The recent rise in Europe of extreme right-wing political parties along with outbreaks of violent nationalist fervor in the former communist bloc has occasioned much speculation on a possible resurgence of fascism. At the polemical level, fascism has become a generic term applied to virtually any form of real or potential violence, while among Marxist and left-wing scholars discredited interpretations of fascism as a "product of late capitalism" are revived. Empty of cognitive significance, these formulas disregard the historical and philosophical roots of fascism as it arose in Italy and spread throughout Europe. In "Giovanni Gentile: Philosopher of Fascism," A. James Gregor returns to those roots by examining the thought of Italian Fascism's major theorist.

In Gregor's reading of Gentile, fascism was-and remains-an anti-democratic reaction to what were seen to be the domination by advanced industrial democracies of less-developed or status-deprived communities and nations languishing on the margins of the "Great Powers." Sketching in the political background of late nineteenth-century Italy, industrially backward and only recently unified, Gregor shows how Gentile supplied fascism its justificatory rationale as a developmental dictatorship. Gentile's Actualism (as his philosophy came to be identified) absorbed many intellectual currents of the early twentieth century including nationalism, syndicalism, and futurism and united them in a dynamic rebellion against new perceived hegemonic impostures of imperialism. The individual was called to an idealistic ethic of obedience, work, self-sacrifice, and national community. As Gregor demonstrates, it was a paradigm of what we can expect in the twenty-first century's response, on the part of marginal nations, to the globalization of the industrialized democracies. Gregor cites post-Maoist China, nationalist Russia, Africa, and the Balkans at the development stage from which fascism could grow.

The first book-length analysis in English of Gentile's thought in over thirty years, this volume is valuable not only as a work of historical scholarship but as a timely warning. While Marxism-Leninism has passed into history, fascism may yet reemerge as an external threat to democratic nations.

"Well researched, readable, and very interesting" --Choice "Nazis in Newark is a model local history that reaches well beyond the border of Essex County, New Jersey, to the national and international arenas. By recounting so many sides of the complicated encounter between Nazis and Jews in Newark, Warren Grover has fashioned a world of street politics, boycotts, Nazi louts and Jewish bruisers that is as compelling and telling in its detail as any grand tome on the supposed failures and successes of American Jewish resistence to the Holocaust... I recommend Nazis in Newark. I intend to use it as a cornerstone of my teaching for some time to come." --Professor Michael Alexander The Jewish Quarterly Review "Very few people today realize that the U.S. mainland was the scene of battles against the Nazis. Warren Grover has produced an outstanding work on this subject. The writing is incisive, the ideas are both original and insightful and the thesis masterfully developed and executed. Must reading for anyone interested in American history and ethnic studies." --William B. Helmreich, CUNY Graduate Center and author of The Enduring Community "Thanks to tenacious research and deft story-telling, Warren Grover has put the politics of extremism in one city in the shadow of Fascism, Nazism and Communism, and has thus illuminated the terrible dilemmas of the 1930s. His book also compels the reader to consider an historical anomaly: champions of the Third Reich come across as victims whose civil liberties were infringed, and the gangs of Newark responsible for these violations tended to be Jewish. Such ironies make Nazis in Newark worth the interest of anyone intrigued by ethnic conflict and politcal violence in urban America." --Stephen Whitfield, Max Richter Professor of American Civilization, Brandeis University "In this fast-paced, thorough study of anti-Nazism in Newark, scholar Warren Grover tells the compelling story of how that city's Jews battled their Nazi enemies in the streets and in the marketplace. With meticulous research, Grover adds an important new chapter to our understanding of Jewish reaction. He chronicles how tough, blue collar Jews physically intimidated home-grown Nazis in such groups as the German-American Bund, while a mild-mannered Jewish physician organized an economic boycott against German goods being sold in some of Newark's finest stores. Grover amply demonstrates that Newark's Jews were neither oblivious nor passive toward the enemy in their midst." --Alan M. Kraut, American University "Warren Grover tells a fascinating story in Nazis in Newark. He is a prominent local historian who knows the demography and history of Newark and its environs like the back of his hand. His analysis of the attitude of various groups in Newark toward the threat to Jews posed by Nazism is especially insightful." --Bennett Muraskin, Jewish Currents

This volume examines the changing role which ordinary members of society played in the state-sponsored persecution of the Jews in Bukovina and Bessarabia, both during the summer of 1941, when Romania joined the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union, and beyond. It establishes different patterns of civilian complicity and discusses the significance of the phenomenon in the context of the exterminatory campaign pursued by the Romanian military authorities against the Jews living in the borderlands.

The early twentieth century in Italy was a crucial period in its history. Mussolini and Fascism surveys all the important issues and topics of the period including the origins and rise of Fascism, Mussolini as Prime Minister and Dictator, the Totalitarian state, foreign policy and the Second World War. It also examines how Italian Fascism compared to other inter-war dictatorships.

Using forty-five interviews with former members and sympathisers, this book traces the development of the Women's section of the France government from its roots in the Spanish fascist party to its role in the dictatorship up to 1959. The study reveals that despite its anti-feminist agenda, the section was, in some areas, a catalyst for women's emancipation in post-Franco Spain.

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The revival of right-wing extremism in post-Cold war Europe has created considerable concern, even consternation, on both sides of the Atlantic. The spectre of far-right political parties, headed by seemingly charismatic leaders, challenging for power in parliaments while far-right youth gangs attack gypsies, immigrants and asylum-seekers in the streets, has come to haunt many people worried about the future of the Western democracies. In this revised and updated edition, Merkl and Weinberg have assembled a group of internationally renowned scholars to analyse the revival of right-wing extremism in 21st-century Europe.

An examination of right-wing extremism in modern Europe. -Considers the perception of political extremism from an international viewpoint -The second edition of a highly acclaimed work The revival of right-wing extremism in post-Cold war Europe has created considerable concern, even consternation, on both sides of the Atlantic. The spectre of far-right political parties, headed by seemingly charismatic leaders, challenging for power in parliaments while far-right youth gangs attack gypsies, immigrants and asylum-seekers in the streets, has come to haunt many people worried about the future of the Western democracies. In this new revised and updated edition, Merkl and Weinberg have assembled a group of internationally renowned scholars to analyse the revival of right-wing extremism in twenty-first century Europe.

The Radical Right has represented a major element in German politics and society since the 1870s, though the inevitable focus on the Third Reich has tended to distort the wider picture. Tracing the history of right-wing politics through the full span of Germany's life as a nation, Lee McGowan shows that the attitudes and policies of the radical right neither began with Hitler's pursuit of power in the 1920s nor ended with his death in the ruins of Berlin. Topical and relevant, this is an important book for all those interested in modern Germany.

The Fascism Reader is a fascinating and wide-ranging introduction to the complex nature, limits, aspects and dynamics of Fascism as both ideology and practice. The book draws together classic and recent interpretations to trace the development of generic fascism.
Exploring fascism in all its manifestations, this book discusses notorious examples such as Hitler's Germany, Mussolini's Italy and Franco's Spain, as well as less familiar regimes including Horthy in Hungary, Salazar's dictatorship in Portugal and the British Union of Fascists.
The Fascism Reader explores all the key aspects of fascism including:
* the essence and limitations of generic fascism
* the intellectual and ideological dimensions of fascism
* regimes of fascism as particular models of the exercise of power
* fascism and society - from anti-semitism to fascist attitudes to women.

The early twentieth century in Italy was a crucial period in its history. Mussolini and Fascism surveys all the important issues and topics of the period including the origins and rise of Fascism, Mussolini as Prime Minister and Dictator, the Totalitarian state, foreign policy and the Second World War. It also examines how Italian Fascism compared to other inter-war dictatorships.

The essays that comprise this study of 20th-century fascism shift the focus away from the German and Italian models and towards the influence of fascist ideology within other countries.

Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945 surveys this elusive and controversial phenomenon which is still the object of interest and debate over fifty years after its defeat in the Second World War. It introduces the recent scholarship and continuing debates on the nature of fascism as well as the often contentious contributions by foreign historians and political scientists.
From the pre-First World War intellectual origins of Fascism to its demise in 1945, this book examines:
* the two 'waves' of fascism - in the immediate post-war period and in the late 1920s and early 1930s
* whether the European crisis created by the Treaty of Versailles allowed fascism to take root
* why fascism came to power in Italy and Germany, but not anywhere else in Europe
* fascism's own claim to be an international and internationalist movement
* the idea of 'totalitarianism' as the most useful and appropriate way of analysing the fascist regimes.

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The Third Reich: Politics and Propaganda re-appraises one of the most closely studied issues in European history - the appeal of the Nazi party and analyses the reasons behind the remarkable and sustained success of National Socialism in Germany. David Welch challenges previously held assumptions about the effectiveness of Nazi Propaganda, summarizes the major current debates and argues that in order to be successful, propaganda must preach to the partially converted.
This second edition brings the book up to date with a revised introduction and postscript to reflect the historiographical debates of the 1990s. It includes new material on many topics such as:
* continuities and discontinuities between Weimar and the Third Reich
* the medium of radio
* the 'Hitler myth'
* Nazi targeting of specific classes and social groups
* racial purity.

The essays that comprise this study of 20th-century fascism shift the focus away from the German and Italian models and towards the influence of fascist ideology within other countries.

From KKK members to Mussolini lovers, from Nazis to Fascists, and from Australia to Kenya, this collection provides a stunning portrait of women's active involvement in conservative, fascist, racist, and anti-democracy politics around the world. As the first comparative volume of international scope ever on the subject of right-wing women, this book provides a crucial understanding of the often important, but rarely acknowledged role women play in right-wing movements. Far from being mere puppets of their male counterparts, right-wing women are political actors in their own right, with varied interests and demands. These original essays provide a disturbing and complicated portrait of why women join such groups; what beliefs they hold; what they teach their children; and how their actions impact the rest of the world. Essays cover a range of topics, including: women in the KKK; fascist women in Brazil; Afrikaner nationalist women in South Africa; women of the Falange; Islamist women in Turkey; women supporters of Pinochet; women in the Nazi party; and women in Concerned Women in America, America's largest grassroots women's organization.

From KKK members to Mussolini lovers, from Nazi to fascists, and from Australia to Kenya, this collection provides a stunning portrait of women's active involvement in conservative, fascist, racist, and anti-democracy politics around the world. As the first comparative volume of international scope ever on the subject of right-wing women, this book provides a crucial understanding of the often important, but rarely acknowledged role women play in right-wing movements. Far from being mere puppets of their male counterparts, right-wing women are political actors in their own right, with varied interests and demands. These original essays provide a disturbing and complicated portrait of why women join such groups; what beliefs they hold; what they teach their children; and how their actions impact the rest of the world. Essays cover a range of topics, including: women in the KKK; fascist women in Brazil; Afrikaner nationalist women in South Africa; women of the Falange; Islamist women in Turkey; women supporters of Pinochet; women in the Nazi party; and women in Concerned Women in America, America's largest grassroots women's organization.

The thousands of academic refugees Esther Simpson helped rescue are well remembered. But who was she and why has history forgotten her? This is the story of Esther Simpson, a remarkable woman history has largely forgotten, but whose selfless actions left an indelible mark on the cultural and intellectual landscape of the modern world. Esther Simpson - Tess to her friends - devoted her life to resettling academic refugees, whom she thought of as her family. By the end of her life, Tess could count among her 'children' sixteen Nobel Prize winners, eighteen Knights, seventy-four fellows of the Royal Society, thirty-four fellows of the British Academy. From a humble upbringing in Leeds to Russian immigrant parents, Simpson took on secretarial roles that saw her move to London, then Vienna and finally Geneva. But when Hitler came to power she found her calling and joined the Academic Assistance Council for a salary that paid a third of what she was previously earning. Her work over more than five decades seeking refuge for many thousands of displaced academics had a profound impact on twentieth-century physics, philosophy, architecture, art history and molecular biology to name just a handful of disciplines. For a woman who kept such regular correspondence with her refugee 'children' - as she called them - and who could count among her pen pals Albert Einstein and Ludwig Wittgenstein, surprisingly little is known of her private life. This book is a study of a forgotten woman: who she was, her impact upon the world and the historical context that helped shape her achievements.

The Extreme Right in France, 1789 to the Present surveys the history of a fascinating but contentious political and intellectual tradition. Since 1789 the far right has been an important factor in French political life and in different eras has taken on a range of guises including traditionalism, ultra-royalism, radical nationalism, anti-Semitism and fascism.
This book is structured around the five main phases of extreme right activity, and the author explores key questions about each:
* Counter-revolution - what was the legacy of Joseph de Maistre's writings?
* Anti-Third Republic protest - how was the 'new right' of the 1880s and 1890s different from the 'old right' of previous decades?
* Inter-war fascism - how should we characterise the phenomenon of fascisme française?
* Vichy - why did Pétain and Laval collaborate with the Nazis?
* The Post-war far right - what is the relationship between Poujadism, Algérie Française and Le Pen's FN?

The Extreme Right in France, 1789 to the Present surveys the history of a fascinating but contentious political and intellectual tradition. Since 1789 the far right has been an important factor in French political life and in different eras has taken on a range of guises including traditionalism, ultra-royalism, radical nationalism, anti-Semitism and fascism.
This book is structured around the five main phases of extreme right activity, and the author explores key questions about each:
* Counter-revolution - what was the legacy of Joseph de Maistre's writings?
* Anti-Third Republic protest - how was the 'new right' of the 1880s and 1890s different from the 'old right' of previous decades?
* Inter-war fascism - how should we characterise the phenomenon of fascisme française?
* Vichy - why did Pétain and Laval collaborate with the Nazis?
* The Post-war far right - what is the relationship between Poujadism, Algérie Française and Le Pen's FN?

Racial Theories in Fascist Italy examines the role played by race and racism in the development of Italian identity during the fascist period. The book examines the struggle between Mussolini, the fascist hierarchy, scientists and others in formulating a racial persona that would gain wide acceptance in Italy.
This book will be of interest to historians, political scientists concerned with the development of fascism and scholars of race and racism.

eBook available with sample pages: 020316489X

Based on rigorous analysis of the propaganda of five Western European separatist parties, this book provides in-depth examination of the 'nationalism of the rich', defined as a type of nationalist discourse that seeks to end the economic 'exploitation' suffered by a group of people represented as a wealthy nation and supposedly carried out by the populations of poorer regions and/or by inefficient state administrations. It shows that the nationalism of the rich represents a new phenomenon peculiar to societies that have set in place complex systems of wealth redistribution and adopted economic growth as the main principle of government legitimacy. The book argues that the nationalism of the rich can be seen as a rhetorical strategy portraying independent statehood as a solution to the dilemma between solidarity and efficiency arisen in Western Europe since the end of the Glorious Thirties. It further suggests that its formation can be best explained by the following combination of factors: (1) the creation, from the end of the Second World War, of extensive forms of automatic redistribution to a scale previously unprecedented; (2) the beginning, from the mid-1970s, of an era of 'permanent austerity' exacerbated, in specific contexts, by situations of serious public policy failure; (3) the existence of national/cultural cleavages roughly squaring with uneven development and sharp income differentials among territorial areas of a given state.

Gabriele D'Annunzio was one of the most flamboyant figures in the political history of modern Europe. A poet in the Byronic style and a popular hero of the First World War, D'Annunzio passionately believed that the sacrifices of war should prelude a new social order. His capture of the city of Fiume in 1919, which had been claimed by Italy as part of the settlement before the Versailles Peace Conference, has been popularized and romanticized ever since. Ledeen uses information gathered from Italian and American archives and from personal interviews to examine the sixteen months of D'Annunzio's personal rule in Fiume, seeing it as a harbinger of successful mass movements of the twentieth century.
The connection between D'Annunzio and Fascism is central to Ledeen's narrative. Virtually the entire ritual of Fascist politics made familiar by Mussolini-the balcony address, the Roman salute, the dramatic dialogues with the crowd, the use of religious symbols in a new secular setting-was influenced by D'Annunzio at Fiume. Both were masters of a political style based on personal charisma. Each spoke for a "new" Italy and, eventually, for a new world. Each attempted to transform his countrymen into more heroic types by an ethic of violence and grandeur. But Ledeen brings sharply into focus profound differences between D'Annunzio's vision of a new world and that offered by Fascism. Significantly, D'Annunzio enlisted support from the most diverse elements of society-politicians and businessmen in addition to representatives of radical trade unions, anarchist groups, and the armed forces.
Often sensationalized as a precursor of a sixties-style "dolce vita," D'Annunzio's Fiume presented many of the phenomena considered novel or unsettling today: sexual promiscuity, widespread experimentation with drugs, clergymen wanting to marry, women demanding equal rights, youth calling for the elimination of the old, soldiers insisting on a democratic army, poets yearning for a beautiful world instead of a purely utilitarian one, minorities clamoring for their fair share of political power. From the dispassionate distance of half a century, Ledeen views Fiume as a microcosm of the larger chaos of our contemporary scene. Although he was removed from Fiume after a pitched battle on land and sea, D'Annunzio remained an influential figure in Italian politics. Ledeen presents him as "one of the great innovators and watersheds of the modern world." This book will be of interest to historians, political scientists, and those interested in Post World War I Italy.
An authority on Italian fascism and contemporary Europe, Michael A. Ledeen is Resident Scholar at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington. In addition to being a frequent contributor to The New Republic, The American Spectator, and 11 Giornale (Milan), he is the author of 15 books on contemporary history and politics.

This book draws on the example of the major cities of Leipzig and Dresden to illustrate continuity and change in public health in the German Democratic Republic. Based on archival work, it will demonstrate how members of the medical profession successfully manipulated their pre-1945 past in order to continue practising, leading to persistence in the social conception of medicine and disease after Communism took hold. This was particularly evident in attitudes towards and treatment of sexually transmitted diseases and the pathology of deviant behaviour among young people.

A meticulous analysis of fascism, its manifestations in Russian political and cultural history, and fascist tendencies and movements in contemporary Russia. The author devotes chapters to the many Russian political parties, movements, and organizations that have been labeled (or mislabeled) as fascist. He critically examines each in terms of program, leadership, and organizational effectiveness. Against the background of the current climate of opinion and events in Russia, he concludes with a careful attempt to weigh the prospects for a fascist outcome.

Hitler and Nazism is an essential introduction to a notorious figure and crucial theme in modern European history. Focusing on the key themes of Nazi domestic policy, this book draws together the results of recent research into a concise analysis of the nature of Nazi rule and its impact on German society.
This book continues to explore how Nazism took hold in Germany; the issues of Hitler's beliefs and their role in the Third Reich; the factors that brought the party to power, and the structure and nature of both government and society in the Third Reich. It also develops further its analysis of the important issues of modernisation, gender, racial hygiene and the origins and implementation of the Holocaust.

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