All the Way with LBJ mines an extraordinarily rich but underutilized source - the full range of LBJ tapes - to analyze the 1964 presidential campaign and the political culture of the mid-1960s. The president achieved a smashing victory over a divided Republican Party, which initially considered Henry Cabot Lodge II, then U.S. ambassador to South Vietnam, before nominating Barry Goldwater, who used many of the themes that later worked for Republicans - a Southern strategy, portraying the Democrats as soft on defense, raising issues such as crime and personal ethics. Johnson countered with what he called a "frontlash" strategy, appealing to moderate and liberal GOP suburbanites, but he failed to create a new, permanent Democratic majority for the post-civil rights era. The work's themes - the impact of race on the political process, the question of politicians' personal and political ethics, and the tensions between politics and public policy - continue to resonate.

All the Way with LBJ mines an extraordinarily rich but underutilized source - the full range of LBJ tapes - to analyze the 1964 presidential campaign and the political culture of the mid-1960s. The president achieved a smashing victory over a divided Republican Party, which initially considered Henry Cabot Lodge II, then US ambassador to South Vietnam, before nominating Barry Goldwater, who used many of the themes that later worked for Republicans - a Southern strategy, portraying the Democrats as soft on defence, raising issues such as crime and personal ethics. Johnson countered with what he called a 'frontlash' strategy, appealing to moderate and liberal GOP suburbanites, but he failed to create a new, permanent Democratic majority for the post-civil rights era. The work's themes - the impact of race on the political process, the question of politicians' personal and political ethics, and the tensions between politics and public policy - continue to resonate.

The first historical interpretation of the congressional response to the entire Cold War. Using a wide variety of sources, including several manuscript collections opened specifically for this study, the book challenges the popular and scholarly image of a weak Cold War Congress, in which the unbalanced relationship between the legislative and executive branches culminated in the escalation of the U.S. commitment in Vietnam, which in turn paved the way for a congressional resurgence best symbolized by the passage of the War Powers Act in 1973. Instead, understanding the congressional response to the Cold War requires a more flexible conception of the congressional role in foreign policy, focused on three facets of legislative power: the use of spending measures; the internal workings of a Congress increasingly dominated by subcommittees; and the ability of individual legislators to affect foreign affairs by changing the way that policymakers and the public considered international questions.

This intensively researched volume covers a previously neglected aspect of American history: the foreign policy perspective of the peace progressives, a bloc of dissenters in the U.S. Senate, between 1913 and 1935. "The Peace Progressives and American Foreign Relations" is the first full-length work to focus on these senators during the peak of their collective influence. Robert David Johnson shows that in formulating an anti-imperialist policy, the peace progressives advanced the left-wing alternative to the Wilsonian agenda.

The experience of World War I, and in particular Wilson's postwar peace settlement, unified the group behind the idea that the United States should play an active world role as the champion of weaker states. Senators Asle Gronna of North Dakota, Robert La Follette and John Blaine of Wisconsin, and William Borah of Idaho, among others, argued that this anti-imperialist vision would reconcile American ideals not only with the country's foreign policy obligations but also with American economic interests. In applying this ideology to both inter-American and European affairs, the peace progressives emerged as the most powerful opposition to the business-oriented internationalism of the decade's Republican administrations, while formulating one of the most comprehensive critiques of American foreign policy ever to emerge from Congress.

Thrust into the presidency by the assassination of John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson immediately confronted the twin challenges of leading a nation in mourning while ensuring the continuity of government. As one of his first acts, Johnson ordered a secret taping system installed in the White House and began recording his telephone conversations. This three-volume boxed set continues the University of Virginia's Miller Center of Public Affairs's acclaimed Presidential Recordings series, covering the time period between February 1, 1964, and May 31, 1964. During these dramatic months, LBJ launched his War on Poverty, questioned the viability of the U.S. policy in Vietnam, and deftly managed the progress of a historic civil rights bill through Congress.

Ernest Gruening is perhaps best known for his vehement fight against U.S. military involvement in Vietnam, where he set himself apart by casting one of two votes against the Tonkin Gulf Resolution in 1964. However, as Robert Johnson shows in this political biography, it's Gruening's sixty-year public career in its entirety that provides an opportunity for historians to explore continuity and change in dissenting thought, on both domestic and international affairs, in twentieth-century America.

Gruening's outlook on domestic affairs took shape in the intellectual milieu of Progressive-era Boston, where he first devoted attention to foreign affairs in crusades against aggressive U.S. policies toward Haiti and Mexico. In the late 1920s, he was appointed editor of a reform newspaper in Portland, Maine, and moved from there to "The Nation." By the early 1930s he had built a national reputation as an expert on Latin American affairs, prompting Franklin Roosevelt to appoint him chief U.S. policymaker for Puerto Rico. In 1939, Roosevelt named Gruening governor of Alaska, where for fourteen years he played a key role in the political development of the territory. In 1958 Alaskan voters elected him to the U.S. Senate, where he articulated a dissenting outlook in inter-American affairs, foreign aid policy, and the relationship between the federal government, the economy, and the issue of monopoly.

Throughout his life, Gruening struggled to reconcile his ideological perspective, which drew on dissenting ideas long embedded in American history, with a desire for political effectiveness.