The essays that comprise this study of 20th-century fascism shift the focus away from the German and Italian models and towards the influence of fascist ideology within other countries.

The essays that comprise this study of 20th-century fascism shift the focus away from the German and Italian models and towards the influence of fascist ideology within other countries.

The Third Reich: Politics and Propaganda re-appraises one of the most closely studied issues in European history - the appeal of the Nazi party and analyses the reasons behind the remarkable and sustained success of National Socialism in Germany. David Welch challenges previously held assumptions about the effectiveness of Nazi Propaganda, summarizes the major current debates and argues that in order to be successful, propaganda must preach to the partially converted.
This second edition brings the book up to date with a revised introduction and postscript to reflect the historiographical debates of the 1990s. It includes new material on many topics such as:
* continuities and discontinuities between Weimar and the Third Reich
* the medium of radio
* the 'Hitler myth'
* Nazi targeting of specific classes and social groups
* racial purity.

The Extreme Right in France, 1789 to the Present surveys the history of a fascinating but contentious political and intellectual tradition. Since 1789 the far right has been an important factor in French political life and in different eras has taken on a range of guises including traditionalism, ultra-royalism, radical nationalism, anti-Semitism and fascism.
This book is structured around the five main phases of extreme right activity, and the author explores key questions about each:
* Counter-revolution - what was the legacy of Joseph de Maistre's writings?
* Anti-Third Republic protest - how was the 'new right' of the 1880s and 1890s different from the 'old right' of previous decades?
* Inter-war fascism - how should we characterise the phenomenon of fascisme française?
* Vichy - why did Pétain and Laval collaborate with the Nazis?
* The Post-war far right - what is the relationship between Poujadism, Algérie Française and Le Pen's FN?

The Extreme Right in France, 1789 to the Present surveys the history of a fascinating but contentious political and intellectual tradition. Since 1789 the far right has been an important factor in French political life and in different eras has taken on a range of guises including traditionalism, ultra-royalism, radical nationalism, anti-Semitism and fascism.
This book is structured around the five main phases of extreme right activity, and the author explores key questions about each:
* Counter-revolution - what was the legacy of Joseph de Maistre's writings?
* Anti-Third Republic protest - how was the 'new right' of the 1880s and 1890s different from the 'old right' of previous decades?
* Inter-war fascism - how should we characterise the phenomenon of fascisme française?
* Vichy - why did Pétain and Laval collaborate with the Nazis?
* The Post-war far right - what is the relationship between Poujadism, Algérie Française and Le Pen's FN?

In Weimar and Nazi Germany, capitalism was hotly contested, discreetly practiced, and politically regulated. This volume shows how it adapted to fit a nation undergoing drastic changes following World War I. Through wide-ranging cultural histories, a transatlantic cast of historians probes the ways contemporaries debated, concealed, promoted, and racialized capitalism. They show how bankers and industrialists, storeowners and commercial designers, intellectuals and politicians reshaped a controversial economic order at a time of fundamental uncertainty and drastic rupture. The book thus sheds fresh light on the strategies used by Hitler and his followers to gain and maintain widespread support. The authors conclude that National Socialism succeeded in mobilizing capitalism's energies while at the same time claiming to have overcome a system they identified with pernicious Jewish influences. In so doing, the volume also speaks to the broader issue of how capitalism can adapt to new times.

Racial Theories in Fascist Italy examines the role played by race and racism in the development of Italian identity during the fascist period. The book examines the struggle between Mussolini, the fascist hierarchy, scientists and others in formulating a racial persona that would gain wide acceptance in Italy.
This book will be of interest to historians, political scientists concerned with the development of fascism and scholars of race and racism.

eBook available with sample pages: 020316489X

Gabriele D'Annunzio was one of the most flamboyant figures in the political history of modern Europe. A poet in the Byronic style and a popular hero of the First World War, D'Annunzio passionately believed that the sacrifices of war should prelude a new social order. His capture of the city of Fiume in 1919, which had been claimed by Italy as part of the settlement before the Versailles Peace Conference, has been popularized and romanticized ever since. Ledeen uses information gathered from Italian and American archives and from personal interviews to examine the sixteen months of D'Annunzio's personal rule in Fiume, seeing it as a harbinger of successful mass movements of the twentieth century.
The connection between D'Annunzio and Fascism is central to Ledeen's narrative. Virtually the entire ritual of Fascist politics made familiar by Mussolini-the balcony address, the Roman salute, the dramatic dialogues with the crowd, the use of religious symbols in a new secular setting-was influenced by D'Annunzio at Fiume. Both were masters of a political style based on personal charisma. Each spoke for a "new" Italy and, eventually, for a new world. Each attempted to transform his countrymen into more heroic types by an ethic of violence and grandeur. But Ledeen brings sharply into focus profound differences between D'Annunzio's vision of a new world and that offered by Fascism. Significantly, D'Annunzio enlisted support from the most diverse elements of society-politicians and businessmen in addition to representatives of radical trade unions, anarchist groups, and the armed forces.
Often sensationalized as a precursor of a sixties-style "dolce vita," D'Annunzio's Fiume presented many of the phenomena considered novel or unsettling today: sexual promiscuity, widespread experimentation with drugs, clergymen wanting to marry, women demanding equal rights, youth calling for the elimination of the old, soldiers insisting on a democratic army, poets yearning for a beautiful world instead of a purely utilitarian one, minorities clamoring for their fair share of political power. From the dispassionate distance of half a century, Ledeen views Fiume as a microcosm of the larger chaos of our contemporary scene. Although he was removed from Fiume after a pitched battle on land and sea, D'Annunzio remained an influential figure in Italian politics. Ledeen presents him as "one of the great innovators and watersheds of the modern world." This book will be of interest to historians, political scientists, and those interested in Post World War I Italy.
An authority on Italian fascism and contemporary Europe, Michael A. Ledeen is Resident Scholar at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington. In addition to being a frequent contributor to The New Republic, The American Spectator, and 11 Giornale (Milan), he is the author of 15 books on contemporary history and politics.

A meticulous analysis of fascism, its manifestations in Russian political and cultural history, and fascist tendencies and movements in contemporary Russia. The author devotes chapters to the many Russian political parties, movements, and organizations that have been labeled (or mislabeled) as fascist. He critically examines each in terms of program, leadership, and organizational effectiveness. Against the background of the current climate of opinion and events in Russia, he concludes with a careful attempt to weigh the prospects for a fascist outcome.

Throw out everything you think you know about history. Close the approved textbooks, turn off the corporate mass media, and whatever you do, don't believe anything you hear from the government. The Rise of the Fourth Reich reveals the truth about American power.

In this explosive expose, the legendary Jim Marrs explores the frighteningly real possibility that today, in the United States, an insidious ideology thought to have been vanquished more than a half century ago is actually flourishing. At the end of World War II, ranking Nazis, along with their young and fanatical proteges, used the loot of Europe to create corporate front companies in many countries, worming their way into corporate America. They brought with them miraculous weapons technology that helped win the space race. But they also brought their Nazi philosophy based on the authoritarian premise that the end justifies the means--including unprovoked wars of aggression and curtailment of individual liberties--which has since gained an iron hold in the "land of the free."

Jim Marrs has gathered compelling evidence of the effort that has been under way for the past sixty years to bring a form of National Socialism to modern America, creating in essence a new empire-or "Fourth Reich"

Formed by Sir Oswald Mosley in 1931, the New Party's aimed to solve the economic problems of interwar Britain, but faced opposition from the labour movement and accusations of fascism. This book traces Mosley's move from socialist Labour MP to blackshirted fascist, and assesses the New Party's attempt to realign British politics between the wars.

Hitler and Nazism is an essential introduction to a notorious figure and crucial theme in modern European history. Focusing on the key themes of Nazi domestic policy, this book draws together the results of recent research into a concise analysis of the nature of Nazi rule and its impact on German society.
This book continues to explore how Nazism took hold in Germany; the issues of Hitler's beliefs and their role in the Third Reich; the factors that brought the party to power, and the structure and nature of both government and society in the Third Reich. It also develops further its analysis of the important issues of modernisation, gender, racial hygiene and the origins and implementation of the Holocaust.

eBook available with sample pages: 0203131193

This text is a comparative study of the expansionist foreign policies of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany from 1922 to 1945. It provides an overview of the ideological motivations behind fascist expasionism and their impact on fascist policies, and explores the two main issues which have dominated the historiographical debates on the nature of fascist expansionism: whether Italy's and Germany's particular expansionist tendencies can be attributed to a set of generic fascist values, or were shaped by the long-term, uniquely national ambitions and developments since unification; whether the pursuit of expansion was opportunistic or followed a grand design in each case. This book is a study of the expansionist visions of Hitler and Mussolini and it should enlighten our understanding of the dynamics and evolution of the fascist policies of Italy and Germany to the end of the Second World War.

Adolf Hitler is perceived to be the most evil political leader of twentieth century Europe. Hitler draws on his background and involvement in the rise of National Socialism, the government of the Third Reich, leadership of the Second World War in Germany and his psychology to discuss Hitler's credentials as a revolutionary.
This volume includes examination of:
* the general characteristics of revolutions and revolutionaries
* Hitler as Agitator, Dictator, Deceiver and Warlord
* Hitler's architectural and artistic ambitions
* Hitler's mind and personality.
Hitler investigates what it was that motivated this national leader to achieve such monstrosities which still cast a shadow over Europe today.

Based on rigorous analysis of the propaganda of five Western European separatist parties, this book provides in-depth examination of the 'nationalism of the rich', defined as a type of nationalist discourse that seeks to end the economic 'exploitation' suffered by a group of people represented as a wealthy nation and supposedly carried out by the populations of poorer regions and/or by inefficient state administrations. It shows that the nationalism of the rich represents a new phenomenon peculiar to societies that have set in place complex systems of wealth redistribution and adopted economic growth as the main principle of government legitimacy. The book argues that the nationalism of the rich can be seen as a rhetorical strategy portraying independent statehood as a solution to the dilemma between solidarity and efficiency arisen in Western Europe since the end of the Glorious Thirties. It further suggests that its formation can be best explained by the following combination of factors: (1) the creation, from the end of the Second World War, of extensive forms of automatic redistribution to a scale previously unprecedented; (2) the beginning, from the mid-1970s, of an era of 'permanent austerity' exacerbated, in specific contexts, by situations of serious public policy failure; (3) the existence of national/cultural cleavages roughly squaring with uneven development and sharp income differentials among territorial areas of a given state.

A knife adorned with a swastika and an eagle's head ... As a young boy, Joseph Pearson was terrified of the weapon hanging from a hook in his grandfather's basement, a trophy seized from the enemy in battle. When he later inherited the knife, he unlocked a story far more unsettling than he could ever have imagined. By then a writer and cultural historian living in Berlin, Joseph found himself drawn to other objects from the Nazi era: a pocket diary, a recipe book, a double bass and a cotton pouch. Although the past remains a painful subject in Germany, he embarked on a journey to illuminate their stories before they disappeared from living memory. A historical detective story and an enthralling account of one historian's search for answers, My Grandfather's Knife is at once a poignant meditation on memory and a unique addition to our understanding of Nazi Germany.

This book draws on the example of the major cities of Leipzig and Dresden to illustrate continuity and change in public health in the German Democratic Republic. Based on archival work, it will demonstrate how members of the medical profession successfully manipulated their pre-1945 past in order to continue practising, leading to persistence in the social conception of medicine and disease after Communism took hold. This was particularly evident in attitudes towards and treatment of sexually transmitted diseases and the pathology of deviant behaviour among young people.

This volume examines the changing role which ordinary members of society played in the state-sponsored persecution of the Jews in Bukovina and Bessarabia, both during the summer of 1941, when Romania joined the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union, and beyond. It establishes different patterns of civilian complicity and discusses the significance of the phenomenon in the context of the exterminatory campaign pursued by the Romanian military authorities against the Jews living in the borderlands.

The White Terror was a movement of right-wing militias that for two years actively tracked down, tortured, and murdered members of the Jewish community, as well as former supporters of the short-lived Council Republic in the years following World War I. It can be argued that this example of a programme of virulent antisemitism laid the foundations for Hungarian participation in the Holocaust. Given the rightward shift of Hungarian politics today, this book has a particular resonance in re-examining the social and historical context of the White Terror.

This book presents an insightful account of the academic politics of the Nazi era and analyses the work of selected linguists, including Jos Trier and Leo Weisgerber. Hutton situates Nazi linguistics within the politics of Hitler's state and within the history of modern linguistics.

eBook available with sample pages: 0203021010

This study offers a clear, concise introduction to the Fascist-era practice, know as confino, of exiling antifascist dissidents to parts of Italy far from the dissidents' homes, often on islands or in tiny inland villages. The book is organised in two sections. Part one provides a case study of the political colony on the island of Lipari and a historical overview of internal exile. Part two focuses on representations of confinement in literature and film. It examines the varieties of self-expression (e.g. memoirs, letters and literature) used by prisoners to describe their experiences, investigates how filmmakers interpret these events, places and people, and explores how film portrays the repression of homosexuality. A timely examination of the birthplace of European federalism, the book also contributes to our understanding of the legacy of confinement from both national and European perspectives. -- .

Despite its male predominance and popular perception as a misogynist movement, Fascism has, on several occasions, proved able to win large numbers of women both as voters and members. Martin Durham addresses this paradox by dispelling the myth that Fascism uniformly upheld anti-feminist policies and wanted women firmly kept in the home breeding the master race. This text analyzes the rise of women in fascist organizations across Europe from the early 1920s to the late 1990s with examples from Germany, Italy and France. Unusually, however, the author focuses on British Fascism and in doing so he offers valuable new perspectives on fascist attitudes to women both as voters and members and highlights women's relationship to fascist policies on birth rate, abortion and eugenics.

Despite its male predominance and popular perception as a misogynist movement, Fascism has, on several occasions, proved able to win large numbers of women both as voters and members. Martin Durham addresses this paradox by dispelling the myth that Fascism uniformly upheld anti-feminist policies and wanted women firmly kept in the home breeding the master race. This text analyzes the rise of women in fascist organizations across Europe from the early 1920s to the late 1990s with examples from Germany, Italy and France. Unusually, however, the author focuses on British Fascism and in doing so he offers valuable new perspectives on fascist attitudes to women both as voters and members and highlights women's relationship to fascist policies on birth rate, abortion and eugenics.

The thousands of academic refugees Esther Simpson helped rescue are well remembered. But who was she and why has history forgotten her? This is the story of Esther Simpson, a remarkable woman history has largely forgotten, but whose selfless actions left an indelible mark on the cultural and intellectual landscape of the modern world. Esther Simpson - Tess to her friends - devoted her life to resettling academic refugees, whom she thought of as her family. By the end of her life, Tess could count among her 'children' sixteen Nobel Prize winners, eighteen Knights, seventy-four fellows of the Royal Society, thirty-four fellows of the British Academy. From a humble upbringing in Leeds to Russian immigrant parents, Simpson took on secretarial roles that saw her move to London, then Vienna and finally Geneva. But when Hitler came to power she found her calling and joined the Academic Assistance Council for a salary that paid a third of what she was previously earning. Her work over more than five decades seeking refuge for many thousands of displaced academics had a profound impact on twentieth-century physics, philosophy, architecture, art history and molecular biology to name just a handful of disciplines. For a woman who kept such regular correspondence with her refugee 'children' - as she called them - and who could count among her pen pals Albert Einstein and Ludwig Wittgenstein, surprisingly little is known of her private life. This book is a study of a forgotten woman: who she was, her impact upon the world and the historical context that helped shape her achievements.

'A riveting tale, brilliantly told' Philippe Sands The little-known story of Hitler's war on modern art and the mentally ill. In the first years of the Weimar Republic, the German psychiatrist Hans Prinzhorn gathered a remarkable collection of works by schizophrenic patients that would astonish and delight the world. The Prinzhorn collection, as it was called, inspired a new generation of artists, including Paul Klee, Max Ernst and Salvador Dali. What the doctor could not have known, however, was that these works would later be used to prepare the ground for mass-murder. Soon after his rise to power, Hitler-a failed artist of the old school-declared war on modern art. The Nazis staged giant 'Degenerate Art' shows to ridicule the avant-garde, and seized and destroyed the cream of Germany's modern art collections. This action was mere preparation, however, for the even more sinister campaign Hitler would later wage against so-called "degenerate" people, and Prinzhorn's artists were caught up in both. Bringing together inspirational art history, genius and madness, and the wanton cruelty of the fanatical "artist-Fuhrer", this astonishing story lays bare the culture war that paved the way for Hitler's first extermination programme, the psychiatric Holocaust.