Bombing its way into the headlines of the early 1970s, the Weather Underground was one of the most dramatic symbols of the anger felt by young Americans opposed to the US presence in Vietnam. Mauled in street battles with the Chicago police during the Days of Rage demonstrations, Weather concluded that traditional political protest was insufficient to end the war. They turned instead to underground guerrilla combat. In this highly readable history, Ron Jacobs captures the hair-raising drama of a campaign which planted bombs in banks, military installations and, twice on successive days, in the US Capitol. He describes the group's formation of clandestine revolutionary cells, its leaders' disavowal of monogamous relationships, and their use of LSD to strengthen bonds between members. He recounts the operational failures of the group-three members died when a bomb they were building exploded in Greenwich Village-as well as its victories including a successful jailbreak of Timothy Leary. Never short-changing the fierce debates which underpinned the Weather's strategy, Jacobs argues that the groups eventual demise resulted as much from the contradictions of its politics as from the increasingly repressive FBI attention.

When contrasted with the miners' dramatic strike victories in 1972 and 1974, the shattering industrial defeat suffered by British miners in 1985 has been seen as evidence of the further weakening of working-class solidarity. Undertaken with complete unity, the strikes of 1972 and 1974 brought the miners substantial material gains, contributed to the downfall of a government, and reinforced the National Union of Mineworkers' position at the core of the British labour movement. In contrast, the strike in Britain in 1984/85 was marked by internal division and by the miners' attempt to resist the pit closure programme of the Thatcher government, and it ended in bitter defeat.

The Montgomery bus boycott was a formative moment in twentieth-century history: a harbinger of the African American freedom movement, a springboard for the leadership of Martin Luther King Jr., and a crucial step in the struggle to realize the American dream of liberty and equality for all. In Daybreak of Freedom , Stewart Burns presents a groundbreaking documentary history of the boycott. Using an extraordinary array of more than one hundred original documents, he crafts a compelling and comprehensive account of this celebrated year-long protest of racial segregation. Daybreak of Freedom reverberates with the voices of those closest to the bus boycott, ranging from King and his inner circle, to Jo Ann Robinson and other women leaders who started the protest, to the maids, cooks, and other 'foot soldiers' who carried out the struggle. With a deft narrative hand and editorial touch, Burns weaves their testimony into a riveting story that shows how events in Montgomery pushed the entire nation to keep faith with its stated principles. |Burns presents a groundbreaking documentary history of the Montgomery bus boycott. The book reverberates with the voices of those closest to the protest, ranging from Martin Luther King Jr. and his inner circle, to Jo Ann Robinson and other women leaders who started the protest, to the maids, cooks, and other ""foot soldiers"" who carried out the struggle. With a deft narrative hand and editorial touch, Burns weaves their testimony into a riveting story that shows how events in Montgomery pushed the entire nation to keep faith with its stated principles.

Cleary examines the origins, spread, and results of human rights movements in Latin America, and he analyzes the mark such movements have made in world politics. He shows the enormous difficulties encountered by fledgling grassroots groups which first challenged military dictatorships over the disappeared, detention, torture, and pervasive repression. He chronicles the amazingly dynamic growth of human rights organizations, affecting democratic processes in Latin America and foreign policy in the United States.

This book is particularly important because it establishes, for the first time, a record of why, how, where, and when the concept of human rights--not long ago absent as a practical concept--generates so powerful a Latin American response. The alliances so formed are shown to evoke continued popular support and to effect on-going fundamental changes in Latin America. An important survey to all scholars, researchers, and students of human rights and political affairs in Latin America.

A critique of capital through the lens of war, and a critique of war through the lens of the revolution of 1968. "We are at war," declared the President of the French Republic on the evening of November 13, 2015. But what is this war, exactly? In Wars and Capital, Eric Alliez and Maurizio Lazzarato propose a counter-history of capitalism to recover the reality of the wars that are inflicted on us and denied to us. We experience not the ideal war of philosophers, but wars of class, race, sex, and gender; wars of civilization and the environment; wars of subjectivity that are raging within populations and that constitute the secret motor of liberal governmentality. By naming the enemy (refugees, migrants, Muslims), the new fascisms establish their hegemony on the processes of political subjectivation by reducing them to racist, sexist, and xenophobic slogans, fanning the flames of war among the poor and maintaining the total war philosophy of neoliberalism. Because war and fascism are the repressed elements of post-'68 thought, Alliez and Lazzarato not only read the history of capital through war but also read war itself through the strange revolution of '68, which made possible the passage from war in the singular to a plurality of wars-and from wars to the construction of new war machines against contemporary financialization. It is a question of pushing "'68 thought" beyond its own limits and redirecting it towards a new pragmatics of struggle linked to the continuous war of capital. It is especially important for us to prepare ourselves for the battles we will have to fight if we do not want to be always defeated.

This work examines how the civil rights movement crystallised views of citizenship as a grassroots-level, collective endeavour and of self-respect as a formidable political tool. Drawing on both oral and written sources, the book shows how rank-and-file movement particiants defined and discussed such concepts as rights, equality, justice and, in particular, freedom, and how such key movement leaders as Martin Luther King Jr, Ella Baker, Stokely Carmichael and James Forman were attuned to this ""freedom talk"". The book includes chapters on the concept of freedom in its many varieties, both individual and collective; on self-interest and self-respect; on Martin Luther King's use of the idea of freedom; and on the intellectual evolution of the Student Non-violent Co-ordinating committee, especially in light of Frantz Fanon's thought among movement radicals. In demonstrating that self-respect, self-determination, and solidarity were as central to the goals of the movement as the dismantling of the Jim Crow system, King argues that the movement's success should not be measured in terms of tangible, quantifiable advances alone, such as voter registration increases or improved standards of living. Not only has the civil rights movement helped strengthen the meaning and political importance of active citizenship in the cotemporary world, says King, but what was a political goal became the impetus for the academic and intellectual rediscovery of the Afro-American cultural and historical experience.

The War of Gods traces the intimate relationship between religion, politics and social issues in Latin America over the last three decades, as liberation theology has reinterpreted the vocation of the Catholic Church and as Protestantism has made inroads on traditional Catholic strongholds. In the 1960s liberation theology addressed itself to the problems of a continent racked by poverty and oppression. Comprising a network of localized communities and pastoral organizations, it soon became something much more than a doctrinal current. Liberationist Christianity defined itself in a multitude of social struggles, particularly in Brazil and Central America. Many of the most momentous events in the continent's recent history - the Nicaraguan revolution, the development of the PT (Workers' Party) in Brazil, the tortuous ascent of President Aristide in Haiti and the uprising in Chiapas - have borne witness to the influence of a distinctive liberationist Christianity. Michael Lowy proposes here a new interpretation - inspired by the sociology of culture - both of liberation theology and of the rival religious projects in Latin America.

A controversial, engrossing revisionist assessment of Huey Newton, the civil rights movement, and the Black Panther Party, The Shadow of the Panther "will awaken profound misgivings--about gun-barrel rhetoric, about armed rebellion, about the ambiguities of justice" (The New Yorker). Photos.

This work provides a selection of underground documents (never before translated) of the two leading bodies of the Intifada: the United National Command and the Islamic Resistance Movement, known as Hamas. Communiques or leaflets were an essential element of Palestinian political life and served as a vehicle of expression and a way to direct behaviour and organise the people. Shaul Mishal carefully analyses these documents in an effort to understand the forces that turned the wheels of the Palestinian uprising: their goals; methods of operation; and their success in obtaining the willing cooperation of all segments of the Palestinian population. Since the Israeli conquest of the West Bank and Gaza in 1967, there had been minor eruptions of violence by Palestinians against Israelis. But for the 20 years before December 1987 and the uprising, there had never been such an intense and prolonged demonstration against the occupation. The Intifada inspired a new generation of Palestinian radicals who conducted their protests through petrol bombs and street violence and relayed their messages through underground propaganda. In place of any official and prominent leadership, communiques became the voice of the rebels. The book should be of interest to scholars and students of Middle East studies, particularly of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

This book describes who American skinheads are, how they have developed within larger youth group scenes, their ideas and activities, the role of music in their formation and development, how they have been perceived by the media in America, and what damage they have done in American society. Jack B. Moore focuses on the cultural history of this group in America during the 1980s and suggests that while they were originally a minor distraction on the punk scene, they have grown into a dangerous and far more politically engaged source of hate thought and crime.

When black rage explodes, it's a riot. When white rage erupts, it's...a protest. In a bold work that cuts across racial, ethnic, cultural, and national boundaries, Sheila Smith McKoy reveals how race colors the idea of violence in the United States and in South Africa - two countries inevitably and inextricably linked by the central role of skin color in personal and national identity. Although race riots are usually seen as black events in both the United States and South Africa, they have played a significant role in shaping the concept of whiteness and white power in both nations. This emerges clearly from Smith McKoy's examination of four riots that demonstrate the relationship between the two nations and the apartheid practices that have historically defined them: North Carolina's Wilmington Race Riot of 1898; the Soweto Uprising of 1976; the Los Angeles Rebellion in 1992; and the pre-election riot in Mmabatho, Bhoputhatswana in 1994. Pursuing these events through narratives, media reports, and film, Smith McKoy shows how white racial violence has been disguised by race riots in the political and power structures of both the United States and South Africa. The first transnational study to probe the abiding inclination to ""blacken"" riots, When Whites Riot unravels the connection between racial violence - both the white and the ""raced"" - in the United States and South Africa, as well as the social dynamics that this connection sustains.

As the youngest daughter of the famous British suffragette family, Adela Pankhurst s life began as it would continue- among thinkers and activists. She was arrested for her part in the fight for female suffrage in the United Kingdom but, after differences with her mother she was sent to Australia. Arriving in Melbourne in 1914, Adela quickly became involved with the women's movement and the anti-war and anti-conscription movements. Wayward and passionate, she zigzagged from cause to cause. Adela was a founding member of the Communist Party of Australia, but later became involved with the extreme right-wing Australia First movement. During her fast-paced life she managed to offend socialists, communists, trade unionists, patriots, pacifists, feminists, nationalists, imperialists and conservatives. Verna Coleman vividly brings this extraordinary woman to life. Feisty and inspirational, Adela Pankhurst brought a whole-hearted commitment to her various campaigns, and to read her biography is to be caught up in the heady excitement of some of the most significant political causes of the twentieth century.

For five days in July 1863, at the height of the Civil War, New York City was under siege. Angry rioters burned draft offices, closed factories, destroyed railroad tracks and telegraph lines, and hunted policemen and soldiers. Before long, the rioters turned their murderous wrath against the black community. In the end, at least 105 people were killed, making the draft riots the most violent insurrection in American history.

In this vividly written book, Iver Bernstein tells the compelling story of the New York City draft riots. He details how what began as a demonstration against the first federal draft soon expanded into a sweeping assault against the local institutions and personnel of Abraham Lincoln's Republican Party as well as a grotesque race riot. Bernstein identifies participants, dynamics, causes and consequences, and demonstrates that the "winners" and "losers" of the July 1863 crisis were anything but clear, even after five regiments rushed north from Gettysburg restored order. In a tour de force of historical detection, Bernstein shows that to evaluate the significance of the riots we must enter the minds and experiences of a cast of characters--Irish and German immigrant workers, Wall Street businessmen who frantically debated whether to declare martial law, nervous politicians in Washington and at City Hall. Along the way, he offers new perspectives on a wide range of topics: Civil War society and politics, patterns of race, ethnic and class relations, the rise of organized labor, styles of leadership, philanthropy and reform, strains of individualism, and the rise of machine politics in Boss Tweed's Tammany regime.

An in-depth study of one of the most troubling and least understood crises in American history, The New York City Draft Riots is the first book to reveal the broader political and historical context--the complex of social, cultural and political relations--that made the bloody events of July 1863 possible.

Though war dominated news about the Middle East in 1991, political upheaval in the region existed long before CNN filmed it. This collection of essays addresses the evolving process of politics and violence in the rural populations of the Middle East in the last 150 years. While events in Egypt, Iran, and Turkey receive the most attention, the volume brings together material for the entire region, including analyses of peasant violence in Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and North Africa. Societies of the Middle East entering the 20th century were overwhelmingly agrarian, consisting largely of peasants who produced for themselves or for local markets. As rural populations began producing for larger markets, conflict and rebellion ensued. The authors place the explosion of rural protests in historical context and examine the coping strategies of peasants undergoing rapid change. In analyzing the degree of peasant participation in politics, they warn against mistaking the outward appearance of submission for an inward acceptance of oppression. They argue that the most characteristic aspect of peasant insubordination has been its permanence and continuity and conclude that no single dynamic can explain why rural actors protest, sabotage, or acquiesce to the powerful interests that control the markets or the state.

Loosely based on the Haitian slave insurrection of 1791, Babouk is a biting account of colonialism at its peak. By using the imagination of the novelist to fill in the gaps in the historical record, Endore is able to show us how slavery felt to the slaves who experienced it. His novel is rare for its depiction of the shared history of the slaves and its attention to the variety of the slave experience. It provides the reader with a vivid history of Haiti and a compelling account of slavery and rebellion.

In June 1964, over one thousand volunteers--most of them white, northern college students--arrived in Mississippi to register black voters and staff "freedom schools" as part of the Freedom Summer campaign organized by the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee. Within ten days, three of them were murdered; by the summer's end, another had died and hundreds more had endured bombings, beatings, and arrests. Less dramatically, but no less significantly, the volunteers encountered a "liberating" exposure to new lifestyles, new political ideologies, and a radically new perspective on America and on themselves.
Films such as Mississippi Burning have attempted to document this episode in the civil rights era, but Doug McAdam offers the first book to gauge the impact of Freedom Summer on the project volunteers and the period we now call "the turbulent sixties." Tracking down hundreds of the original project applicants, and combining hard data with a wealth of personal recollections, he has produced a riveting portrait of the people, the events, and the era. McAdam discovered that during Freedom Summer, the volunteers' encounters with white supremacist violence and their experiences with interracial relationships, communal living, and a more open sexuality led many of them to "climb aboard a political and cultural wave just as it was forming and beginning to wash forward." Many became activists in subsequent protests--including the antiwar movement and the feminist movement--and, most significantly, many of them have remained activists to this day.
Brimming with the reminiscences of the Freedom Summer veterans, the book captures the varied motives that compelled them to make thejourney south, the terror that came with the explosions of violence, the camaraderie and conflicts they experienced among themselves, and their assorted feelings about the lessons they learned.

It is widely argued that Britain has always followed a coherent imperialist strategy in Northern Ireland. Paul Bew and Henry Patterson take issue with this assumption in the first serious study of British policy towards Ulster over the past twenty years. They demonstrate, through a detailed examination of the twists and turns of successive governments, the fundamental incoherence of Britain's approach in its oldest colony.
Simplified notions about the consistency of British policy have led to undue pessimism amongst those advocating progressive change in the North. As a consequence they have missed real opportunities to achieve significant political realignment by exploiting the contradictions in Britain's stance.
Rejecting both the nationalist stance which defines the crisis in terms of an occupying army and the traditional bi-partisan approach which sees it only as a problem of terrorism, "The British State and the Ulster Crisis" is a brave and original contribution to a vital contemporary debate.

Twenty years on from South Africa's first democratic election, the post-apartheid political order is more fractured, and more fractious, than ever before. Police violence seems the order of the day - whether in response to a protest in Ficksburg or a public meeting outside a mine in Marikana. For many, this has signalled the end of the South African dream. Politics, they declare, is the preserve of the corrupt, the self-interested, the incompetent and the violent. They are wrong. Julian Brown argues that a new kind of politics can be seen on the streets and in the courtrooms of the country. This politics is made by a new kind of citizen - one that is neither respectful nor passive, but instead insurgent. The collapse of the dream of a consensus politics is not a cause for despair. South Africa's political order is fractured, and in its cracks new forms of activity, new leaders and new movements are emerging.

'those who say that religion has nothing to do with politics do not know what religion means' Mahatma Gandhi was a profound and original thinker as well as one of the most influential figures in the history of the twentieth century. A religious and social reformer, he became a notable leader in the Indian nationalist movement, made famous for his advocacy of non-violent civil resistance. His many and varied writings are essentially responses to the specific challenges he faced, and they show his maturing ideas and political will, as well as his spirituality and humanity, over several decades. This new selection demonstrates how his thinking was truly radical, dealing with problems from the roots upwards: in the lives of individuals, of societies, and of political structures. It underlines the supreme importance of non-violence, and Gandhi's unique and unrealized vision of a new India after the departure of the British. ABOUT THE SERIES: For over 100 years Oxford World's Classics has made available the widest range of literature from around the globe. Each affordable volume reflects Oxford's commitment to scholarship, providing the most accurate text plus a wealth of other valuable features, including expert introductions by leading authorities, helpful notes to clarify the text, up-to-date bibliographies for further study, and much more.

Sergei Feodorovich Platonov's "Time of Troubles" is a classic study of the years 1598-1613, a turbulent and decisive period in Russian history. Available for the first time in English, this work will be a valuable tool for students of the medieval as well as modern periods.

Platonov, himself a tragic victim of the regimentation imposed on Soviet cultural life in the 1920s, was born in 1860 and attained immense public and professional recognition in Russia as a leading historian. In his work he synthesized, to a high degree, two major traditions of Russian historiography: the St. Petersburg "school," which emphasized the collection and rigorous use of primary sources, and the Moscow "school" with its socioeconomic and geopolitical approaches. Time of Troubles represents the finished product of a lifetime spent in research, writing, and teaching. In broad terms it treats nearly a century and a half of Russian history (1500-1648); in detail it scrutinizes developments in the Muscovite State from 1598 to 1613. Some of the major issues covered in this volume are: the growing consolidation of Muscovite absolutism and the formation of a national state; the expansion of Muscovy to the west and southeast; the demise of the boyar class and the rise of the service-gentry; the emergence of serfdom as the social basis of Muscovite society; the cataclysmic end of one dynasty, the House of Rurik, and the beginnings of another, the House of Romanov. For Platonov--who devoted most of his career as a scholar to the study of these dramatic years--the epoch marked nothing less than the great divide between medieval Muscovy and modern Russia, witnessing the downfall of an essentially patrimonial regime and its replacement, after fierce struggles, by a more modern state founded on a new constellation of social groups.

Protest Politics in the Marketplace examines how social media has revolutionized the use and effectiveness of consumer activism. In her groundbreaking book, Caroline Heldman emphasizes that consumer activism is a democratizing force that improves political participation, self-governance, and the accountability of corporations and the government. She also investigates the use of these tactics by conservatives. Heldman analyzes the democratic implications of boycotting, socially responsible investing, social media campaigns, and direct consumer actions, highlighting the ways in which such consumer activism serves as a countervailing force against corporate power in politics. In Protest Politics in the Marketplace, she blends democratic theory with data, historical analysis, and coverage of consumer campaigns for civil rights, environmental conservation, animal rights, gender justice, LGBT rights, and other causes. Using an inter-disciplinary approach applicable to political theorists and sociologists, Americanists, and scholars of business, the environment, and social movements, Heldman considers activism in the marketplace from the Boston Tea Party to the present. In doing so, she provides readers with a clearer understanding of the new, permanent environment of consumer activism in which they operate.