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Books > Humanities > History > Asian / Middle Eastern history
Thinking through anti, post, and decolonial theories, this book
examines, analyses, and conceptualises 'visibly Muslim' Lebanese
women's lived experiences of discrimination, assault, wounding, and
erasure. Based on in-depth research alongside over 100 Sunni and
Shia participant between 2017 and 2019 it situates these
experiences at the intersection of the local and the global and
argues for their conceptualisation as a form of structural and
lived anti-Muslim racism. In doing this, it discusses the
convergences and divergences of anti-Muslim racism in Lebanon with
anti-Muslim racism in other parts of both the global north and the
global south. It examines the production of this racialisation as
well as its workings across spheres of public, private, work, and
state - including an analysis of internalised self-hate. It further
explores various forms of resistance and negotiation and the
contemporary possibilities and impossibilities of working beyond
the epistemic framework of Eurocentric modernity. As the first
in-depth and extensive study of anti-Muslim racism within
Muslim-majority and Arab-majority spaces, it offers an urgent and
timely redress to multiple gaps and biases in the study of the
Muslim-majority and Arab-majority worlds as well as racialisation
broadly and Islamophobia specifically.
Little known in America but venerated as a martyr in Iran, Howard
Baskerville was a twenty-two-year-old Christian missionary from
South Dakota who traveled to Persia (modern-day Iran) in 1907 for a
two-year stint teaching English and preaching the gospel. He
arrived in the midst of a democratic revolution-the first of its
kind in the Middle East-led by a group of brilliant young
firebrands committed to transforming their country into a fully
self-determining, constitutional monarchy, one with free elections
and an independent parliament. The Persian students Baskerville
educated in English in turn educated him about their struggle for
democracy, ultimately inspiring him to leave his teaching post and
join them in their fight against a tyrannical shah and his British
and Russian backers. "The only difference between me and these
people is the place of my birth," Baskerville declared, "and that
is not a big difference." In 1909, Baskerville was killed in battle
alongside his students, but his martyrdom spurred on the
revolutionaries who succeeded in removing the shah from power,
signing a new constitution, and rebuilding parliament in Tehran. To
this day, Baskerville's tomb in the city of Tabriz remains a place
of pilgrimage. Every year, thousands of Iranians visit his grave to
honor the American who gave his life for Iran. In this rip-roaring
tale of his life and death, Aslan gives us a powerful parable about
the universal ideals of democracy-and to what degree Americans are
willing to support those ideals in a foreign land. Woven throughout
is an essential history of the nation we now know as
Iran-frequently demonized and misunderstood in the West. Indeed,
Baskerville's life and death represent a "road not taken" in Iran.
Baskerville's story, like his life, is at the center of a whirlwind
in which Americans must ask themselves: How seriously do we take
our ideals of constitutional democracy and whose freedom do we
support?
While a positive correlation between capitalism and democracy has
existed in Western Europe and North America, the example of
late-industrializing nations such as Turkey has demonstrated that
the two need not always go hand in hand, and sometimes the
interests of business coincide more firmly with anti-democratic
forces. This book explores the factors that compelled capitalists
in Turkey to adopt a more pro-democratic ideology by examining a
leading Turkish business lobby (TUESIAD) which has been pushing for
democratic reform since the 1990s, despite representing some of the
largest corporation owners in Turkey and having supported the
state's authoritarian tendencies in the past such as the military
coup of 1980. Drawing on roughly 70 interviews with influential
members of TUESIAD and individuals close to them, the book reveals
that business leaders were willing to break away from the state due
to the conflict between their evolving economic needs and power
with a political elite and state that were unwilling to cater to
their demands. In so doing, the book provides a rich account of
business-state relations in Turkey as well as providing a case
study for the wider study of democracy and capitalism in developing
nations.
The importance of the region that is recognised today as Saudi
Arabia (with its neighbours) can hardly be underestimated, let
alone overlooked by the rest of the world, not merely because of
its geographical location and religious significance to a large
segment of the world's population due to the location of Islam's
two holiest shrines in Makkah and al-Madinah, and for economic and
political reasons too, for it has the world's largest known
reserves of energy. This book attempts to trace and explain the
rise, fall - then rise and fall again - and rise of the Saudi
polity in the Arabian Peninsula, and explores the role played
throughout these evengts by Shaykh Muhammad bin Abdal-Wahhab and
his 'Call' for religious and social reform. Not since the writings
of Philby five decades ago has a book exploring the history of such
a politically important and sensitive region, and in such a
comprehensive and academic manner, appeared on the scene. Supported
by maps and illustrations, and written by an insider who has
resided in the Kingdom for over four decades, the book is a
fascinating eye-opener and historical reference, bringing almost
all the known original indigenous Arabic and other source material
into full purview.
The six-month siege of Khe Sanh in 1968 was the largest, most
intense battle of the Vietnam War. For six thousand trapped U.S.
Marines, it was a nightmare; for President Johnson, an obsession.
For General Westmoreland, it was to be the final vindication of
technological weaponry; for General Giap, architect of the French
defeat at Dien Bien Phu, it was a spectacular ruse masking troops
moving south for the Tet offensive. With a new introduction by Mark
Bowden-best-selling author of Hu? 1968-Robert Pisor's immersive
narrative of the action at Khe Sanh is a timely reminder of the
human cost of war, and a visceral portrait of Vietnam's fiercest
and most epic close-quarters battle. Readers may find the politics
and the tactics of the Vietnam War, as they played out at Khe Sahn
fifty years ago, echoed in our nation's global incursions today.
Robert Pisor sets forth the history, the politics, the strategies,
and, above all, the desperate reality of the battle that became the
turning point of U.S. involvement in Vietnam.
In a gripping, moment-by-moment narrative based on a wealth of
recently declassified documents and in-depth interviews, Bob Drury
and Tom Clavin tell the remarkable drama that unfolded over the
final, heroic hours of the Vietnam War. This closing chapter of the
war would become the largest-scale evacuation ever carried out, as
improvised by a small unit of Marines, a vast fleet of helicopter
pilots flying nonstop missions beyond regulation, and a Marine
general who vowed to arrest any officer who ordered his choppers
grounded while his men were still on the ground.
Drury and Clavin focus on the story of the eleven young Marines who
were the last men to leave, rescued from the U.S. Embassy roof just
moments before capture, having voted to make an Alamo-like last
stand. As politicians in Washington struggled to put the best face
on disaster and the American ambassador refused to acknowledge that
the end had come, these courageous men held their ground and helped
save thousands of lives. Drury and Clavin deliver a taut and
stirring account of a turning point in American history that
unfolds with the heartstopping urgency of the best thrillers--a
riveting true story finally told, in full, by those who lived it.
What role does Qatar play in the Middle East, and how does it
differ from the other Gulf states? How has the ruling Al-Thani
family shaped Qatar from a traditional tribal society and British
protectorate to a modern state? How has Qatar become an economic
superpower with one of the highest per-capita incomes in the world?
What are the social, political, and economic consequences of
Qatar's extremely rapid development? In this groundbreaking history
of modern Qatar, Allen J. Fromherz analyzes the country's crucial
role in the Middle East and its growing regional influence within a
broader historical context. Drawing on original sources in Arabic,
English, and French as well as his own fieldwork in the Middle
East, the author deftly traces the influence of the Ottoman and
British Empires and Qatar's Gulf neighbors prior to Qatar's
meteoric rise in the post-independence era. Fromherz gives
particular weight to the nation's economic and social history, from
its modest origins in the pearling and fishing industries to the
considerable economic clout it exerts today, a clout that comes
from having the region's second-highest natural gas reserves. He
also looks at what the future holds for Qatar's economy as the
country tries to diversify beyond oil and gas. The book further
examines the paradox of Qatar where monarchy, traditional tribal
culture, and conservative Islamic values appear to coexist with
ultramodern development and a large population of foreign workers
who outnumber Qatari citizens. This book is as unique as the
country it documents-a multifaceted picture of the political,
cultural, religious, social, and economic makeup of modern Qatar
and its significance within the Gulf Cooperation Council and the
wider region.
Nahr has been confined to the Cube: nine square metres of glossy grey cinderblock, devoid of time, its patterns of light and dark nothing to do with day and night. Journalists visit her, but get nowhere; because Nahr is not going to share her story with them.
The world outside calls Nahr a terrorist, and a whore; some might call her a revolutionary, or a hero. But the truth is, Nahr has always been many things, and had many names. She was a girl who learned, early and painfully, that when you are a second class citizen love is a kind of desperation; she learned, above all else, to survive. She was a girl who went to Palestine in the wrong shoes, and without looking for it found what
she had always lacked in the basement of a battered beauty parlour: purpose, politics, friends. She found a dark-eyed man called Bilal, who taught her to resist; who tried to save her when it was already too late.
Nahr sits in the Cube, and tells her story to Bilal. Bilal, who isn't there; Bilal, who may not even be alive, but who is her only reason to get out.
How did the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution affect everyone's
lives? Why did people re/negotiate their identities to adopt
revolutionary roles and duties? How did people, who lived with
different self-understandings and social relations, inevitably
acquire and practice revolutionary identities, each in their own
light?This book plunges into the contexts of these concerns to seek
different relations that reveal the Revolution's different
meanings. Furthermore, this book shows that scholars of the
Cultural Revolution encountered emotional and intellectual
challenges as they cared about the real people who owned an
identity resource that could trigger an imagined thread of
solidarity in their minds.The authors believe that the Revolution's
magnitude and pervasive scope always resulted in individualized
engagements that have significant and differing consequences for
those struggling in their micro-context. It has impacted a future
with unpredictable collective implications in terms of ethnicity,
gender, memory, scholarship, or career. The Cultural Revolution is,
therefore, an evolving relation beneath the rise of China that will
neither fade away nor sanction integrative paths.
Iran and a French Empire of Trade examines the understudied topic
of Franco-Persian relations in the long eighteenth century to
highlight how rising tensions among Eurasian empires and
revolutions in the Atlantic world were profoundly intertwined.
Conflicts between Persia, Turkey, India and Russia, and European
weapons-dealing with these empires occurred against a backdrop of
climate change and food insecurities that destabilized markets.
Takeda shows how the French state relied on "entrepreneurial
imperialism" to extend commercial activities eastwards beyond the
Mediterranean during this time, from Louis XIV's reign to Napoleon
Bonaparte's First Empire. Organized as a collection of
microhistories, her study showcases a colourful set of
characters-rogue merchants from Marseille, a gambling house madam,
a naturalized Greek-French drogman, and a bi-cultural
Genevan-Persian consul, among others-to demonstrate how individuals
on the fringes of French society spearheaded projects to foster
ties between France and Persia. Considering the Enlightenment as a
product of a connected world, Takeda investigates how
trans-imperial adventurers, merchants, consuls, and informants
negotiated treaties, traded commodities and arms, transferred
knowledge, and introduced industrial practices from Asia to Europe.
And she shows the surprising ways in which Enlightenment debates
about regime changes from the Safavid to Qajar dynasties and
Persia's borderland wars shaped French ideas about revolution and
policies related to empire-building.
THE NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER Shortlisted for the 2020 Cundill
History Prize 'Riveting and original ... a work enriched by solid
scholarship, vivid personal experience, and acute appreciation of
the concerns and aspirations of the contending parties in this
deeply unequal conflict ' Noam Chomsky The twentieth century for
Palestine and the Palestinians has been a century of denial: denial
of statehood, denial of nationhood and denial of history. The
Hundred Years War on Palestine is Rashid Khalidi's powerful
response. Drawing on his family archives, he reclaims the
fundamental right of any people: to narrate their history on their
own terms. Beginning in the final days of the Ottoman Empire,
Khalidi reveals nascent Palestinian nationalism and the broad
recognition by the early Zionists of the colonial nature of their
project. These ideas and their echoes defend Nakba - the
Palestinian term for the establishment of the state of Israel - the
cession of the West Bank and Gaza to Jordan and Egypt, the Six Day
War and the occupation. Moving through these critical moments,
Khalidi interweaves the voices of journalists, poets and resistance
leaders with his own accounts as a child of a UN official and a
resident of Beirut during the 1982 seige. The result is a
profoundly moving account of a hundred-year-long war of occupation,
dispossession and colonialisation.
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