System mit der Theorie sozialer Konfliktlinien verbindet. Dieses theoretische Modell wird dann am Beispiel des oeffentlichen Diskurses uber die IWF-Tagung in Berlin 1988 in Form einer Mehrebenenanalyse plausibilisiert. Dazu werden verschiedene empirische Analysen (quantivative Inhaltsanalyse der Medienberichterstattung, Auswertung von Bevoelkerungsumfragen, Diskursanalyse von Flugblattern und parlamentarischen Protokollen u. a.) miteinander in Beziehung gesetzt.