This book explores the debate and politicisation of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations in the Spanish, French and British public spheres. It addresses the questions of how and to what extent the national media discourses about TTIP were Europeanised, and how this type ofEuropeanisation contributes to the democratic legitimacy of the EU. The author argues that the politicisation of TTIP should be seen as a symptom of the 'normal' politics of a democratic polity, as it enlarges the political arena by embedding European issues into national political debates. Demands for 'Another Europe is Possible' empower rather than hinder the legitimacy of the EU.

Globalisation, regionalisation, new technology, demography, voters' expectations and re-structuring of societies are expected to influence welfare state development for years to come. This handbook analyses how different welfare state models and regimes will be able to cope with contemporary and future challenges, providing a variety of evidence based tools that make it essential reading for students, researchers and policy makers alike.

This book addresses some of the most pressing questions of our time: Is democracy threatened by globalisation? Is there a legitimacy crisis in contemporary democracies? Is the welfare state in individual countries under pressure from global trends? What are the implications of high-level migration and rising populism for democracy? Does authoritarianism pose a challenge? The volume builds on a cross-cultural study of democracy conducted by the Transformation Research Unit (TRU) at Stellenbosch University in South Africa for nearly twenty years. Three of the countries studied - South Africa, Turkey and Poland - receive individual attention as their respective democracies appear to be the most vulnerable at present. Germany, Sweden, Chile, South Korea and Taiwan are assessed in their regional contexts. Further insights are gained by examining the impact on democracy of the global screen culture of Television and the Internet, and by pointing out the lessons democracy should learn from diplomacy to fare better in the future. The book will appeal to both students and practitioners of democracy as well as the general reader.

This book critically interrogates the neoliberal peacebuilding and statebuilding model and proposes a popular progressive model centred around the lived realities of African societies. The neoliberal interventionist model assumed prominence and universal hegemony following the demise of state socialism at the end of the Cold War. However, this book argues that it is a primarily short-term, top-down approach that imposes Western norms and values on conflict and post-conflict societies. By contrast, the popular progressive model espoused by this book is based on stringent examination and analysis of the reality of the socio-economic development, structures, institutions, politics and cultures of developing societies. In doing so, it combines bottom-up and top-down, popular and elite, and long-term evolutionary processes of societal construction as a requisite for enduring peacebuilding and statebuilding. By comparing and contrasting the dominant neoliberal peacebuilding and statebuilding model with a popular progressive model, the book seeks to empower locals (both elites and masses) to sit in the driver's seat and construct their own societies. As such, it is an important contribution to scholars, activists, policymakers, civil society organisations, NGOs and all those who are concerned with peace, stability and development across Africa and other developing countries.

During the next few years, most European and World cities will be developing urban agendas. Materials published on the subject have been relatively scarce until now. This edited volume introduces a case study implementation of the European Urban Agenda (EUA) in a cross-border region in the Iberian Peninsula between Spain (Galicia) and Portugal. It explores the implementation of a number of urban core principles in two distinctive regions, serving as the basis for a comparative analysis on how such galvanizing principles work, contained in the EUA. The case presented in this edited volume is the first cross-border urban agenda to be drafted. It is a unique piece that contributes to our understanding of the complexities of implementing and translating a common set of urban European principles to variety of different local milieus. The chapters of the book closely examine the various strands of the implementation of urban policies through the lenses of land use, economic competition, innovation, culture and creative industries, energy, ecology, demographic challenges, housing, social inclusion and democratic governance. These chapters are written by international renowned scholars who were involved in the drawing up of the urban agenda for this territory. The ideas, principles and concepts that they impart can be extrapolated to most cities.

The profound transformations that preceded the downfall of Communism originated in Poland and Hungary, but played out in strikingly different ways. Hungary led through economic reform, Poland through open political struggle. Analysis of these transformational variants yields important insights into systemic change, marketization, and democratization. This book shows how these changes were possible in authoritarian regimes as, over time, state and society became mutually vulnerable, neither fully able to dictate the terms of engagement. For Poland this meant principled confrontation; for Hungary, innovative accommodation. This book argues that different conceptual frameworks and strategies of persuasion account for these divergences in virtually identical institutional settings. Seleny traces the different political-institutional residues which, in both Hungary and Poland, now function as constraining or enabling legacies. In particular, she demonstrates that state socialist legacies account for salient differences between these two new capitalist democracies, and now condition their prospects in the European Union.

From the "Great Arab Revolt" against Ottoman rule in World War I to the upheavals of the Arab Spring, this text analyzes a century of modern Arab history through the lens of three intertwined notions: the idea of a single Arab nation, the reality of multiple Arab states, and the competition between them over both concrete and symbolic interests. These concepts are presented against the background of Great Power involvement in the region, regional issues such as the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Iran-Iraq war, and the rise of political Islam. The evolution of regional Arab politics is examined from its infancy at the beginning of the 20th century to the profound challenges posed by the upheavals of the Arab Spring, and through the emergence of multiple Arab states organized under the League of Arab States, the pan-Arab heyday of Gamal Abdel Nasser between 1955 and 1967, and the subsequent consolidation of a multi-polar Arab state system. This history highlights the changing nature of modern Arab identity, the achievements and shortcomings of Arab state formation processes, and the influence of enduring communal, tribal, religious and ethnic identities on the modern Arab order. Altogether, these factors help explain contemporary Arab realities and why the Arab nationalist dream of achieving power and prosperity in line with an idealized image of the past, has proven elusive. This failure, in turn, has fueled both the recent upheavals and limited the prospects for successful outcomes. This broad and readable synthesis covers the political, economic, social, and cultural history of the Arab region. By reexamining what "being Arab" means today, politically and culturally, it will be a valuable text to students seeking to understand the modern Middle East.

The second edition of this popular textbook combines coverage of public policies in different countries with the conceptual and methodological frameworks for analysing them. This new edition pays particular attention to the international contexts of ideas, interests and institutions in which decision makers operate. In addition, it considers the bilateral, multilateral and transnational aspects of policy-making in today's interconnected world. This is a core text for introductory modules on undergraduate and postgraduate public policy, public management and public administration programmes. In addition, it will be useful for those courses that take a comparative approach to specific policy areas such as welfare, health and education. With a focus on enabling students to draw their own comparisons, it is the ideal choice for lecturers across the world. New to this Edition: - New and improved chapter structure places conceptual discussion before the empirical analysis, leading to a stronger emphasis on big picture questions throughout - Increased attention to contemporary relevant policy issues such as migration, climate change and security - Quantitative and descriptive data has been systematically updated

From childcare to healthcare to provision for the elderly and the homeless, the Nordic countries are world leaders in organising society - no wonder Finland has been ranked among the happiest places on the planet. In The Nordic Theory of Everything, Finnish journalist and US immigrant Anu Partanen sets out to understand why America - and much of the Western world - suffers from such stark inequality and struggling social services. Filled with fascinating insights, advice and practical solutions, she makes a convincing argument that we can rebuild society, rekindle optimism and become more autonomous citizens by following in the footsteps of our neighbours to the North.

This book reflects on the rapid rise of social media across the African continent and the legal and extra-legal efforts governments have invented to try to contain it. The relentless growth of social media platforms in Africa has provided the means of resistance, self-expression, and national self-fashioning for the continent's restlessly energetic and contagiously creative youth. This has provided a profound challenge to the African "gatekeeper state", which has often responded with strategies to constrict and constrain the rhetorical luxuriance of the social media and digital sphere. Drawing on cases from across the continent, contributors explore the form and nature of social media and government censorship, often via antisocial media laws, or less overt tactics such as state cybersurveillance, spyware attacks on social media activists, or the artful deployment of the rhetoric of "fake news" as a smokescreen to muzzle critical voices. The book also reflects on the Chinese influence in African governments' clampdown on social media and the role of Israeli NSO Group Technologies, as well as the tactics and technologies which activists and users are deploying to resist or circumvent social media censorship. Drawing on a range of methodologies and disciplinary approaches, this book will be an important contribution to researchers with an interest in social media activism, digital rebellion, discursive democracy in transitional societies, censorship on the Internet, and Africa more broadly.

The project of European integration has undergone a succession of shocks, beginning with the Eurozone crisis, followed by reactions to the sudden growth of irregular migration, and, most recently, the coronavirus pandemic. These shocks have politicised questions related to the governance of borders and markets that for decades had been beyond the realm of contestation. For some time, these questions have been spilling over into domestic and European electoral politics, with the rise of "populist" and Eurosceptic parties. Increasingly, however, the crises have begun to reshape the liberal narratives that have been central to the European project. This book charts the rise of contestation over the meaning of "Europe", particularly in light of the coronavirus crisis and Brexit. Drawing together cutting edge, interdisciplinary scholarship from across the continent, it questions not merely the traditional conflict between European and nationalist politics, but the impact of contestation on the assumed "cosmopolitan" values of Europe.

The book is the first systematic and comparative effort to capture political culture in the Baltic countries, including political orientation and support for democracy. Revolving around public opinion data from the 1990s and onwards, including two recent surveys commissioned by the authors, the book takes stock of the political climate prevailing in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania a quarter of a century after reclaiming independence and fifteen years after becoming members of NATO and the EU. These three countries share the same geopolitical fate and many contemporary challenges, and yet each has been marked by their own transitions and struggles between nation building and European integration, Western and post-Soviet orientations, and past experience and future aspirations.

The Yugoslav break up and conflict have given rise to a considerable literature offering dramatically different interpretations of what happened. But just how do the various interpretations relate to each other? This ambitious new book by Sabrina Ramet, an eminent commentator on recent Balkan politics and history, reviews and analyses more than 130 books about the troubled region and compares their accounts, theories, and interpretations of events. Ramet surveys the major debates which divide the field, alternative accounts of the causes of Yugoslavia's violent collapse, and the scholarly debates concerning humanitarian intervention. Rival accounts are presented side by side for easy comparison. Thinking about Yugoslavia examines books on Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Kosovo which were published in English, German, Serbian/Croatian/Bosnian, and Italian, thus offering the English-speaking reader a unique insight into the controversies.

Immigration phobia is a paradoxical global phenomenon: neither theories that link conflict to symbolic and realistic threats, nor the 'contact hypothesis' can systematically explain intense anti-migrant alarmism and exclusionism toward marginally small migrant minorities. Through a careful comparative study of immigration attitudes in the Russian Far East, the EU, and the United States, this book is the first to demonstrate that concerns about national identity and economic interests associated with migration are themselves ignited by a unique perceptual logic of the security dilemma. Regression analysis and case studies trace support for expulsion of migrants to human yearning for pre-emptive self-defense under uncertainty. Alarmism and hostility arise from ambiguities about immigration consequences and migrants' motivations. Framing migration as a national security problem is therefore logical, but counterproductive. The book instead recommends managing migration through economic incentives and new institutions at the global, national, and local level.

The past three decades since the end of the Cold War have been a time of remarkable change for Southeast Asia. Long seen as an arena for superpower rivalry, Southeast Asia is increasingly coming into its own by locating itself at the forefront of regional integration initiatives that involve not only the states of the region, but major external powers such as the United States, China, India, Japan, and Australia. Extensively updated and revised in light of these changes and developments, this fifth edition of Dictionary of the Modern Politics of Southeast Asia remains indispensable. This new edition starts with profiles of each Southeast Asian country, before providing over 500 alphabetically arranged individual entries, each containing detailed accounts and analyses of major episodes and treaties, political parties and institutions, civil society movements, and regional and international organizations. Biographies of significant political leaders and personalities, both past and present, are also provided. Entries are comprehensively cross-referenced, and an index by country directs readers to all entries concerning a particular country. The Dictionary concludes with an extensive bibliography that serves as a guide to further reading. An essential one-stop reference book, this book is an indispensable tool for all scholars and students of Asian politics and international affairs, and a vital resource for journalists, diplomats, policy makers, and others with an interest in the region.

The past three decades since the end of the Cold War have been a time of remarkable change for Southeast Asia. Long seen as an arena for superpower rivalry, Southeast Asia is increasingly coming into its own by locating itself at the forefront of regional integration initiatives that involve not only the states of the region, but major external powers such as the United States, China, India, Japan, and Australia. Extensively updated and revised in light of these changes and developments, this fifth edition of Dictionary of the Modern Politics of Southeast Asia remains indispensable. This new edition starts with profiles of each Southeast Asian country, before providing over 500 alphabetically arranged individual entries, each containing detailed accounts and analyses of major episodes and treaties, political parties and institutions, civil society movements, and regional and international organizations. Biographies of significant political leaders and personalities, both past and present, are also provided. Entries are comprehensively cross-referenced, and an index by country directs readers to all entries concerning a particular country. The Dictionary concludes with an extensive bibliography that serves as a guide to further reading. An essential one-stop reference book, this book is an indispensable tool for all scholars and students of Asian politics and international affairs, and a vital resource for journalists, diplomats, policy makers, and others with an interest in the region.

The economic and political conditions that have led to the rise of radical right parties exist in similar form and intensity all over Europe. Yet, radical right parties have only been successful in a few countries. The Republikaner party's less than 2 per cent of the vote is much lower than the National Front's high of 15 per cent and the Freedom Party's 27 per cent of the vote in national legislative elections. Why do such a small percentage of voters choose the radical right in Germany? Why is the radical right winning more seats in Austria than in France and Germany? The main argument in this book is that radical right parties will have difficulty attracting voters and winning seats in electoral systems that encourage strategic voting and/or strategic coordination by the mainstream parties. The analysis demonstrates that electoral systems and party strategy play a key role in the success of the radical right.

Political uncertainty and instability characterise many regions around the world and, increasingly, can be observed in more established democracies. The COVID-19 pandemic, national and international tensions, and the proliferation of autocratic, chauvinist, and, at the most extreme, fascist forces around the world all contribute to turbulent political times. Such environments constitute tremendous challenges, but also opportunities for scholars to contribute to an understanding of processes in the political market, using the lens of political branding theories. Authors from various disciplinary backgrounds, including social psychology, marketing, and media and communications, provide commentaries and analyses of branding processes in different national contexts, all characterised by tensions and challenges. The topical and provocative content of the chapters, all focusing on recent political events and phenomena in the political arena, should appeal to researchers, branding practitioners, politicians, and members of the public seeking to deepen their understanding of current events and political branding concepts.

In the international political economy of the last two millennia, there tends to be one state leading the world as the foremost producer of energy and new technology. In Racing to the Top, William R. Thompson and Leila Zakhirova argue that the US and China, like previous leading countries, rely on energy transition, or the development of alternative energy, in order to make new technology relatively inexpensive to develop and to fuel. While the US has historically held the lead, its edge in the global energy economy appears to be eroding, and as energy leadership diminishes, so does the country's position in world politics. Thompson and Zakhirova take a long view in order to show what will be necessary for a new power to emerge as the system leader, then map a path forward for energy policy. Informed by a deep knowledge of world history, political economy, and environmental technology, this book is the first complete overview of energy transitions over the past thousand years.

For over a hundred years, millions of Americans have joined together to fight a common enemy by campaigning against diseases. In Common Enemies, Rachel Kahn Best asks why disease campaigns have dominated a century of American philanthropy and health policy and how the fixation on diseases shapes efforts to improve lives. Combining quantitative and qualitative analyses in an unprecedented history of disease politics, Best shows that to achieve consensus, disease campaigns tend to neglect stigmatized diseases and avoid controversial goals. But despite their limitations, disease campaigns do not crowd out efforts to solve other problems. Instead, they teach Americans to give and volunteer and build up public health infrastructure, bringing us together to solve problems and improve our lives.

This book sets out to explain the variation in nations' reactions to their defeats in war. Typically, we observe two broad reactions to defeat: an inward-oriented response that accepts defeat as a reality and utilizes it as an opportunity for a new beginning, and an outward-oriented one that rejects defeat and invests national energies in restoring what was lost-most likely by force. This volume argues that although defeats in wars are humiliating experiences, those sentiments do not necessarily trigger aggressive nationalism, empower radical parties, and create revisionist foreign policy. Post-defeat, radicalization will be actualized only if it is filtered through three variables: national self-images (inflated or realistic), political parties (strong or weak), and international opportunities and constraints. The author tests this theory on four detailed case studies, Egypt (1967), Turkey/Ottoman Empire, Hungary and Bulgaria (WWI), and Islamic fundamentalism.

This book provides a comparative historical study of the rise and evolution of anti-colonial movements in South Africa and Israel/Palestine. It focuses on the ways in which major political movements and activists conceptualised their positions vis-a-vis historical processes of colonial settlement and indigenous resistance over the last century. Drawing on a range of primary sources, the author engages with theoretical debates involving key actors operating in their own time and space. Using a comparative framework, the book illustrates common and divergent patterns of political and ideological contestations and focuses on the relevance of debates about race and class, state and power, ethnicity and nationalism. Particular attention is given to South Africa and Israel/Palestine's links to global campaigns to undermine foreign domination and internal oppression, tensions between the quests for national liberation and equality of rights, the role of dissidents from within the ranks of settler communities, and the various attempts to consolidate indigenous resistance internally while forging alliances with other social and political forces on the outside. This book will be of interest to scholars in the fields of African History, Middle East History, and African Studies, and to social justice and solidarity activists globally.

This book examines the national legal frameworks in place for internally displaced people in Nigeria and considers how they can be extended to provide further legal protection.

Despite a growing global awareness of the importance of developing solutions to the problem of internal displacement, how that translates to national level response is often under-researched. This book focuses on Nigeria, where conflict and violence continue to drive high levels of displacement. The book begins by examining the definitions and causes of internal displacement in the national context, before considering the state of national law, and the applicability of the Kampala Convention for furthering protection and assistance for internally displaced persons.

This book will be of interest to researchers of African studies and internal displacement, as well as to policy makers, civil society organizations, humanitarian actors and other regional and international stakeholders.

Table of Contents

Chapter 1. Context

1.1 Introduction

1.2 Migrants, Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons: Clarification

1.3 The Essence of Law

1.4 Sources of Nigerian Law

1.5 Scope and Objective

Chapter 2. Internal Displacement in Nigeria

2.1 Introduction

2.2 Definition

2.3 Causes

2.4 Conclusion

Chapter 3. Applicable Frameworks on Internally Displaced Persons in Nigeria

3.1 Introduction

3.2 The 1999 Nigerian Constitution

3.3 Relevant Legal Frameworks

3.4 Legal Stopgap: the Kampala Convention as supplementary law

3.5 Conclusion

Chapter 4. Reflection on the National Policy on internally displaced persons, 2021

4.1 Introduction

4.2 Brief background

4.3 The Policy framework

4.4 Conclusion

Chapter 5. Conclusion

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The issue of increasing migration is still relevant even after years of international efforts to address and stabilize the socio-economic increase in migration in the European context. The media are still the main source of information on distant topics, including the migration crisis, and are a mediator of people's access to social reality. Media discourses about migrants are essential for the public to form implicit attitudes towards them and can thus negatively influence the process of integration of refugees in the EU and contribute to strengthening prejudices among citizens. The publication presents a transdisciplinary view of the issue in the Trans-European context, i.e. in an area that has historically served as a buffer zone of migratory pressures.