When contrasted with the miners' dramatic strike victories in 1972 and 1974, the shattering industrial defeat suffered by British miners in 1985 has been seen as evidence of the further weakening of working-class solidarity. Undertaken with complete unity, the strikes of 1972 and 1974 brought the miners substantial material gains, contributed to the downfall of a government, and reinforced the National Union of Mineworkers' position at the core of the British labour movement. In contrast, the strike in Britain in 1984/85 was marked by internal division and by the miners' attempt to resist the pit closure programme of the Thatcher government, and it ended in bitter defeat.

In this hard-hitting polemic, one of America's best-known political commentators explains why racial tensions are now approaching critical mass - and points to what we must do to defuse the situation. Carl T. Rowan has spent his entire life fighting for racial justice. The Coming Race War in America names and pinpoints the issues that are tearing this country apart. Rowan blows the whistle on America's "gatekeepers" - in academia, media, and government - who fan the flames of racial hatred, whether intentionally or accidentally. He tears into demagogues who promote racial tensions, from Rush Limbaugh to Louis Farrakhan. And above all, he lambastes politicians who blame welfare mothers, immigrants, affirmative action, and the urban underclass for all of America's social ills - and reinforce a "hate-the-poor" mind-set that can only lead to disaster. Rowan explores the rising tensions in every stratum of society, from upper-class white-males protesting reverse discrimination to young black men desperate for a piece of the pie. He takes a hard look at how and why two African Americans - O. J. Simpson and Colin Powell - could inspire such disparate and emotionally charged reactions, and sees an omen of things to come. What's simmering now, he says, could soon boil over. The signs of the coming race war are everywhere, says Rowan, and there is no easy path to peace. But there is hope. By recognizing the full dimensions of the problem, well-intentioned Americans of all races can push for courses of action - from increased community involvement to greater support for education - that will help relieve tensions and build trust.

The War of Gods traces the intimate relationship between religion, politics and social issues in Latin America over the last three decades, as liberation theology has reinterpreted the vocation of the Catholic Church and as Protestantism has made inroads on traditional Catholic strongholds. In the 1960s liberation theology addressed itself to the problems of a continent racked by poverty and oppression. Comprising a network of localized communities and pastoral organizations, it soon became something much more than a doctrinal current. Liberationist Christianity defined itself in a multitude of social struggles, particularly in Brazil and Central America. Many of the most momentous events in the continent's recent history - the Nicaraguan revolution, the development of the PT (Workers' Party) in Brazil, the tortuous ascent of President Aristide in Haiti and the uprising in Chiapas - have borne witness to the influence of a distinctive liberationist Christianity. Michael Lowy proposes here a new interpretation - inspired by the sociology of culture - both of liberation theology and of the rival religious projects in Latin America.

Though more a study of US interest groups and social movements, provides useful information on US policy toward Central America. Somewhat sympathetic toward the peace movements' goals and to their definition of 'harassment.'"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57.

Reissued in new paperback format and design

"In hard, tight, and exact language, disciplined by close reasoning and close documentation, and seasoned with a sharp sense of character and drama, Hiller B. Zobel has written a definitive account. . . . Full of gripping detail, a good deal of myth-shattering, and some discriminating reappraisals." -Arthur B. Tourtellot, author of Lexington and Concord, in the New York Times Book Review

"Make[s] eighteenth-century courtroom scenes crackle with excitement."-Yale Review

This work examines how the civil rights movement crystallised views of citizenship as a grassroots-level, collective endeavour and of self-respect as a formidable political tool. Drawing on both oral and written sources, the book shows how rank-and-file movement particiants defined and discussed such concepts as rights, equality, justice and, in particular, freedom, and how such key movement leaders as Martin Luther King Jr, Ella Baker, Stokely Carmichael and James Forman were attuned to this ""freedom talk"". The book includes chapters on the concept of freedom in its many varieties, both individual and collective; on self-interest and self-respect; on Martin Luther King's use of the idea of freedom; and on the intellectual evolution of the Student Non-violent Co-ordinating committee, especially in light of Frantz Fanon's thought among movement radicals. In demonstrating that self-respect, self-determination, and solidarity were as central to the goals of the movement as the dismantling of the Jim Crow system, King argues that the movement's success should not be measured in terms of tangible, quantifiable advances alone, such as voter registration increases or improved standards of living. Not only has the civil rights movement helped strengthen the meaning and political importance of active citizenship in the cotemporary world, says King, but what was a political goal became the impetus for the academic and intellectual rediscovery of the Afro-American cultural and historical experience.

This study focuses on Christianity and black nationalism in South Africa and looks at four individuals--Albert Lutuli, Robert Sobukwe, Steve Biko, and Desmond Tutu--to see how each leader's Christian beliefs influenced the political strategy he pursued. Just as theology (Calvinism) was significant in the formulation of Afrikaner nationalism, so too has theology, variously interpreted, been instrumental in the articulation of African nationalism. The African National Congress (ANC), the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), and the United Democratic Front (UDF) all relied on a Christian perspective and vocabulary to articulate the goals of black nationalism. By tracing this religious thread through each of these various resistance movements, the author has made a fascinating contribution to the literature of comparative politics, African studies, and the sociology of religion.

Dispelling the myth that women became involved in partisan politics only after they obtained the vote, this study uses contemporary newspaper sources to show that women were active in the party struggle long before 1920. Although their role was initially limited to attending rallies and hosting picnics, they gradually began to use their pens and voices to support party tickets. By the late 19th century, women spoke at party functions and organized all-female groups to help canvass neighborhoods and get out the vote. In the early suffrage states of the West, they voted in increasing numbers and even held a few offices. Women were particularly active, this book shows, in the minor reformist parties--Populist, Prohibitionist, Socialist, and Progressive--but eventually came to play a role in the major parties as well. Prominent suffrage leaders, such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, entered the partisan arena in order to promote their cause. By the time the suffrage amendment was ratified, women were deeply involved in the mainstream political process.

A critique of capital through the lens of war, and a critique of war through the lens of the revolution of 1968. "We are at war," declared the President of the French Republic on the evening of November 13, 2015. But what is this war, exactly? In Wars and Capital, Eric Alliez and Maurizio Lazzarato propose a counter-history of capitalism to recover the reality of the wars that are inflicted on us and denied to us. We experience not the ideal war of philosophers, but wars of class, race, sex, and gender; wars of civilization and the environment; wars of subjectivity that are raging within populations and that constitute the secret motor of liberal governmentality. By naming the enemy (refugees, migrants, Muslims), the new fascisms establish their hegemony on the processes of political subjectivation by reducing them to racist, sexist, and xenophobic slogans, fanning the flames of war among the poor and maintaining the total war philosophy of neoliberalism. Because war and fascism are the repressed elements of post-'68 thought, Alliez and Lazzarato not only read the history of capital through war but also read war itself through the strange revolution of '68, which made possible the passage from war in the singular to a plurality of wars-and from wars to the construction of new war machines against contemporary financialization. It is a question of pushing "'68 thought" beyond its own limits and redirecting it towards a new pragmatics of struggle linked to the continuous war of capital. It is especially important for us to prepare ourselves for the battles we will have to fight if we do not want to be always defeated.

No one knows more about modern terrorism - its impetus, its technology, its secrets, its inevitable tragedy - than Bassam Abu-Sharif, a former Palestinian guerrilla, and Uzi Mahnaimi, a former Israeli spymaster. These two men, whose personal histories epitomize the struggle over Israel, were supreme practitioners of the vicious tactics characterizing the Arab-Israeli conflict. Now in a riveting double memoir, Abu-Sharif and Mahnaimi reveal life on opposing sides of the world's most bitter feud, and how they ultimately turned a cycle of violence into a search for peace. Bassam Abu-Sharif and Uzi Mahnaimi finally met in a London restaurant in 1988, many years after they both - for very different reasons - turned away from violence. In this strange meeting lies the heart of Best of Enemies. Their stories, and those of their fathers and grandfathers, encapsulate one hundred years of war between Arab and Jew. Unlike their predecessors, however, Abu-Sharif and Mahnaimi have joined forces in a new and more testing struggle: the fight for peace. Their quiet collaboration has steadily helped move the peace negotiations forward and set the stage for the Arafat-Rabin handshake of 1993.

"Rivers of Blood" offers a glimpse into the brutal world of state terrorism. In this innovative study, the author explores the strategies, targets, and motives of terror by reviewing the conditions surrounding government massacres. By introducing an innovative typology of massacres and a classification of terror strategies, the author develops a structural approach to the study of state terror, thus challenging the viewpoint that state terrorism is a situational or reactionary phenomenon. Case studies of government massacres such as those occuring in China (Tiananmen), Iraq (Halabja), and El Salvador (San Salvador), are included. Each case study includes a discussion on the historical, political, and social climate preceding the massacre. "Rivers of Blood" is a welcome addition to the literature on state terrorism.

A controversial, engrossing revisionist assessment of Huey Newton, the civil rights movement, and the Black Panther Party, The Shadow of the Panther "will awaken profound misgivings--about gun-barrel rhetoric, about armed rebellion, about the ambiguities of justice" (The New Yorker). Photos.

This work examines the conflict between movements and regimes using dynamic mathematical modeling methods. Most of the deaths from political violence in the world in this century have not been caused by war, but by conflict between governments and dissenters. It is hoped that scholars will improve their understanding of these conflicts, and thus help to reduce the costs.

This book describes and explains the extraordinary wave of popular protest that swept across the so-called Third World and the countries of the former socialist bloc during the period from the late 1970s to the early 1990s, in response to the mounting debt crisis and the austerity measures widely adopted as part of economic "reform" and "adjustment."

During the development decades of the 1960s and 1970s, governments around the world borrowed heavily to finance economic and social development, only to succumb to the global debt crisis and general recession of the 1980s. The last 15-20 years have witnessed the increasing adoption of neo-liberal austerity measures, led by the stabilization and structural adjustment programs of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, which have averted a crisis for international banks by shifting the burden to the urban poor in the less developed or 'emergent, ' developing nations.

"Free Markets and Food Riots" explores this general proposition in a cross-national study of the austerity protests, or the 'IMF Riots' that have affected so many debtor nations since the mid-1970s. The book argues that modern austerity protests, like the classical "bread riots" in eighteenth-century Europe are political acts aimed at injustice, but acts that are an integral part of the process of international economic and political restructuring. Modern food riots are most important for what they reveal about global economic transformation and its social, and political, consequences.

Successive chapters provide a general framework (drawing on comparative and historical material) and then trace the cycle of uneven development, debt, neo-liberal reform, andprotest in Latin America, Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and Eastern Europe. Additional chapters focus on the role of women in structural adjustment and protest politics and the features of seemingly anomalous cases which qualify the general argument.

The throngs at Woodstock, Jane Fonda in Hanoi, I Have a Dream, burning draft cards, fire in the streets--these images of the 1960s are still very much alive today. What happened to the people and principles that dominated that decade? Which leaders from those turbulent years had the most lasting effect on our lives today? How well have the principles for which those leaders fought so strongly withstood the test of time? This thought-provoking biographical dictionary allows the reader to study the leaders, both conservative and liberal, their ideals, and their enduring influence.

With major sections on racial democracy, peace and freedom, sexuality and gender, the environment, radical culture, and visions of alternative societies, Leaders from the 1960s includes entries on a wide selection of nationally prominent activists of the 1960s. In addition to those who dominated only the sixties, the volume includes earlier activists who came into prominence in the 1960s and activists of the era who came into prominence since the 1960s. Each entry provides a biographical sketch, but the focus of the entries is on the person's basic concepts or the essence of his or her work and the public response it generated. Included are extensive bibliographies on the individuals and the period.

"A lively survey of today's China as seen by [its] brooding intellectuals. A terrific book." —Nicholas D. Kristof, New York Times Book Review

Chinese intellectuals have a traditional duty, for which there is no equivalent in the West: to worry, to "take responsibility for all under heaven," to argue the question "What can we do with China?" In this "utterly absorbing gem of a book" (Library Journal), Perry Link conveys the worries besetting China's most prominent writers, journalists, scientists, professors, and dissident officials. Link creates "an invaluable opening onto China's best and brightest hearts and minds" (Kirkus Reviews), allowing the Chinese themselves to tell us why Beijing took to the streets in Sprig 1989.

This work provides a selection of underground documents (never before translated) of the two leading bodies of the Intifada: the United National Command and the Islamic Resistance Movement, known as Hamas. Communiques or leaflets were an essential element of Palestinian political life and served as a vehicle of expression and a way to direct behaviour and organise the people. Shaul Mishal carefully analyses these documents in an effort to understand the forces that turned the wheels of the Palestinian uprising: their goals; methods of operation; and their success in obtaining the willing cooperation of all segments of the Palestinian population. Since the Israeli conquest of the West Bank and Gaza in 1967, there had been minor eruptions of violence by Palestinians against Israelis. But for the 20 years before December 1987 and the uprising, there had never been such an intense and prolonged demonstration against the occupation. The Intifada inspired a new generation of Palestinian radicals who conducted their protests through petrol bombs and street violence and relayed their messages through underground propaganda. In place of any official and prominent leadership, communiques became the voice of the rebels. The book should be of interest to scholars and students of Middle East studies, particularly of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

In this book, Michael A. Gordon examines the causes and consequences of the tragic and bloody "Orange Riots" that rocked New York City in 1870 and 1871. On July 12 of both years, groups of Irish Catholics clashed with Irish Protestants marching to commemorate the victory of 1690 at the Battle of the Boyne that confirmed the Protestant Ascendancy in Ireland. The violence of 1870 left eight people dead; the following year, more than sixty died.

Reconstructing the events of July 12 in those years, Gordon provides a riveting and richly detailed account of the riots. He maintains that they stemmed from more than religious hatred or generations of oppression in Ireland. Rather, both years bear witness to a struggle between two profoundly different visions of the promise of America: a re-creation of European social classes or a form of life liberated from the constraints and stratifications of the Old World. These visions were enmeshed n the turbulent ideological and political confrontations arising from industrialization and newly found immigrant power under New York City's notorious mayor, William Marcy "Boss" Tweed. Gordon concludes by showing how the riots sparked a reform movement that toppled Tweed from power and led to the restructuring of city politics in the 1870s.

Protest Politics in the Marketplace examines how social media has revolutionized the use and effectiveness of consumer activism. In her groundbreaking book, Caroline Heldman emphasizes that consumer activism is a democratizing force that improves political participation, self-governance, and the accountability of corporations and the government. She also investigates the use of these tactics by conservatives. Heldman analyzes the democratic implications of boycotting, socially responsible investing, social media campaigns, and direct consumer actions, highlighting the ways in which such consumer activism serves as a countervailing force against corporate power in politics. In Protest Politics in the Marketplace, she blends democratic theory with data, historical analysis, and coverage of consumer campaigns for civil rights, environmental conservation, animal rights, gender justice, LGBT rights, and other causes. Using an inter-disciplinary approach applicable to political theorists and sociologists, Americanists, and scholars of business, the environment, and social movements, Heldman considers activism in the marketplace from the Boston Tea Party to the present. In doing so, she provides readers with a clearer understanding of the new, permanent environment of consumer activism in which they operate.

When black rage explodes, it's a riot. When white rage erupts, it's...a protest. In a bold work that cuts across racial, ethnic, cultural, and national boundaries, Sheila Smith McKoy reveals how race colors the idea of violence in the United States and in South Africa - two countries inevitably and inextricably linked by the central role of skin color in personal and national identity. Although race riots are usually seen as black events in both the United States and South Africa, they have played a significant role in shaping the concept of whiteness and white power in both nations. This emerges clearly from Smith McKoy's examination of four riots that demonstrate the relationship between the two nations and the apartheid practices that have historically defined them: North Carolina's Wilmington Race Riot of 1898; the Soweto Uprising of 1976; the Los Angeles Rebellion in 1992; and the pre-election riot in Mmabatho, Bhoputhatswana in 1994. Pursuing these events through narratives, media reports, and film, Smith McKoy shows how white racial violence has been disguised by race riots in the political and power structures of both the United States and South Africa. The first transnational study to probe the abiding inclination to ""blacken"" riots, When Whites Riot unravels the connection between racial violence - both the white and the ""raced"" - in the United States and South Africa, as well as the social dynamics that this connection sustains.

This book describes who American skinheads are, how they have developed within larger youth group scenes, their ideas and activities, the role of music in their formation and development, how they have been perceived by the media in America, and what damage they have done in American society. Jack B. Moore focuses on the cultural history of this group in America during the 1980s and suggests that while they were originally a minor distraction on the punk scene, they have grown into a dangerous and far more politically engaged source of hate thought and crime.

Drawing from the field of political sociology, geography, anthropology, and peace studies, Routledge explores how peasant communities in rural India form effective resistance movements against displacement, dislocation, and cultural destruction engendered by the development process. He shows how the Baloapal movement--resisting a missile base--and the Chipko movement--resisting a program of deforestation--offer rich lessons in development strategies, nonviolent sanctions, and grassroots social change. The sanctions chosen by the movements are shown to be of particular importance and to have emerged from the participants' profound sense of place. Core beliefs, traditional values, and common goals are summoned to inspire beleaguered communities and are employed to resist outside domination and despoliation. Terrains of Resistance, accordingly, marks sites of conflict in specific times and places at the essential levels of belief and culture. They juxtapose the state's coercive power in support of development against the ingenuity and tenacity of grassroots movements. A highly informed, well written work showing the potential for nonviolent sanctions throughout the developing world, and the possible implications of continued grassroots mobilizations. This book will be of particular interest to students of social movements and Indian politics and to political scientists, sociologists, geographers, and anthropologists.

In this study of Mahatma Gandhi, psychoanalyst Erik H. Erikson explores how Gandhi succeeded in mobilizing the Indian people both spiritually and politically as he became the revolutionary innovator of militant non-violence and India became the motherland of large-scale civil disobedience.

This volume provides bibliographic control over the extensive literature on the Haymarket Riot. It lists over 1,500 primary and secondary documents and provides descriptive annotations for most entries. It also includes subject and author indexes and thorough cross-references. The entries are organized under four main headings: (1) Context, which includes background material on labor and industry, the history and theory of anarchism, the history of Chicago, and biographical material on the individuals involved; (2) History, which includes the principal secondary writings on the Riot and the documents from the legal proceedings; (3) Argument, which includes a chronological arrangement of protest and polemical literature on various Haymarket issues, notices of commemorative meetings and speeches, and writings devoted to the central issue of the freedom of expression and assembly; and (4) Imagination, which includes sections on fiction, drama, poetry, and art inspired by Haymarket.

As the youngest daughter of the famous British suffragette family, Adela Pankhurst s life began as it would continue- among thinkers and activists. She was arrested for her part in the fight for female suffrage in the United Kingdom but, after differences with her mother she was sent to Australia. Arriving in Melbourne in 1914, Adela quickly became involved with the women's movement and the anti-war and anti-conscription movements. Wayward and passionate, she zigzagged from cause to cause. Adela was a founding member of the Communist Party of Australia, but later became involved with the extreme right-wing Australia First movement. During her fast-paced life she managed to offend socialists, communists, trade unionists, patriots, pacifists, feminists, nationalists, imperialists and conservatives. Verna Coleman vividly brings this extraordinary woman to life. Feisty and inspirational, Adela Pankhurst brought a whole-hearted commitment to her various campaigns, and to read her biography is to be caught up in the heady excitement of some of the most significant political causes of the twentieth century.