This book builds a bridge between current research in space policy and contemporary European political studies by addressing developments in European space policy and its significance for European integration. It answers questions central to European studies applying them to the burgeoning field of EU space policy and takes an interdisciplinary approach, examining space policy in the light of a range of policy areas including common foreign security policy, technology policy, transport policy and internal market. Using a theoretical framework based around notions of neo-institutionalism to evaluate the evolving nature of space policy in Europe, the book provides clear insights into the development of the sector and the resulting developments made to the European political landscape. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of Space policy, EU studies/politics, European Studies/Politics, International Relations, Political Science, History Economics and Security Studies.

Since the Frontex Border Agency's establishment in 2004, its activities have foregrounded the complexity and difficulty of protecting the human rights of those seeking access to the European Union. In this connection, protection from refoulement should be paramount in the Agency's work. By navigating through the intricacies of Frontex's structure and working methods, this book answers abiding questions: which circumstances would trigger European Union responsibility if violations were to occur in Frontex's joint operations? What is the legal standing of the principle of non-refoulement in relation to Frontex's activities? Can Frontex be entrusted with an exclusive search and rescue mandate? This book offers a theoretical and practical insight into the legislative intricacies of Frontex's work, examining the responsibility of the EU, and scrutinising the interaction of international law and EU law with a focus on the principle of non-refoulement.

Today, the European Union faces challenges that threaten not only internal cohesion but also its position in the global system. This book is about the future of the EU in the light of global power transition taking place in the twenty-first century and demonstrates how its future rests on a delicate balance between policy challenge, member states' interests, and convergence or divergence of societal values across its peoples. The book examines factors behind the decline of the EU relative to the rise of China and other powers in the global hierarchy and what policy options are available for EU leaders to implement in order to compete as a global actor. It analyses determinants of regional integration and key policy challenges the EU faces in its quest for an "ever deeper union," and identifies significant factors (i.e., power relations, economic relations, emergent social values across the EU) that can explain the likelihood of further integration or conflict between EU member states. This text will be essential reading for scholars, students, and practitioners interested in European Union politics international relations, security studies, and comparative politics.

Asia and Europe have become increasingly interconnected over the last few decades; this growth in mutual interest is due largely to their economic, political, cultural, and historical ties to one another. Due to the deepening relationship between the two regions, it seems natural to ask, "How is the European Union perceived in Asia?" This question has become very relevant to Asia-Europe relations, especially as the EU is the most significant economic partner for many Asian countries, while at the same time emerging as an increasingly prominent political and security dialogue partner for the region. This second volume offers a new and reliable insight into the perception of the EU in Asia.In 2006, the Asia-Europe Foundation and National Centre for Research on Europe (University of Canterbury) created the European Studies in Asia (ESiA) Network and initiated the "EU through the Eyes of Asia" survey. This unprecedented comparative study looks at the attitudes and citizens' perceptions of the EU in Asia, and, by 2009, has been undertaken in 12 research sites throughout Asia. In each locality, the project systematically assessed daily representations of the EU in reputable local news media, as well as the EU's imagery among the general public and the EU's vision among the national stakeholders and opinion leaders.Presenting the findings of this project, this book provides a systematic and detailed empirical insight into EU visibility in the public discourses of three Southeast Asian countries - Vietnam, Indonesia and the Philippines - the so-called "VIP". The data and analyses in this work cover 2008 and the first half of 2009, and it compares the findings with those published in Volume I, which examined the perceptions of the EU in China, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, and Thailand. EU through the Eyes of Asia is indispensable to policy-makers and opinion leaders in the Asian and European milieux, putting forward vital recommendations to the EU, Asian governments, the media and those managing relations between the two regions.

This collection of essays aims to address the changing constitutional framework of the European Union, and some of the changing patterns of governance within this complex polity. The primary aim of the book is to examine the apparent and gradual shift in the paradigm of European governance from one emphasizing the importance of uniformity and harmonization to one which embraces a substantial degree of flexibility and differentiation. The chapters range from broad, theoretical reflection on the constitutional implications of differentiation and flexibility for the European polity, to more focused case studies which examine various forms of closer co-operation, variable geometry and flexibility existing in specific policy areas. Some of the contributions interrogate the extent to which there has actually been any significant change of paradigm, and others explore the many different meanings and instances of flexibility which have emerged. Overall, in presenting a variety of perspectives

Secessionist (also called, nationalist, or pro-independence) political parties exist in many countries in the developed world; they raise-and then spend-a lot of money, win votes in elections, and their elected officials serve in seats in local, regional, and national parliaments. Yet, despite all of this effort, there has not been a successful case of secession since 1921 when the Irish Free State effectively seceded from the United Kingdom (UK). Perhaps the biggest issue is that these secessionist political parties have rarely been popular enough to form a government even amongst their core ethnic group. This is further compounded by the fact that secessionist parties have historically been unable to win support from immigrants or people outside their core ethnic and/or linguistic group. Given this context, four central questions are posed in this study including: whether-and also why-any of the secessionist parties have transitioned from ethnic-based to civic-based policy platforms? Why have these secessionist parties not yet achieved independence? And, what role does the European Union (EU) play in facilitating or deterring secession in independence-seeking regions within member states? This study examines three different cases-Flanders in Belgium, Scotland in the UK, and Catalonia in Spain-to investigate how secessionist political parties are approaching the issue of independence. All of the cases are different with respect to history, governmental structure, and economic situation. Yet all of the cases are similar in some ways-they are close to the same size (in terms of population), operate within mature democratic political systems, have distinct secessionist political parties, and all reside within member states of the EU. Categorically, in all cases, there are also shared influences of the ability of the region to secede: institutions, interests, and ideas.

This book provides an empirical understanding of how EU-level defence industrial cooperation functions in practice. Using the Liberal Intergovernmental theoretical model, the book argues that while national economic preferences are an essential factor of government interests they only explain part of the dynamic that leads to the development of defence industrial policy at EU level. Moving beyond a simple adumbration of economic preferences, it shows how the EU's institutional framework and corpus of law are used by governments to reaffirm their position as the ultimate arbiter and promoter of national economic preferences in the defence industrial sector. To this end, the work asks why and how EU member state governments, European defence firms, and EU institutions developed EU-level defence industrial policy between 2003 and 2009. The book also analyses significant policy developments, including the establishment of a European Defence Agency and two EU Directives on equipment transfers and defence procurement. This book will be of much interest to students of EU policy, defence studies, security studies and International Relations in general.

This book gives a complex description and discussion of today's populist attacks against the European Union (EU) following the financial crisis of 2008, which opened the floodgates of dissatisfaction, and the migration crisis which destabilized the traditional solidarity basis of the EU. The problem of Brexit is also explored. Each chapter presents one of the main elements of the crisis of the EU. These include West European populism, Central European right-wing populism in power, and the exploitation of the EU's mistake during the migration crisis of the mid-2010s. These also include the discovery of Christian ideology against immigration and hidden anti-Semitic propaganda using a hysterical attack against the liberal billionaire philanthropist George Soros, and Brexit. There is a detailed discussion of the failures of the EU to pacify the neighbourhood in the South and North, especially in Ukraine, and the rising hostile outside enemies of the EU, including Russia and Turkey, bad relationships with Trump's America, the uncertainty of NATO, and the emergence of a new rival, China, that enters into the Central European edge of the EU. The author explores strategies for coping with, and emerging from, this existential crisis and ends with the alternative plans and possibilities for the future of the eurozone. This will be an invaluable resource for understanding the crisis of the EU, one of the central questions of contemporary international politics for undergraduate and graduate students, and readers interested in the discussion surrounding an endangered European integration and difficult world politics.

Chapter 8 of this book is freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license at: https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9780815392774 European integration has transformed the social life of European citizens. Daily life and work no longer take place primarily in a local and national context, but increasingly in a European and transnational frame - a process of 'horizontal Europeanisation' which, while increasing the life chances of European citizens, also brings about conflicts among them. This book focuses on processes of Europeanisation in the academic, bureaucratic, professional and associational field, as well as on the Europeanisation of solidarity, networks and social inequalities. Drawing on detailed empirical studies and attending to the reinforcement of centre-periphery structures in Europe, it analyses the dynamics of horizontal Europeanisation processes, highlighting the crucial role of national practices and perceptions in a transnational context, as well as the related conflicts between the winners and losers in this process. As such, it will appeal to scholars of sociology and political science with interests in European integration, social change and social stratification.

Conforming neither to the hierarchical and bureaucratic organization of the European nation-state nor the anarchical structure of international organizations, the European Union (EU) and its predecessors provide an exemplary site for developing a decentred approach to the study of governance. The book offers an analysis of the formation and transformation of the EU as an example of governance above the nation-state and is framed by the recognition that the construction of the EU has resulted in variegated and decentred forms of governance. The chapters look at distinct aspects of EU governance to bring to light the influence of elite narratives, scientific rationalities, local traditions and meaningful practices in the making and remaking of European governance. As such, each chapter offers a unique contribution to the study of the EU. In doing so, the book challenges dominant narratives of European integration and policymaking that appeal to reified rationalities and social structures, and uncovers the contingency and conflict endemic to European governance. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of European Union politics, European politics/studies, governance and, more broadly, to public management, international organizations, anthropology and sociology.

The European Union faces a set of inter-related crises that it struggles to contain and address. By exploring how the EU responds to crises and conflict, this volume addresses both its resilience and vulnerability. The EU faces significant challenges: European integration is increasingly politicised; democratic politics within member states are increasingly volatile; challenger parties threaten the status quo; and party systems are shifting throughout Europe. These crises test both the EU and individual states, especially those that had to exchange interdependence in the Union for dependence on the Troika. Despite the tension of hard times, this volume points to patterns of continuity and change as the single market, somewhat side-lined and forgotten in the heat of crises, retains its role as the hard core of the Union and the EU's most significant achievement. This book was originally published as a special issue of West European Politics.

This book offers the first comprehensive analysis after the Lisbon Treaty came into force of the EU Presidency's impact on national administrations in the Member States of Poland, Denmark and Cyprus before, during and after the Presidency. Placing the practical issues facing officials and policy-makers into a "governmentality" framework, it analyses the impact on the daily activities of bureaucrats and ministers. The book utilises comprehensive and novel empirical material including around 100 interviews with key officials, documentary sources and academic literature. It uncovers the kind of negotiations, management and coordination triggered by the immense challenge of presiding over the EU -including being a part of a Trio. This text will be of key interest to scholars, students of political science, European Union studies and public administration, as well as more broadly to Comparative Politics and International Relations. It will also be of interest to officials and policy members in EU Member states approaching the Presidency.

The European Union in Africa: Incoherent policies, asymmetrical partnership, declining relevance? provides a comprehensive analysis of EU-Africa relations since the beginning of the twenty-first century and includes contributions from leading experts in the field of EU external relations. It seeks to explain how the relationship evolved through discussion of a number of different policies and agreements, ranging from established areas such as aid, agriculture, trade and security, to new areas such as migration, climate change, energy and social policies. This book successfully challenges a number of widely-held assumptions on the role of the EU in Africa, and at the same time sheds light on the role and identity of the EU in the international arena. It will be of great interest to students and scholars in the field of EU external relations as well as practitioners of international development. -- .

This book explores and analyses the various factors that affected the formulation of the common EU policy towards the Middle East Peace Process (MEPP), as well as the specifics of the process by which the EU created EUPOL COPPS and EUBAM Rafah. It answers two central questions: firstly, why and how did the EU decide to create and deploy these missions? Secondly, where do these two missions fit into the general EU approach to the conflict in the Middle East? Based on confidential interviews with various actors in the process, uniquely granted to the author, it reveals the mechanics of decision-making behind the scenes and argues that the EU decision to expand its role in the MEPP, through the creation of the two missions, was closely related to the EU's defined common interests in the Middle East. Further it shows, the missions were, mainly, the result of the EU's already established approaches to further its role in the international political arena. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of European foreign policy, EU Politics, Middle East politics and studies, foreign policy analysis, and more broadly to international relations.

Southern Europe has been the EU region most exposed to the Eurozone sovereign debt crisis with consequences for national party systems and political stability. The 2014 European Parliament elections took place at a crucial time for Europe and Southern European societies more generally. This book analyses the Euroelections in Southern Europe, asking whether these followed the usual pattern of low-stimulus contests or whether the crisis context raised the bar. Country chapters on Italy, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Cyprus and Malta investigate the background of the elections, the electoral campaign and the rise of Euroscepticism. The linkage between governments' economic performance, the Europhile or Eurosceptic stances of political parties, and their electoral performance are at the core of the analysis in each chapter. The findings reveal that the political and electoral consequences of the economic crisis have not fundamentally challenged the second-order character of the 2014 European Parliament elections in Southern Europe. However, electoral behaviour exhibits some indications of a more critical contest in which the EU divide becomes more significant and polarising in determining voting choices. This book was previously published as a special issue of South European Society and Politics.

What is the impact of institutional reform implemented by the Nice Treaty on European Governance? What should be done to enhance democratic legitimacy in the EU? This book provides an up-to-date guide to understanding the European Union as an institution. Globalisation has led to enormous changes in the international environment which, in turn, have demanded institutional reform of the European Union in the form of the Nice Treaty. European Governance After Nice scrutinises how, and to what extent, the treaty will contribute to the solution of existing problems, examining both its positive effects and its limitations and examines the reforms within the EU through political science, law and economics, in order to express the full extent of the different effects of the Nice Treaty on non-member as well as member countries. The contributors suggest that the threat of varying exchange rates in the future, when the Treaty has an expansionary effect on economic scale, will lead to a deepening interdependence between the excluded countries.

The character of international trade has changed dramatically over the past twenty years. Previously published as a special issue of The Journal of European Public Policy, this volume provides a a ~state of the arta (TM) study of the new trade politics.

The character of international trade has changed dramatically over the past twenty years. Previously published as a special issue of The Journal of European Public Policy, this volume provides a 'state of the art' study of the new trade politics.

The European Union is a key participant in international organisations with its involvement taking different forms, ranging from full membership to mere observer. Moreover, there is also not only one status of observer, but different ones depending on the constituent charters of the organisations. This book provides a comprehensive overview of the participation of the EU in five international organisations: the UN, the ILO, the WTO, the WHO and the WIPO. It identifies its role and influence in diverse areas of global governance, such as foreign policy, peace, human rights, social rights, trade, health and intellectual property. EU and international experts, diplomats and scholars have contributed to this book to give an overview of the different aspects linked to the participation of the EU in these organisations and to the coordination that takes place internally with its Member States. They also examine the EU's actual influence in the various areas and its contribution to global governance. The combination of these two dimensions allows the work to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the participation of the EU in these five international organisations. The book provides valuable insights for scholars, policymakers and is useful for representatives of other international organisations and civil society actors.

When is the EU responsible under international law? Is the EU a 'special case' international organisation? The UN General Assembly's adoption of the ILC articles on the International Responsibility of International Organizations was only the catalyst for debate on this topic. In this book, the author examines the legal personality of the EU, how - if at all - its responsibility under international agreements is shared between Member States, and how the international responsibility of the EU relates to its internal responsibilities under EU law. By exploring how in practice such legal regimes as the ILC, UNCLOS, and the WTO have held the EU responsible, this book provides an innovative analysis of a fundamental aspect of the relationship between the EU and international law.

Starting in the 1980s, competitive pressures and the ideology of competitiveness have shaken and transformed traditional models of development, public policy, and governance in Europe. This edited book carries out a comprehensive, interdisciplinary, and innovative analysis of the relationship between competitiveness and solidarity in the contemporary European Union. It offers an original contribution to the scholarly debates on the current developments and challenges of welfare states, social and economic policies, and forms of governance in the European Union. Bringing together an international team of cutting-edge scholars in the social sciences and the humanities, Competitiveness and Solidarity in the European Union sheds light on the conceptual richness and policy relevance of these relationships, pointing to important avenues to make the European Union more economically successful and socially fairer. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of European Union studies and, more broadly, of EU Law, Public Policy, Economics, Sociology, Political Science, Geography, and Contemporary History.

Secrecy is a prevalent feature of politics within and among liberal democratic states, as well as in the relations between states and international organisations. However, surprisingly little research in political science has explored the effects of secrecy on policy making; the evolution of the regulatory frameworks that govern the use of secrecy; and the tensions between secrecy and transparency. This fascinating volume examines secrecy in European politics across a range of EU and national settings and policy domains, exploring the technological, social and political developments which appear to signal the end of privacy and the rapid expansion of political secrecy in European multi-level settings. Consequently, the tensions between democratic accountability with its transparency requirements, and political secrecy, which is typically justified on grounds of effectiveness of state action, have become more marked and more politicised. Engaging with these developments, the authors focus on actors' motivations in secret politics; institutional perspectives that highlight contestation over secrecy norms; and organisational perspectives that emphasise the diversity of secrecy cultures. This book will be of great interest to students, researchers and professionals of political science and law. It was originally published as a special issue of the journal West European Politics.

With a foreword by Atzo Nicolai, Minister for European Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands On 29 October 2004, the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe was signed by the leaders of the 25 Member States of the European Union. This event marked the end of the discussion rounds to amend the treaties on which the European Union is founded. Yet, the debate on the Constitution was far from over when on 29 May and 1 June 2005 the French and the Dutch voters rejected the Treaty. Politicians and lawyers are now confronted with the question of how to proceed and how to go forward. In October 2004, the T.M.C. Asser Institute in The Hague, The Netherlands, organized the 34th Session of its Asser Institute Colloquium on European Law, which was entitled 'The EU Constitution: The best way forward?'. During the Conference some 50 experts from the 25 Member States, from candidate, potential candidate and neighbouring countries, as well as from the US and Russia focused on key topics like: the process and impact of EU constitution-making, the democratic life of the EU, improving the efficiency and quality of legislation in the EU, the expansion of executive, judicial and legislative powers, and the access to justice. In anticipation of the developments after the signing of the Treaty, three eminent speakers - Prof. Joseph Weiler (New York University), Professor Bruno de Witte (European Institute in Florence) and Professor Jo Shaw (University of Manchester), elaborated on many answers in case of a ratification crisis. This book contains the proceedings of the three-day Conference and includes, next to the papers of the speakers and commentators, reports of the discussions on each topic and the texts of two keynote speeches. A keyword Index and a List of Articles (of the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe, the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty Establishing the European Community) greatly enhance the accessibility of the rich materials. The book will be of great help and interest to political leaders, members of parliament, international lawyers and European citizens in formulating answers to the questions that have risen after the rejection of the Treaty by the French and Dutch voters and give powerful impulses to the continuing debate and efforts to arrive at a generally accepted Constitution for Europe. Deirdre Curtin is Professor of European and International Governance at Utrecht School of Governance, Utrecht, The Netherlands. Alfred E. Kellermann is Senior Legal and Policy Advisor and Visiting Professor in the law of the EU at the T.M.C. Asser Institute and Steven Blockmans is a Senior Researcher in the law of the EU at the T.M.C. Asser Institute, The Hague, The Netherlands.

This interdisciplinary work presents a conceptual framework and brings together constructivist and rationalist accounts of how EU norms are adopted, adapted, resisted or rejected. These chapters provide empirical cases and critical analysis of a rich variety of norm-takers from EU member states, European and non-European states, including the rejection of EU norms in Russia and Africa as well as adaptation of EU practices in Australia and New Zealand. Chapters on China, ASEAN and the Czech Republic demonstrate resistance to EU norm export. This volume probes differences in willingness to adopt or adapt norms between various actors in the recipient state and explores such questions as: How do norm-takers perceive of the EU and its norms? Is there a 'normative fit' between EU norms and the local normative context? Similarly, how do EU norms impact recipients' interests and institutional arrangements? First, the authors map EU norm export strategies and approaches as they affect norm-takers. Second, the chapters recognize that norm adoption, adaption, resistance or rejection is a product of interaction and a relationship in which interdependence, asymmetry and power play a role. Third, we see that domestic circumstances within norm-takers condition the reception of norms. This book's focus on norm-takers highlights the reflexive nature of norm diffusion and that nature has implications for the EU itself as a norm exporter. Anyone with an interest in the research agenda on norm diffusion, normative power and the EU's normative dialogue with the world will find this book highly valuable, including scholars, policy makers and students of subjects including political science, European studies, international relations and international and EU law.

Single market and monetary integration of EEC countries, Germany's reunification and Central and East Europe's move towards the marketplace are redesigning the european political and economic spheres and creating great opportunities and challenges for Europe and the rest of the world. Europe in the nineties will take a new international policy direction, which may serve to strengthen supranationalism. The Community as a whole must ensure that these new steps make it possible to reconcile the economic interests of countries on the continent and in the rest of the world. This book deals with the problems raised by this process and is divided into three sections: the first section comprises five essays on fundamental themes of single-market process; the second section is devoted to the issue of monetary unification and the third and final section studies the connections between the 'new' Europe and the rest of the world.