The volume contains the most systematic documentation available in English of the Nazi programmes of racial and eugenic extermination, including a case study of the occupation of Poland. There is a general account of the Nazi empire and of the development of German occupation policies, and the book also covers German foreign policy 1933-1945. Following the opening up of the archives in Eastern Europe, the past decade has seen the publication of important research on the Nazi extermination of the Jews, and three chapters have been substantially revised in the light of this research.

This famous and important book was first published in 1962. With disarming modesty, the author describes it as 'a book by an Englishman, in part based on German documents, on the fall of the Fascist government in Italy.' It is, but such downbeat words give no idea of the monumental scale of the narrative. In detail, the decline and fall of the Fascist regime in Italy is chronicled leading to the dramatic downfall of Mussolini himself in July, 1943. The narrative then traces Mussolini's return to power as head of the puppet satellite Nazi republic in the North after his abduction from internment by SS paratroopers in September, and then follows the dictator's fate through the final six hundred days of the final disintegration of Fascism. 'The Brutal Friendship massive, impersonal and enthralling, is not only an important contribution to recent history, but an example of how to write it.' John Hale, Sunday Telgraph 'This is a very fine piece of writing and . . . it makes enthralling reading.' Times Literary Supplement

From the time of the Abyssinian crisis through to the outbreak of World War II in western Europe, the British government was marked by very diverse attitudes with regard to, and adopted diverse policies towards, the fascist dictators of Europe. This work provides a complete history of the Conservative Party from 1930 to 1940 and explores its responses to the problems of fascism. It details the historical context for the foreign policy of the period and examines the historiography of the Conservative Party. The author also includes a chronological outline of the international situation between Hitler's rise to power in 1933 and the outbreak of war. Drawing on neglected sources, including little known diaries, memoirs and minutes, this book gives a new perspective on the Party's policies focusing on members of the government aside from just Chamberlain and highlights important aspects such as the controversy over national service. By exploiting new evidence and archives, the author provides alternative and original interpretations of the reactions of various elelments of the Conservative Party to the deepening international crisis.

Most studies of the radical right have tended to concentrate on particular movements in a single country, neglecting to a greater or lesser extent the international dimensions of right-wing extremism. Merkl and Weinberg adopt a comparative perspective, concentrating on the revival of the right across a variety of countries.

Most studies of the radical right concentrate on movements in a single country, neglecting to some extent the international dimensions of right-wing extremism. Here, Merkl and Weinberg adopt a comparative perspective, concentrating on the revival of the right across a variety of countries.

Patriotism Perverted is an exploration of British anti-Semitism in the last six months of peace and the first year of the Second World War. It shows how, against the backdrop of an endemic British 'social anti-Semitism', a virulent form of this tendency was able to emerge in the late Thirties in a variety of extremist movements. These movements gained their strength from the popular obsessions, in 1939, with Jewish responsibility for the approaching war (seen as 'The War of the Jews' Revenge'), and with the myth of the Judaeo-Bolshevik Plot. In many cases, these views were closely related with pro-Nazism and were often held by the most patriotic of people. For most, the outbreak of war was a signal to perform their patriotic duty. But there were others who found themselves in a considerable dilemma, torn between patriotism and their desire to subvert a war they believed Britain to have been tricked into undertaking. Researching many prominent figures of the day, including Captain Ramsay and Sir Oswald Mosley, Patriotism Perverted offers a fascinating insight into the views and activities of those in the various anti-Semitic and/or pro-Nazi circles in 1939.

Highlighting the "mass" nature of interwar European fascism has long become commonplace. Throughout the years, numerous critics have construed fascism as a phenomenon of mass society, perhaps the ultimate expression of mass politics. This study deconstructs this long-standing perception. It argues that the entwining of fascism with the masses is a remarkable transubstantiation of a movement which understood and presented itself as a militant rejection of the ideal of mass politics, and indeed of mass society and mass culture more broadly conceived. Thus, rather than "massifying" society, fascism was the culmination of a long effort on the part of the elites and the middle-classes to de-massify it. The perennially menacing mass - seen as plebeian and insubordinate - was to be drilled into submission, replaced by supposedly superior collective entities, such as the nation, the race, or the people. Focusing on Italian fascism and German National Socialism, but consulting fascist movements and individuals elsewhere in interwar Europe, the book incisively shows how fascism is best understood as ferociously resisting what Elias referred to as "the civilizing process" and what Marx termed "the social individual." Fascism, notably, was a revolt against what Nietzsche described as the peaceful, middling and egalitarian "Last Humans."

This text sets out to challenge the reader by posing the question: can we learn from history? More particularly, can we learn from social history and the effects on people living today after National Socialism - the German form of fascism?; Of crucial significance, the authors show how social education in all areas of national socialist society operated and how it functioned in terms of an interest in political formation and social discipline. What is clear is an attempt at complete social control, an unceasing incorporation of the whole lives of all people. At the centre of all these practices stood a process that was meant to lead to a particular formation of identity and ideology. The success of National Socialism in achieving its objectives must today cause us to investigate the relationship between identity and formation, political culture and pedagogic activity.

This volume constitutes a survey of social science efforts to explain the fascist phenomenon. Attempts to adequately interpret fascism have involved an inordinate number of social researchers and historians for an inordinate amount of time over the past half century. For all that we still find ourselves without a compelling account of the entire complex sequence. Fascism constitutes a significant concern for students of contemporary politics. To develop an intellectually defensible explanation of the nature, origins, and development of Italian Fascism and German Nazism remains a responsibility still outstanding.

Interpretations of Fascism provides a review of the efforts that have been made to date to interpret and explain the phenomenon, It addresses itself specifically to those efforts undertaken to provide a social science explanation of Mussolini's Fascism. Dealing wiht the special application of social science methods to a specific problem, the book provides a special angle to examine this ubiquitous system in a comparable context. The book should be useful for college courses inb political theory, comparative politics, democracy and dictatorship, economic and political change, and modern European history.

The new edition is graced by a provocative, lengthy new essay reviewing the literature from 1973 through 1996. As such, it is an up to date examination of fascism in our times. Professor Gregor is careful to emphasize that fascist movements can thrive in confines far beyond Italy and Germany. It has found fertile soil from Russia to Africa. In short, Gregor argues that this makes fascism a movement that extends through political space no less than historical time. The documentation of the book is now very rich, with a bibliographic review that can serve experts and generalists alike.

Stanley G. Payne credits Gregor with "clearing away useless, obfuscatory theoretical debris," claiming that "Gregor's book serves the study of fascist politics very well indeed." And Giuseppe Prezzolini, introduced the Italian language edition by noting that "Interpretations of Fascism is rich in information and scientifically precise in style...a reflection of an intelligence that operates beyond passions."

Between 1932 and 1940 Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists established a highly vigorous and active presence in East London and South West Essex. The East End of London, in particular, was a centre of intense fascist activity. This text considers the emergence, development and character of local Mosleyite fascism from a perspective that is sensitive to the region's varied municipal environment.

Between 1932 and 1940 Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists established a highly vigorous and active presence in East London and South West Essex. The East End of London, in particular, was a centre of intense fascist activity. This text considers the emergence, development and character of local Mosleyite fascism from a perspective that is sensitive to the region's varied municipal environment.

This is a thematically arranged text illustrating popular resisitance to Nazism in Germany from 1930-1945, and the affect of Nazism on everyday life. The book combines a lucid, synthesised analysis together with a wide selection of integrated source material taken from pamphlets, diaries, recent oral testimonies, correspondence and more. Different chapters focus on social groups and activities, such as youth movements, religion, Jewish Germans, and the working classes.

Jeffrey Kaplan has been one of the most influential scholars of new religious movements, extremism and terrorism. His pioneering use of interpretive fieldwork among radical and violent subcultures opened up new fields of scholarship and vastly increased our understanding of the beliefs and activities of extremists. This collection features many of his seminal contributions to the field alongside several new pieces which place his work within the context of the latest research developments. Combining discussion of the methodological issues alongside a broad array of case studies, this will be essential reading for all students and scholars of extremism, religion and politics and terrorism.

Based on rigorous analysis of the propaganda of five Western European separatist parties, this book provides in-depth examination of the 'nationalism of the rich', defined as a type of nationalist discourse that seeks to end the economic 'exploitation' suffered by a group of people represented as a wealthy nation and supposedly carried out by the populations of poorer regions and/or by inefficient state administrations. It shows that the nationalism of the rich represents a new phenomenon peculiar to societies that have set in place complex systems of wealth redistribution and adopted economic growth as the main principle of government legitimacy. The book argues that the nationalism of the rich can be seen as a rhetorical strategy portraying independent statehood as a solution to the dilemma between solidarity and efficiency arisen in Western Europe since the end of the Glorious Thirties. It further suggests that its formation can be best explained by the following combination of factors: (1) the creation, from the end of the Second World War, of extensive forms of automatic redistribution to a scale previously unprecedented; (2) the beginning, from the mid-1970s, of an era of 'permanent austerity' exacerbated, in specific contexts, by situations of serious public policy failure; (3) the existence of national/cultural cleavages roughly squaring with uneven development and sharp income differentials among territorial areas of a given state.

What was the relationship between German big business and the Third Reich? To what extent did business leaders collaborate with the Nazis? This book examines the experience of the Daimler-Benz company-one of Germany's most important armament manufacturers and automobile makers-from its formation in 1926 through the end of World War II. Based on a substantial body of new material from formerly inaccessible East German archives and previously closed Mercedes-Benz AG records, the book reveals for the first time a close association between the car manufacturer and the Nazi system, from 1933 onwards. Neil Gregor traces the early history of the Daimler-Benz company and examines how opportunities offered by Nazi rearmament in the 1930s led to its rapid expansion and a surge in profits. Focusing mainly on the war years, Gregor demonstrates how the company succeeded in exploiting the demands of the war economy while situating its operations most advantageously for resumption of commercial activity in peacetime. Despite Allied bombing, says Gregor, Daimler-Benz AG emerged from the war in good shape-with a clear operating strategy, a largely intact inventory, and core production lines geared for the peacetime market. With its own interests and preservation as prime motives, the company acquiesced in the exploitation of forced labor, thereby actively intensifying the suffering of civilians, prisoners of war, and Jews and other victims of concentration camps. He concludes that the ability of Daimler-Benz to protect its interests during the war and to manage the transition to peace was predicated upon collusion in the racial barbarism of the Nazi regime.

The story of how Germans came to embrace the Third Reich. Germany in early 1933 was a country ravaged by years of economic depression and increasingly polarized between the extremes of left and right. Over the spring of that year, Germany was transformed from a republic, albeit a seriously faltering one, into a one-party dictatorship. In Hitler's First Hundred Days, award-winning historian Peter Fritzsche examines the pivotal moments during this fateful period in which the Nazis apparently won over the majority of Germans to join them in their project to construct the Third Reich. Fritzsche scrutinizes the events of the period - the elections and mass arrests, the bonfires and gunfire, the patriotic rallies and anti-Jewish boycotts - to understand both the terrifying power that the National Socialists came to exert over ordinary Germans and the powerful appeal of the new era that they promised.

The growing influence of Russia on the Western far right has been much discussed in the media recently. This book is the first detailed inquiry into what has been a neglected but critically important trend: the growing links between Russian actors and Western far right activists, publicists, ideologues, and politicians. The author uses a range of sources including interviews, video footage, leaked communications, official statements and press coverage in order to discuss both historical and contemporary Russia in terms of its relationship with the Western far right. Initial contacts between Russian political actors and Western far right activists were established in the early 1990s, but these contacts were low profile. As Moscow has become more anti-Western, these contacts have become more intense and have operated at a higher level. The book shows that the Russian establishment was first interested in using the Western far right to legitimise Moscow's politics and actions both domestically and internationally, but more recently Moscow has begun to support particular far right political forces to gain leverage on European politics and undermine the liberal-democratic consensus in the West. Contributing to ongoing scholarly debates about Russia's role in the world, its strategies aimed at securing legitimation of Putin's regime both internationally and domestically, modern information warfare and propaganda, far right politics and activism in the West, this book draws on theories and methods from history, political science, area studies, and media studies and will be of interest to students, scholars, activists and practitioners in these areas.

This book tells the story of the International Rescue Committee (IRC), the largest nonsectarian refugee relief agency in the world. Founded in the 1930s by socialist militants, the IRC attracted the support of renowned progressives such as Eleanor Roosevelt, Norman Thomas, and Reinhold Niebuhr. But by the 1950s it had been absorbed into the American foreign policy establishment. Throughout the Cold War, the IRC was deeply involved in the volatile confrontations between the two superpowers and participated in an array of sensitive clandestine operations. The IRC thus evolved from a small organization of committed activists to a global operation functioning as one link in the CIA's covert network.

Half a century after the collapse of the Nazi regime and the Third Reich, scholars from a range of fields continue to examine the causes of Nazi Germany. An increasing number of young Americans are attempting to understand the circumstances that led to the rise of the Nazi party and the subsequent Holocaust, as well as the implication such events may have for today as the world faces a resurgence of neo-Nazism, ethnic warfare, and genocide.
In the months following World War II, extensive psychiatric and psychological testing was performed on over 200 Nazis in an effort to understand the key personalities of the Third Reich and of those individuals who "just followed orders." In addressing these issues, the current volume examines the strange history of over 200 Rorschach Inkblot protocols that were administered to Nazi war criminals and answers such questions as:
* Why the long delay in publishing protocols?
* What caused such jealousies among the principals?
* How should the protocols be interpreted?
* Were the Nazis monsters or ordinary human beings?
This text delivers a definitive and comprehensive study of the psychological functioning of Nazi war criminals -- both the elite and the rank-and-file. In order to apply a fresh perspective to understanding the causes that created such antisocial behavior, these analyses lead to a discussion within the context of previous work done in social and clinical psychology. Subjects discussed include the authoritarian personality, altruism, obedience to authority, diffusion of responsibility, and moral indifference. The implications for current political events are also examined as Neo-Nazism, anti-Semitism, and ethnic hate are once again on the rise. While the book does contain some technical material relating to the psychological interpretations, it is intended to be a scholarly presentation written in a narrative style. No prior knowledge of psychological testing is necessary, but it should be of great benefit for those interested in the Rorschach Inkblot test, or with a special interest in psychological testing, personality assessment, and the history of psychology. It is also intended for readers with a broad interest in Nazi Germany.

Here is a wealth of factual and interpretative information about Germany between 1918 and 1945. Designed for maximum practicality, it sets the Hitler years in their wider context, with most sections spanning the Weimar Republic and the rise of Nazism as well as the Third Reich itself. In addition to political chronologies and anatomies of the Nazi party and the police state, there is detailed information on economy, society and culture; diplomacy, rearmament and war; and racial politics and the Holocaust. Biographies, glossary and a rich annotated bibliography complete an invaluable study aid.

The fierce image of the Third Reich has been diffused during the past two decades as fresh research on the social history of the Nazi years has revealed the variety and complexity of the relationships between the Nazi regime and the German people.
"Nazism" "and German Society, 1933-1945" addresses issues such as racism and sexism, active participation, passive resistance and the far from clear-cut distinctions between victims and perpetrators. David Crew's introduction sets out the methodological and theoretical issues with great clarity.
Contributors: David Crew, Omer Bartov, Alf Ludtke, Gisela Bock, Adelheid von Saldern, Klaus-Michael Mallmann and Gerhard Paul, Ian Kershaw, Ulrich Herbert, Detlev J.K. Peukert, and Christopher R. Browning

The image of the Third Reich as a monolithic state presiding over the brainwashed, fanatical masses, retains a tenacious grip on the general public's imagination. However, a growing body of research on the social history of the Nazi years has revealed the variety and complexity of the relationships between the Nazi regime and the German people. This volume makes this new research accessible to undergraduate and graduate students alike.

Combining first-hand reporting, original documentation, and political analysis, Free to Hate is the first major work in English to investigate the rise of the ultra-nationalist and radical right-wing movements that have been sweeping Central and Eastern Europe since 1989. In this powerful volume, Paul Hockenos provides an account of the emergence and contemporary relevance of far right movements in countries including Germany, Hungary, Romania, and Poland. In addition, he discusses neo-Nazi youth subculture, anti-Semitism, racism, minority issues, and the revision of history in the post-communist states.

The Radical Right has represented a major element in German politics and society throughout the history of the united country (i.e. since the 1870s), though the understandable concentration on the Third Reich (1933-45) has tended to distort the wider picture. This book explores the history of the radical right through the full span of Germany's life as a nation, thus putting the Third Reich in its natural context, and also emphasising that the attitudes and policies of the radical right did not begin with Hitler's pursuit of power in the 1920s or end with his death in the ruins of Berlin.