Power and Protest presents chapters that analyse the dynamics of power in social movements. Examining how marginalized groups use their identities, resources, cultural traditions, violence and non-violence to assert power and exert pressure, this volume shines a light on the interaction of these groups with governments, international organizations, businesses and universities. Including chapters which draw from multidisciplinary theories and utilise quantitative and qualitative research to examine how power shapes the context and experiences of protest, the authors analyse movements in Asia, South Africa, Arab nations, the United States and Argentina to offer insights into the power utilised by average citizens, and particularly members of marginalized groups. With contributors serving up findings based on uprisings, strikes and activist activity across the globe, the first section provides theoretical insights into the power of protest campaigns against governments or corporations. Moving on to an examination of nongovernmental institutions and cultural traditions, the authors in the second section explore the role of business and education in bringing down illegitimate governments, investigates the clashes of transnational norms, government policy and the heritage industry, and examines student protests against university policies. This volume encourages readers to reconsider their assumptions about which groups can successfully wield power in social movements.

'A rich and thoughtful book.' History 'A magnificent empirical resource accompanied by a subtle and powerful framework of interpretation...It is not often that historical scholarship is so effectively harnessed to the sociological imagination.' American Journal of Sociology 'This is a masterpiece of social movement analysis by an author at the peak of his analytical powers making full use of one of the most extensive evidence files available.' Mobilization Between 1750 and 1840 ordinary British people abandoned such time-honored forms of protest as collective seizures of grain, the sacking of buildings, public humiliation, and physical abuse in favor of marches, petition drives, public meetings, and other sanctioned routines of social movement politics. The change created - for the first time anywhere - mass participation in national politics. Charles Tilly is the first to address the depth and significance of the transformations in popular collective action during this period. The author elucidates four distinct phases in the transformation to mass political participation and identifies the forms and occasions for collective action that characterized and dominated each. He provides rich descriptions, not only of a wide variety of popular protests, but also of such influential figures as John Wilkes, Lord George Gordon, William Cobbett, and Daniel O'Connell.

This book reinterprets the Leveller authorships of John Lilburne, Richard Overton and William Walwyn, and foregrounds the role of ordinary people in petitioning and protest during an era of civil war and revolution. The Levellers sought to restructure the state in 1647-49 around popular consent and liberty for conscience, especially in their Agreement of the People. Their following was not a 'movement' but largely a political response of the sects that had emerged in London's rapidly growing peripheral neighbourhoods and in other localities in the 1640s. This study argues that the Levellers did not emerge as a separate political faction before October 1647, that they did not succeed in establishing extensive political organisation, and that the troop revolt of spring 1649 was not really a Leveller phenomenon. Addressing the contested interpretations of the Levellers throughout, this book also introduces Leveller history to non-specialist readers.

This book provides a lively account of the gilets jaunes, the yellow vest movement that has shaken France since 2018. Charles Devellennes assesses what lessons can be drawn from their activities and the impact for the contemporary relationship between state and citizen. Informed by a dialogue with past political theorists - from Hobbes, Spinoza and Rousseau to Rawls, Nozick and Diderot - and reflecting on the challenges posed by the yellow vest movement, the author rethinks the concept of the social contract for contemporary societies around the world. It proposes a new relationship between the state and the individual, and establishes the necessity of rethinking the modern democratic nature of our representative polities in order to provide a genuine process for the healing of social ills.

Set in the tumultuous moments of 1944-45 Budapest, this work discusses the operations of the Budapest Relief and Rescue Committee. Drawing out the contradictions and complexities of the mass deportations of Hungarian Jews during the final phase of World War II, Szita suggests that in the Hungarian context, a commerce in lives ensued, where prominent Zionists like Dr. Rezso Kasztner negotiated with the higher echelons of the SS, trying to garner the freedom of Hungarian Jews. Szita's portrait of the controversial Kasztner is a more sympathetic rendition of a powerful Zionist leader who was later assassinated in Israel for his dealings with Nazi leaders. Szita reveals a story of interweaving personalities and conflicts during arguably the most tragic moment in European history. The author's extensive research is a tremendous contribution to a field of study that has been much ignored by scholarship-the Hungarian holocaust and the trade in human lives.

From protest to challenge is a multi-volume chronicle of the struggle to achieve democracy and end racial discrimination in South Africa. Beginning in 1882 during the heyday of European imperialism, these volumes document the history of race conflict, protest, and political mobilisation by South Africa's black majority. This revised and updated edition of Volume 1 of the classic series From protest to challenge surveys half a century of early efforts by black South Africans to win full citizenship in the country of their birth. Ninety-nine primary source documents are reproduced, accompanied by a text that sets the documents in historical context. Authors of the documents include John Dube, Josiah Gumede, John Tengo Jabavu, Clements Kadalie, Charlotte Maxeke, Sol Plaatje, and Pixley Seme. New documents by Abdullah Abdurahman, Margery Perham, Mohandas Gandhi, and the Communist Party of South Africa have been added. Students, teachers, political activists, and general readers will all find valuable resources and new perspectives in this important reference work.

'Ukraine is not a brothel!' This was the first cry of rage uttered by Femen during Euro 2012. Bare-breasted and crowned with flowers, perched on their high heels, Femen transform their bodies into instruments of political expression through slogans and drawings flaunted on their skin. Humour, drama, courage and shock tactics are their weapons. Since 2008, this 'gang of four' Inna, Sasha, Oksana and Anna has been developing a spectacular, radical, new feminism. First in Ukraine and then around the world, they are struggling to obtain better conditions for women, but they also fight poverty, discrimination, dictatorships and the dictates of religion. These women scale church steeples and climb into embassies, burst into television studios and invade polling stations. Some of them have served time in jail, been prosecuted for hooliganism in their home country and are banned from living in other states. But thanks to extraordinary media coverage, the movement is gaining imitators and supporters in France, Germany, Brazil and elsewhere. Inna, Sasha, Oksana and Anna have an extraordinary story and here they tell it in their own words, and at the same time express their hopes and ambitions for women throughout the world.

When students at Oxford University called for a statue of Cecil Rhodes to be removed, following similar calls by students in Cape Town, the significance of these protests was felt across continents. This was not simply about tearing down an outward symbol of British imperialism - a monument glorifying a colonial conqueror - but about confronting the toxic inheritance of the past, and challenging the continued underrepresentation of people of colour at universities. And it went to the very heart of the pernicious influence of colonialism in education today. Written by key members of the movement in Oxford, Rhodes Must Fall is the story of that campaign. Showing the crucial importance of both intersectionality and solidarity with sister movements in South Africa and beyond, this book shows what it means to boldly challenge the racism rooted deeply at the very heart of empire.

This six-volume collection brings together key documents on women's suffrage from Britain and the Empire in the century between 1767 and 1867. With a particular focus on voting rights and political representation, the collection includes excerpts of works from renowned writers such as Edmund Burke and John Stuart Mill, as well as rare and insightful texts from less prominent authors. This collection provides a valuable reference to students of various disciplines, including British and imperial history, gender studies, literature, politics, and the history of feminism.

This book brings together an extraordinary wealth of experience and will be an eye-opener for many readers. It seeks to provide an introduction to the history of major social movements - including Occupy and the Global Justice Movement, major green campaigns, peace and anti-war resistance and feminist and LGBT struggles - over the last 70 years, and to signpost contemporary developments in these movements. It provides brief background summaries and a range of references from movement periodicals and websites, scholarly journals, and books by activists as well as academic studies. It focuses on social movements of all kinds, with emphasis on nonviolent action and protest, it includes material on conventional political action and legal action, and literature providing some general historical and theoretical background.

This volume presents the voices of those whites - a minority within a minority - who have been struggling against the injustices of apartheid and working in separate ways to prepare their countrymen, black and white, for a just and democratic post-apartheid society. The book captures their stories at a critical time - the interviews were conducted in 1990-1991 - when apartheid is being dismantled but the structure of the new South Africa has yet to be determined. These voices thus reflect the hopes and concerns of a society in the throes of an historic transition and the new challenges facing these people as they plan for the post-apartheid era. Robert Scott Jaster is also the author of "War and Diplomacy - the Botha Years", "The 1988 Peace Accords and the Future of Southwestern Africa", "The South African Military Reassesses Its Priorities" and "The Defence of White Power - South African Foreign Policy Under Pressure".

Equal Time: Television and the Civil Rights Movement explores the crucial role of network television in reconfiguring new attitudes in race relations during the civil rights movement. Due to widespread coverage, the civil rights revolution quickly became the United States' first televised major domestic news story. This important medium unmistakably influenced the ongoing movement for African American empowerment, desegregation, and equality. Aniko Bodroghkozy brings to the foreground network news treatment of now-famous civil rights events including the 1965 Selma voting rights campaign, integration riots at the University of Mississippi, and the March on Washington, including Martin Luther King's "I Have a Dream" speech. She also examines the most high-profile and controversial television series of the era to feature African American actors--East Side/West Side, Julia, and Good Times--to reveal how entertainment programmers sought to represent a rapidly shifting consensus on what "blackness" and "whiteness" meant and how they now fit together.

This book examines the nature of protest and the way in which the police and state respond to the activities associated with this term. Protest is explored within the context of the perceived decline in public engagement with recent general election contests. It is often thought that protest is regarded as an alternative to, or as a replacement for, formal political engagement with electoral politics, and this book provides a thoughtful assessment of the place of protest in the contemporary conduct of political affairs. Analysing key forms of protest such as: demonstrations, direct action, protest conducted within the workplace, riots and terrorism, this study also illustrates each of these activities with a wide range of examples of events that have taken place within the UK since 1945. It will be of keen interest to students of criminology, criminal justice studies, police studies and politics.

On 15th February 2003, two million people marched in the streets of London to call on the British government not to go to war with Iraq. Though Britain did enter war, the movement did not rest in defeat. This book tells the story of what happened behind the scenes of this extraordinary mass movement, looking specifically at the political relationship between Muslim and leftist activists. Crisis narratives about Muslims assume that they are only engaged with sectarian communalist forms of identity politics or that their supposed religious and social conservatism is incompatible with progressive values. Through telling this story, Massoumi looks closely at the role of identity politics within social movements, considering what this means in practice and whether we can meaningfully speak of identity politics. Arguing that identity politics can only be understood within the context of a wider social and political structure, this book analyses the conditions through which Muslim and leftist engagement emerges within this movement, and highlights the decisive leadership of Muslim women.

For a small, peaceful democracy in the South Pacific, New Zealand has had its fair share of major protest issues, and over the decades New Zealanders have become adept at mobilising around causes. From protest about war - be it the New Zealand Wars, the Great War, the Vietnam War or the invasion of Iraq - to trade union action, protests against apartheid and nuclear ship visits, protest for the rights of women and LGBTQI people, protests for better race relations and to protect the environment, and protest to save key services and protect heritage, Aotearoa New Zealand has a long legacy of activism. This richly illustrated book brings together the objects made by protesters to proclaim and symbolise their causes and their struggles. From banners to badges, t-shirts to teatowels, posters to photographs, it is a vivid reflection of 250 years of resistance and persistence.

The use of nonviolent action is on the rise. From the Occupy Movement to the Arab Spring and mass protests on the streets of Brazil, activists across the world are increasingly using unarmed tactics to challenge oppressive, corrupt and unjust systems. But what exactly do we mean by nonviolence? How is it deployed and to what effect? Do nonviolent campaigns with political motivations differ from those driven by primarily economic concerns? What are the limits and opportunities for activists engaging in nonviolent action today? Is the growing number of nonviolence protests indicative of a new type of twenty-first century struggle or is it simply a passing trend? Understanding Nonviolence: Contours and Contexts is the first book to offer a comprehensive introduction to nonviolence in theory and practice. Combining insightful analysis of key theoretical debates with fresh perspectives on contemporary and historical case studies, it explores the varied approaches, aims, and trajectories of nonviolent campaigns from Gandhi to the present day. With cutting-edge contributions from leading scholars and practitioners in the field, this accessible and lively book will be essential reading for activists, students and teachers of contentious politics, international security, and peace and conflict studies.

The appearance of ideologically motivated anti-communist insurgent groups in the Third World is an important new phenomenon that has received little serious attention. Analysis has focused on American attitudes, while the indigenous roots and motivations of such groups have remained largely unexplored. Michael Radu fills in the gap in "The New Insurgencies, "with case studies and contributions from Anthony Arnold, Paul Henze, Justus van de Kroef, and Jack Wheeler.

As the authors show, more often than not, Third World anti-communist insurgencies express a general rejection of values and ideologies from outsiders. Many of these insurgencies reflect violent opposition to regimes installed by the Soviets during the 1970s, yet they only rarely articulate a struggle for liberal democracy. Nationalism, religion, or the preservation of traditional political and economic patterns are more often the true motivations. And while insurgents often apply military and occasionally political methods used by successful Marxist-Leninist insurgencies of this century, they tend to be rural based and close to the aspirations of the peasant masses rather than directed by the educated and urbanized elites.

"The New Insurgencies "includes case studies of major anti-communist movements today, including those in Afghanistan, Cambodia, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Angola, and Nicaragua. It shows that in each, the role of local powers such as South Africa, Thailand, and Pakistan rather than direct U.S. support has been critical to the insurgents' effectiveness. In part this may be because the old bipartisan Washington consensus based on anti-communism has evaporated; and Radu explores why this has occurred.

Regardless of Washington's support, the new insurgencies are likely to persist. Their impact on U.S., Soviet, and world policy will be profound. "The New Insurgencies "combines extensive use of firsthand data, including personal knowledge of some of the major personalities involved, with extensive bibliographic information. It is an essential tool for specialists in international relations, military affairs, and U.S. foreign policy, as well as those interested in understanding changes in Soviet domestic and international policy.

The pro-democracy demonstrations of April-May 1989 heralded the awakening of public opinion in urban China; the brutal suppression in June revealed a Communist Party leadership severely out of touch with its own society and its aspirations. The contributors to this timely book, a number of whom witnessed the events described, place these dramatic events within the broader context of China's developmental experience. Rather than an instant reaction and description, however, this book grows out of the ongoing research interests and keen onservational skills of the contributors. Therefore it provides as historical, developmental, societal, cultural, and political context for the tragic event in terms of their antecedents, ramifications, and impact on the history of the Chinese People's movement.

The pro-democracy demonstrations of April-May 1989 heralded the awakening of public opinion in urban China; the brutal suppression in June revealed a Communist Party leadership severely out of touch with its own society and its aspirations. The contributors to this timely book, a number of whom witnessed the events described, place these dramatic events within the broader context of China's developmental experience. Rather than an instant reaction and description, however, this book grows out of the ongoing research interests and keen onservational skills of the contributors. Therefore it provides as historical, developmental, societal, cultural, and political context for the tragic event in terms of their antecedents, ramifications, and impact on the history of the Chinese People's movement.

Peasant rebellions are uncommon. "Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance" explores peasants' foot dragging, feigned ingorance, false compliance, manipulation, flight, slander, theft, arson, sabotage, and similar prosaic forms of struggle. These kinds of resistance stop well short of collective defiance, a strategy usually suicidal for the subordinate. The central argument about peasant resistance is presented in the opening chapter by James Scott in which he summarizes and extends the thesis of his book on Malaysia's peasantry, "Weapons of the Weak". Scott's ideas are employed and refined in the ensuing seven country studies of peasant resistance: Poland, India, Egypt, Colombia, China, Nicaragua and Zimbabwe.

'YOU'LL BE MOVED BY THE BRAVE WOMEN IN AWAKENING' MALALA YOUSAFZAI 'AWAKENING GOES WHERE NO BOOK HAS GONE BEFORE. INSPRIRING, INSIGHTFUL, PROFOUNDLY MOVING' HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON #MeToo #EnaZeda #MieuPrimeiroAssedio #tystnadtagning #ArewaMeToo All over the world, #MeToo inspired generations of women to fight in new ways for their rights. Yet so far, the news is dominated by narratives of celebrities and politicians in the US and UK. These are the stories you haven't heard. Stories of campaigning in the face of censorship, arrest and murder. Stories from favelas, film sets and feted institutions. Stories of passing groundbreaking laws against sexual harassment. For these women, #MeToo was not the beginning - and it is not the end. In Nigeria, women rise up against systemic abuse in universities and megachurches. Chinese activists drown out internet censors and defy arrests. In Egypt, protestors remain tenacious even as their president calls them terrorists. Pakistani actresses confront accused predators in court. Brazilian women run for office at the risk of intimidation and murder. And in Sweden, a country prided on its commitment to gender equality, the movement rocks citizens to their core. Some had been campaigning for years on feminist causes; some were galvanised by a movement that spread like wildfire on social media. Awakening brings together personal stories with expert political analysis to champion their courage, understand their societies and gauge the battles yet to be won. It will open your eyes to the greatest global reckoning on women's rights in history.

Transitions from authoritarian to democratic governments can provide ripe scenarios for the emergence of new, insurgent political actors and causes. During peaceful transitions, such movements may become influential political players and gain representation for previously neglected interests and sectors of the population. But for this to happen, insurgent social movements need opportunities for mobilization, success, and survival. What happens to insurgent social movements that emerge during a democratic transition but fail to achieve their goals? How influential are they? Are they able to survive their initial mobilizing boom? To answer these questions, Maria Inclan looks at Mexico's Zapatista movement, whose emergence she argues was caught between "sliding doors" of opportunity. The Zapatistas were able to mobilize sympathy and support for the indigenous agenda inside and outside of the country, yet failed to achieve their goals vis-a-vis the Mexican state. Nevertheless, the movement has survived and sustained its autonomy despite lacking legal recognition. Inclan examines the vitality of the movement during various tests of the emergent democracy (during more competitive elections, under various political parties, and amid various repressive measures). She also looks at state responsiveness to movement demands and the role of transnational networks in the movement's survival. Framing the relative achievements and failures of the Zapatista movement within Mexico's democratization is essential to understand how social movements develop and survive and how responsive an electoral democracy really is. As such, this book offers a test to the quality of Mexico's democracy and to the resilience of the Zapatista movement, as it identifies the extent to which emerging political forces have failed to incorporate dissident and previously excluded political actors into the new polity.

Very topical, hoping to publish not long after the anniversary of the Capitol Riots. Offers multiple readings of a single event, and a variety of methodologies. Offers a strong balance between well-established paradigms for analyzing political contexts and recent theorizations of new/social media.

Dorothy Day died recently in New York City. With her death, the Catholic Worker Movement lost the last of its founders and leaders. In this insightful and well-documented study, Aronica answers the question whether and how the Movement has survived beyond the founders. Starting from the notion of charismatic leadership, the author converts the Catholic Worker Movement into a test case for the classical analysis of social organization. Through participant observation, Aronica uncovers and explains the system of power and authority, the process of incorporation and the services provided to the poor by the Catholic Worker Movement. The Movement's paper, the "Catholic Worker, "was used to help provide a typology of membership categories. The book is more than a study in the transformation of charismatic leadership; it is also a study of the place of radical social thought within American Catholicism. Aronica shows the problems that the church structure has with grass-roots activities. She also illustrates the difficulty that a grass-roots organization has in transforming itself into a functioning bureaucracy. The book adds a new organizational dimension to the growing number of books on social movements. It is well suited for an audience interested in the sociology of religion and for those concerned with a fruitful application of modern ethnographic research to classical frameworks.

Right-wing nationalist populism poses direct attacks on social tolerance, human rights discourse, political debates, the survival of the welfare state and its universal services, impacting on the roles of social work. This book demonstrates how right-wing nationalist populism can and must be countered. Using case studies from around the world, this book shows how a revitalised radical social work where community organisation, building alliances, trade union commitment and social action can be used as political forces to speak up against discrimination and hate in accordance with human rights, social justice, and social work values. The rise of national populism signals that now is the time for social work to forge and reforge such networks and create links with civil society and challenge right-wing populist policies wherever they manifest themselves. It will be of interest to all social work students, practitioners and academics, particularly those working on critical and radical social work, green social work, anti-oppressive practice and community development.