From KKK members to Mussolini lovers, from Nazis to Fascists, and from Australia to Kenya, this collection provides a stunning portrait of women's active involvement in conservative, fascist, racist, and anti-democracy politics around the world. As the first comparative volume of international scope ever on the subject of right-wing women, this book provides a crucial understanding of the often important, but rarely acknowledged role women play in right-wing movements. Far from being mere puppets of their male counterparts, right-wing women are political actors in their own right, with varied interests and demands. These original essays provide a disturbing and complicated portrait of why women join such groups; what beliefs they hold; what they teach their children; and how their actions impact the rest of the world. Essays cover a range of topics, including: women in the KKK; fascist women in Brazil; Afrikaner nationalist women in South Africa; women of the Falange; Islamist women in Turkey; women supporters of Pinochet; women in the Nazi party; and women in Concerned Women in America, America's largest grassroots women's organization.

The White Terror was a movement of right-wing militias that for two years actively tracked down, tortured, and murdered members of the Jewish community, as well as former supporters of the short-lived Council Republic in the years following World War I. It can be argued that this example of a programme of virulent antisemitism laid the foundations for Hungarian participation in the Holocaust. Given the rightward shift of Hungarian politics today, this book has a particular resonance in re-examining the social and historical context of the White Terror.

Political theorist Laurie M. Johnson deals with Jung's analysis of the effects of modern scientific rationalism on the development of communism, fascism and Nazism in the 20th century and applies this analysis to the rise of the New Right in the 21st century. Jung's thought provides much needed insight into contemporary ideologies such as neoliberalism, Identitarianism and the Alt-Right. Johnson explains Jungian analytical psychology as it relates to these topics, with a chapter devoted to Jung's views of Friedrich Nietzsche, who exemplifies the modern problem with his proclamation that God is dead, and an in-depth discussion of Jung's views on truth and the psychological function of religion as a safeguard against deadly mass movements. She then turns to Jung's treatment of anti-Semitism and the Nazi movement, and his views on race and racism. Johnson applies these historical insights to the current manifestations of mass psychological disruption in the clash between neoliberals and the right-wing populist and Identitarian movements on the rise in North America and Europe. She concludes by discussing the search for an authentic and meaningful life in a West that rejects extremism and is open to authentic spiritual experiences as a counterbalance to mass mindedness. Ideological Possession and the Rise of the New Right will appeal to both undergraduate and graduate students of psychology and intellectual history. The book will also be of interest to those wishing to understand the new nationalist, nativist and Identarian movements.

Based on rigorous analysis of the propaganda of five Western European separatist parties, this book provides in-depth examination of the 'nationalism of the rich', defined as a type of nationalist discourse that seeks to end the economic 'exploitation' suffered by a group of people represented as a wealthy nation and supposedly carried out by the populations of poorer regions and/or by inefficient state administrations. It shows that the nationalism of the rich represents a new phenomenon peculiar to societies that have set in place complex systems of wealth redistribution and adopted economic growth as the main principle of government legitimacy. The book argues that the nationalism of the rich can be seen as a rhetorical strategy portraying independent statehood as a solution to the dilemma between solidarity and efficiency arisen in Western Europe since the end of the Glorious Thirties. It further suggests that its formation can be best explained by the following combination of factors: (1) the creation, from the end of the Second World War, of extensive forms of automatic redistribution to a scale previously unprecedented; (2) the beginning, from the mid-1970s, of an era of 'permanent austerity' exacerbated, in specific contexts, by situations of serious public policy failure; (3) the existence of national/cultural cleavages roughly squaring with uneven development and sharp income differentials among territorial areas of a given state.

The essays that comprise this study of 20th-century fascism shift the focus away from the German and Italian models and towards the influence of fascist ideology within other countries.

This book draws on the example of the major cities of Leipzig and Dresden to illustrate continuity and change in public health in the German Democratic Republic. Based on archival work, it will demonstrate how members of the medical profession successfully manipulated their pre-1945 past in order to continue practising, leading to persistence in the social conception of medicine and disease after Communism took hold. This was particularly evident in attitudes towards and treatment of sexually transmitted diseases and the pathology of deviant behaviour among young people.

The Third Reich: Politics and Propaganda re-appraises one of the most closely studied issues in European history - the appeal of the Nazi party and analyses the reasons behind the remarkable and sustained success of National Socialism in Germany. David Welch challenges previously held assumptions about the effectiveness of Nazi Propaganda, summarizes the major current debates and argues that in order to be successful, propaganda must preach to the partially converted.
This second edition brings the book up to date with a revised introduction and postscript to reflect the historiographical debates of the 1990s. It includes new material on many topics such as:
* continuities and discontinuities between Weimar and the Third Reich
* the medium of radio
* the 'Hitler myth'
* Nazi targeting of specific classes and social groups
* racial purity.

From KKK members to Mussolini lovers, from Nazi to fascists, and from Australia to Kenya, this collection provides a stunning portrait of women's active involvement in conservative, fascist, racist, and anti-democracy politics around the world. As the first comparative volume of international scope ever on the subject of right-wing women, this book provides a crucial understanding of the often important, but rarely acknowledged role women play in right-wing movements. Far from being mere puppets of their male counterparts, right-wing women are political actors in their own right, with varied interests and demands. These original essays provide a disturbing and complicated portrait of why women join such groups; what beliefs they hold; what they teach their children; and how their actions impact the rest of the world. Essays cover a range of topics, including: women in the KKK; fascist women in Brazil; Afrikaner nationalist women in South Africa; women of the Falange; Islamist women in Turkey; women supporters of Pinochet; women in the Nazi party; and women in Concerned Women in America, America's largest grassroots women's organization.

The essays that comprise this study of 20th-century fascism shift the focus away from the German and Italian models and towards the influence of fascist ideology within other countries.

The Extreme Right in France, 1789 to the Present surveys the history of a fascinating but contentious political and intellectual tradition. Since 1789 the far right has been an important factor in French political life and in different eras has taken on a range of guises including traditionalism, ultra-royalism, radical nationalism, anti-Semitism and fascism.
This book is structured around the five main phases of extreme right activity, and the author explores key questions about each:
* Counter-revolution - what was the legacy of Joseph de Maistre's writings?
* Anti-Third Republic protest - how was the 'new right' of the 1880s and 1890s different from the 'old right' of previous decades?
* Inter-war fascism - how should we characterise the phenomenon of fascisme française?
* Vichy - why did Pétain and Laval collaborate with the Nazis?
* The Post-war far right - what is the relationship between Poujadism, Algérie Française and Le Pen's FN?

The Extreme Right in France, 1789 to the Present surveys the history of a fascinating but contentious political and intellectual tradition. Since 1789 the far right has been an important factor in French political life and in different eras has taken on a range of guises including traditionalism, ultra-royalism, radical nationalism, anti-Semitism and fascism.
This book is structured around the five main phases of extreme right activity, and the author explores key questions about each:
* Counter-revolution - what was the legacy of Joseph de Maistre's writings?
* Anti-Third Republic protest - how was the 'new right' of the 1880s and 1890s different from the 'old right' of previous decades?
* Inter-war fascism - how should we characterise the phenomenon of fascisme française?
* Vichy - why did Pétain and Laval collaborate with the Nazis?
* The Post-war far right - what is the relationship between Poujadism, Algérie Française and Le Pen's FN?

The interrelationship of fascism and sexuality has attracted a great deal of interest for some time now. This collection offers fresh perspectives by leading scholars on the history of sexuality under national socialism on such topics as the persecution of Jewish-gentile sex in the "race defilement" trials, homophobic propaganda and the prosecution of same-sex activity within the Wehrmacht and SS, representations of female sexuality in film, prostitution on home and battle fronts, sexual relations between Germans and foreign forced laborers, and reproductive practices among Jewish survivors. Moreover, the authors provide new insights into the relationships between Nazi sexual politics and antisemitism and challenge assumptions of Nazism as sexually repressive; instead they emphasize the interrelationships between incitement to sexual activity and persecution and mass murder.

Racial Theories in Fascist Italy examines the role played by race and racism in the development of Italian identity during the fascist period. The book examines the struggle between Mussolini, the fascist hierarchy, scientists and others in formulating a racial persona that would gain wide acceptance in Italy.
This book will be of interest to historians, political scientists concerned with the development of fascism and scholars of race and racism.

eBook available with sample pages: 020316489X

Gabriele D'Annunzio was one of the most flamboyant figures in the political history of modern Europe. A poet in the Byronic style and a popular hero of the First World War, D'Annunzio passionately believed that the sacrifices of war should prelude a new social order. His capture of the city of Fiume in 1919, which had been claimed by Italy as part of the settlement before the Versailles Peace Conference, has been popularized and romanticized ever since. Ledeen uses information gathered from Italian and American archives and from personal interviews to examine the sixteen months of D'Annunzio's personal rule in Fiume, seeing it as a harbinger of successful mass movements of the twentieth century.
The connection between D'Annunzio and Fascism is central to Ledeen's narrative. Virtually the entire ritual of Fascist politics made familiar by Mussolini-the balcony address, the Roman salute, the dramatic dialogues with the crowd, the use of religious symbols in a new secular setting-was influenced by D'Annunzio at Fiume. Both were masters of a political style based on personal charisma. Each spoke for a "new" Italy and, eventually, for a new world. Each attempted to transform his countrymen into more heroic types by an ethic of violence and grandeur. But Ledeen brings sharply into focus profound differences between D'Annunzio's vision of a new world and that offered by Fascism. Significantly, D'Annunzio enlisted support from the most diverse elements of society-politicians and businessmen in addition to representatives of radical trade unions, anarchist groups, and the armed forces.
Often sensationalized as a precursor of a sixties-style "dolce vita," D'Annunzio's Fiume presented many of the phenomena considered novel or unsettling today: sexual promiscuity, widespread experimentation with drugs, clergymen wanting to marry, women demanding equal rights, youth calling for the elimination of the old, soldiers insisting on a democratic army, poets yearning for a beautiful world instead of a purely utilitarian one, minorities clamoring for their fair share of political power. From the dispassionate distance of half a century, Ledeen views Fiume as a microcosm of the larger chaos of our contemporary scene. Although he was removed from Fiume after a pitched battle on land and sea, D'Annunzio remained an influential figure in Italian politics. Ledeen presents him as "one of the great innovators and watersheds of the modern world." This book will be of interest to historians, political scientists, and those interested in Post World War I Italy.
An authority on Italian fascism and contemporary Europe, Michael A. Ledeen is Resident Scholar at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington. In addition to being a frequent contributor to The New Republic, The American Spectator, and 11 Giornale (Milan), he is the author of 15 books on contemporary history and politics.

Hitler and Nazism is an essential introduction to a notorious figure and crucial theme in modern European history. Focusing on the key themes of Nazi domestic policy, this book draws together the results of recent research into a concise analysis of the nature of Nazi rule and its impact on German society.
This book continues to explore how Nazism took hold in Germany; the issues of Hitler's beliefs and their role in the Third Reich; the factors that brought the party to power, and the structure and nature of both government and society in the Third Reich. It also develops further its analysis of the important issues of modernisation, gender, racial hygiene and the origins and implementation of the Holocaust.

eBook available with sample pages: 0203131193

Adolf Hitler is perceived to be the most evil political leader of twentieth century Europe. Hitler draws on his background and involvement in the rise of National Socialism, the government of the Third Reich, leadership of the Second World War in Germany and his psychology to discuss Hitler's credentials as a revolutionary.
This volume includes examination of:
* the general characteristics of revolutions and revolutionaries
* Hitler as Agitator, Dictator, Deceiver and Warlord
* Hitler's architectural and artistic ambitions
* Hitler's mind and personality.
Hitler investigates what it was that motivated this national leader to achieve such monstrosities which still cast a shadow over Europe today.

This text is a comparative study of the expansionist foreign policies of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany from 1922 to 1945. It provides an overview of the ideological motivations behind fascist expasionism and their impact on fascist policies, and explores the two main issues which have dominated the historiographical debates on the nature of fascist expansionism: whether Italy's and Germany's particular expansionist tendencies can be attributed to a set of generic fascist values, or were shaped by the long-term, uniquely national ambitions and developments since unification; whether the pursuit of expansion was opportunistic or followed a grand design in each case. This book is a study of the expansionist visions of Hitler and Mussolini and it should enlighten our understanding of the dynamics and evolution of the fascist policies of Italy and Germany to the end of the Second World War.

Formed by Sir Oswald Mosley in 1931, the New Party's aimed to solve the economic problems of interwar Britain, but faced opposition from the labour movement and accusations of fascism. This book traces Mosley's move from socialist Labour MP to blackshirted fascist, and assesses the New Party's attempt to realign British politics between the wars.

Militancy continues to be characteristic of many supporters of the Russian far right, encompassing a belligerent rhetoric, a strong perception of participants as political warriors and often the use of physical violence. How serious a threat does Russian militant right-wing extremism pose to Russia and the World, and how has the level of threat changed over time? This book addresses this question by exploring right-wing extremism in Russia, its historical context and its resurgence over the past thirty years. Outlining the legacies and forms presented by current right-wing extremism, with a particular focus on militant extremism, it employs a historical, descriptive method to analyse the threats and risks posed. Presented within the framework of research on extremism and political violence related to the Russian political thought, the book outlines the key criteria of identifying threats, such as the level of violence, ability to gain supporters and penetration of governing elites. Primarily aimed at researchers and academics in political science, extremism, security studies and the history of Russia and Eastern, Central and South-East Europe, this book will also be of interest to political journalists and practitioners in international security.

Gender and the Radical and Extreme Right takes up an important and often-overlooked across scholarship on the radical right, gender, and education. These subfields have mostly operated independent of one another, and the scholars and practitioners who attend to educational interventions on the far right rarely address gender directly, while the growing body of scholarship on gender and the far right typically overlooks the issue of educational implications. This edited volume steps into this space, bringing together seven chapters and an afterword to help readers rethink the educational implications of research on gender and the radical right. As a starting point for future dialogue and research across previously disparate subfields, this volume highlights education as one space where such an integration may be seen as a fruitful avenue for further exploration. This book was originally published as a special issue of Gender and Education.

The word 'fascism' sometimes appears to have become a catch-all term of abuse, applicable to anyone on the political right, from Hitler to Donald Trump and from Putin to Thatcher. While some argue that it lacks any distinctive conceptual meaning at all, others have supplied highly elaborate definitions of its 'essential' features. It is therefore a concept that presents unique challenges for any student of political theory or history. In this accessible book, Roger Griffin, one of the world's leading authorities on fascism, brings welcome clarity to this controversial ideology. He examines its origins and development as a political concept, from its historical beginnings in 1920s Italy up to the present day, and guides students through the confusing maze of debates surrounding the nature, definition and meaning of fascism. Elucidating with skill and precision its dynamic as a utopian ideology of national/racial rebirth, Griffin goes on to examine its post-Second World War mutations and its relevance to understanding contemporary right-wing political phenomena, ranging from Marine Le Pen to Golden Dawn. This concise and engaging volume will be of great interest to all students of political theory, the history of political thought, and modern history.

Nazis, fascists and voelkisch conservatives in different European countries not only cooperated internationally in the fields of culture, science, economy, and persecution of Jews, but also developed ideas for a racist and ethno-nationalist Europe under Hitler. The present volume attempts to combine an analysis of Nazi Germany's transnational relations with an evaluation of the discourse that accompanied these relations.

This book presents an insightful account of the academic politics of the Nazi era and analyses the work of selected linguists, including Jos Trier and Leo Weisgerber. Hutton situates Nazi linguistics within the politics of Hitler's state and within the history of modern linguistics.

eBook available with sample pages: 0203021010

Despite its male predominance and popular perception as a misogynist movement, Fascism has, on several occasions, proved able to win large numbers of women both as voters and members. Martin Durham addresses this paradox by dispelling the myth that Fascism uniformly upheld anti-feminist policies and wanted women firmly kept in the home breeding the master race. This text analyzes the rise of women in fascist organizations across Europe from the early 1920s to the late 1990s with examples from Germany, Italy and France. Unusually, however, the author focuses on British Fascism and in doing so he offers valuable new perspectives on fascist attitudes to women both as voters and members and highlights women's relationship to fascist policies on birth rate, abortion and eugenics.

Despite its male predominance and popular perception as a misogynist movement, Fascism has, on several occasions, proved able to win large numbers of women both as voters and members. Martin Durham addresses this paradox by dispelling the myth that Fascism uniformly upheld anti-feminist policies and wanted women firmly kept in the home breeding the master race. This text analyzes the rise of women in fascist organizations across Europe from the early 1920s to the late 1990s with examples from Germany, Italy and France. Unusually, however, the author focuses on British Fascism and in doing so he offers valuable new perspectives on fascist attitudes to women both as voters and members and highlights women's relationship to fascist policies on birth rate, abortion and eugenics.