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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political ideologies > Fascism & Nazism
Based on rigorous analysis of the propaganda of five Western European separatist parties, this book provides in-depth examination of the 'nationalism of the rich', defined as a type of nationalist discourse that seeks to end the economic 'exploitation' suffered by a group of people represented as a wealthy nation and supposedly carried out by the populations of poorer regions and/or by inefficient state administrations. It shows that the nationalism of the rich represents a new phenomenon peculiar to societies that have set in place complex systems of wealth redistribution and adopted economic growth as the main principle of government legitimacy. The book argues that the nationalism of the rich can be seen as a rhetorical strategy portraying independent statehood as a solution to the dilemma between solidarity and efficiency arisen in Western Europe since the end of the Glorious Thirties. It further suggests that its formation can be best explained by the following combination of factors: (1) the creation, from the end of the Second World War, of extensive forms of automatic redistribution to a scale previously unprecedented; (2) the beginning, from the mid-1970s, of an era of 'permanent austerity' exacerbated, in specific contexts, by situations of serious public policy failure; (3) the existence of national/cultural cleavages roughly squaring with uneven development and sharp income differentials among territorial areas of a given state.
Gabriele D'Annunzio was one of the most flamboyant figures in the
political history of modern Europe. A poet in the Byronic style and
a popular hero of the First World War, D'Annunzio passionately
believed that the sacrifices of war should prelude a new social
order. His capture of the city of Fiume in 1919, which had been
claimed by Italy as part of the settlement before the Versailles
Peace Conference, has been popularized and romanticized ever since.
Ledeen uses information gathered from Italian and American archives
and from personal interviews to examine the sixteen months of
D'Annunzio's personal rule in Fiume, seeing it as a harbinger of
successful mass movements of the twentieth century.
This book draws on the example of the major cities of Leipzig and Dresden to illustrate continuity and change in public health in the German Democratic Republic. Based on archival work, it will demonstrate how members of the medical profession successfully manipulated their pre-1945 past in order to continue practising, leading to persistence in the social conception of medicine and disease after Communism took hold. This was particularly evident in attitudes towards and treatment of sexually transmitted diseases and the pathology of deviant behaviour among young people.
A meticulous analysis of fascism, its manifestations in Russian political and cultural history, and fascist tendencies and movements in contemporary Russia. The author devotes chapters to the many Russian political parties, movements, and organizations that have been labeled (or mislabeled) as fascist. He critically examines each in terms of program, leadership, and organizational effectiveness. Against the background of the current climate of opinion and events in Russia, he concludes with a careful attempt to weigh the prospects for a fascist outcome.
Examines a controversial period of German history - from the Weimar Republic to Nazi Germany. Examining the differences and similarities between the two regimes between 1919 and 1945, Panikos Panayi offers a thorough introduction to a very critical and popular period of modern history and this work contains research from some of the leading historians of Germany. It is comprehensive in scope, exploring the economic, social, political and diplomatic history of Germany during the period after the First World War and the Third Reich.
Adolf Hitler is perceived to be the most evil political leader of
twentieth century Europe. Hitler draws on his background and
involvement in the rise of National Socialism, the government of
the Third Reich, leadership of the Second World War in Germany and
his psychology to discuss Hitler's credentials as a
revolutionary.
Formed by Sir Oswald Mosley in 1931, the New Party's aimed to solve the economic problems of interwar Britain, but faced opposition from the labour movement and accusations of fascism. This book traces Mosley's move from socialist Labour MP to blackshirted fascist, and assesses the New Party's attempt to realign British politics between the wars.
This text is a comparative study of the expansionist foreign policies of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany from 1922 to 1945. It provides an overview of the ideological motivations behind fascist expasionism and their impact on fascist policies, and explores the two main issues which have dominated the historiographical debates on the nature of fascist expansionism: whether Italy's and Germany's particular expansionist tendencies can be attributed to a set of generic fascist values, or were shaped by the long-term, uniquely national ambitions and developments since unification; whether the pursuit of expansion was opportunistic or followed a grand design in each case. This book is a study of the expansionist visions of Hitler and Mussolini and it should enlighten our understanding of the dynamics and evolution of the fascist policies of Italy and Germany to the end of the Second World War.
Militancy continues to be characteristic of many supporters of the Russian far right, encompassing a belligerent rhetoric, a strong perception of participants as political warriors and often the use of physical violence. How serious a threat does Russian militant right-wing extremism pose to Russia and the World, and how has the level of threat changed over time? This book addresses this question by exploring right-wing extremism in Russia, its historical context and its resurgence over the past thirty years. Outlining the legacies and forms presented by current right-wing extremism, with a particular focus on militant extremism, it employs a historical, descriptive method to analyse the threats and risks posed. Presented within the framework of research on extremism and political violence related to the Russian political thought, the book outlines the key criteria of identifying threats, such as the level of violence, ability to gain supporters and penetration of governing elites. Primarily aimed at researchers and academics in political science, extremism, security studies and the history of Russia and Eastern, Central and South-East Europe, this book will also be of interest to political journalists and practitioners in international security.
The White Terror was a movement of right-wing militias that for two years actively tracked down, tortured, and murdered members of the Jewish community, as well as former supporters of the short-lived Council Republic in the years following World War I. It can be argued that this example of a programme of virulent antisemitism laid the foundations for Hungarian participation in the Holocaust. Given the rightward shift of Hungarian politics today, this book has a particular resonance in re-examining the social and historical context of the White Terror.
This study offers a clear, concise introduction to the Fascist-era practice, know as confino, of exiling antifascist dissidents to parts of Italy far from the dissidents' homes, often on islands or in tiny inland villages. The book is organised in two sections. Part one provides a case study of the political colony on the island of Lipari and a historical overview of internal exile. Part two focuses on representations of confinement in literature and film. It examines the varieties of self-expression (e.g. memoirs, letters and literature) used by prisoners to describe their experiences, investigates how filmmakers interpret these events, places and people, and explores how film portrays the repression of homosexuality. A timely examination of the birthplace of European federalism, the book also contributes to our understanding of the legacy of confinement from both national and European perspectives. -- .
Gender and the Radical and Extreme Right takes up an important and often-overlooked across scholarship on the radical right, gender, and education. These subfields have mostly operated independent of one another, and the scholars and practitioners who attend to educational interventions on the far right rarely address gender directly, while the growing body of scholarship on gender and the far right typically overlooks the issue of educational implications. This edited volume steps into this space, bringing together seven chapters and an afterword to help readers rethink the educational implications of research on gender and the radical right. As a starting point for future dialogue and research across previously disparate subfields, this volume highlights education as one space where such an integration may be seen as a fruitful avenue for further exploration. This book was originally published as a special issue of Gender and Education.
Helene was a strong-willed princess, raised in France but closely connected with the court of Queen Victoria. After the premature end to a romance with Victoria's grandson, she married into the royal family of Italy. However, Helene began extended adventuresome trips into Africa where she became a big-game hunter, explorer and travel writer, escaping from an unhappy marriage and the boredom of court life. Her travels took her around the world, but her sense of royal duty brought her back to nurse aboard a hospital ship in Libyan waters, then to an important role as head of the Italian Red Cross nurses during the First World War while her husband headed Italy's Third Army, and her two sons served in the artillery and the navy. Afterwards, her strong Italian nationalism made her an ally to Gabriele d'Annunzio and Benito Mussolini, but the disastrous Second World War saw her grandchildren interned in Austria and her older son die as a British prisoner-of-war while she continued her charitable work in Naples. When the country voted to become a republic in 1946, Helene was the only member of the royal family allowed to remain in Italy with her second 'secret' husband.
Despite its male predominance and popular perception as a misogynist movement, Fascism has, on several occasions, proved able to win large numbers of women both as voters and members. Martin Durham addresses this paradox by dispelling the myth that Fascism uniformly upheld anti-feminist policies and wanted women firmly kept in the home breeding the master race. This text analyzes the rise of women in fascist organizations across Europe from the early 1920s to the late 1990s with examples from Germany, Italy and France. Unusually, however, the author focuses on British Fascism and in doing so he offers valuable new perspectives on fascist attitudes to women both as voters and members and highlights women's relationship to fascist policies on birth rate, abortion and eugenics.
Despite its male predominance and popular perception as a misogynist movement, Fascism has, on several occasions, proved able to win large numbers of women both as voters and members. Martin Durham addresses this paradox by dispelling the myth that Fascism uniformly upheld anti-feminist policies and wanted women firmly kept in the home breeding the master race. This text analyzes the rise of women in fascist organizations across Europe from the early 1920s to the late 1990s with examples from Germany, Italy and France. Unusually, however, the author focuses on British Fascism and in doing so he offers valuable new perspectives on fascist attitudes to women both as voters and members and highlights women's relationship to fascist policies on birth rate, abortion and eugenics.
Her heart died in the war – can she breathe new life to it? Dora Simon and Joe O’Cleary live in separate countries, accepting of their twilight years. But their monochrome worlds are abruptly upended by the arrival of Barbara Hummel, who is determined to identify the mysterious woman whose photograph she has found among her mother’s possessions. Forced to confront a time they thought buried in the past, Dora and Joe’s lives unravel – and entwine. For, trapped on the Channel Islands under the German occupation in the Second World War, Dora, a Jewish refugee, had concealed her identity; while Joe, a Catholic priest, kept quite another secret... This is a story of love and betrayal, shame and survival. But can a speck of light diffuse the darkest shadows of war?
From the time of the Abyssinian crisis through to the outbreak of World War II in western Europe, the British government was marked by very diverse attitudes with regard to, and adopted diverse policies towards, the fascist dictators of Europe. This work provides a complete history of the Conservative Party from 1930 to 1940 and explores its responses to the problems of fascism. It details the historical context for the foreign policy of the period and examines the historiography of the Conservative Party. The author also includes a chronological outline of the international situation between Hitler's rise to power in 1933 and the outbreak of war. Drawing on neglected sources, including little known diaries, memoirs and minutes, this book gives a new perspective on the Party's policies focusing on members of the government aside from just Chamberlain and highlights important aspects such as the controversy over national service. By exploiting new evidence and archives, the author provides alternative and original interpretations of the reactions of various elelments of the Conservative Party to the deepening international crisis.
Most studies of the radical right concentrate on movements in a single country, neglecting to some extent the international dimensions of right-wing extremism. Here, Merkl and Weinberg adopt a comparative perspective, concentrating on the revival of the right across a variety of countries.
Most studies of the radical right have tended to concentrate on particular movements in a single country, neglecting to a greater or lesser extent the international dimensions of right-wing extremism. Merkl and Weinberg adopt a comparative perspective, concentrating on the revival of the right across a variety of countries.
This volume constitutes a survey of social science efforts to explain the fascist phenomenon. Attempts to adequately interpret fascism have involved an inordinate number of social researchers and historians for an inordinate amount of time over the past half century. For all that we still find ourselves without a compelling account of the entire complex sequence. Fascism constitutes a significant concern for students of contemporary politics. To develop an intellectually defensible explanation of the nature, origins, and development of Italian Fascism and German Nazism remains a responsibility still outstanding. Interpretations of Fascism provides a review of the efforts that have been made to date to interpret and explain the phenomenon, It addresses itself specifically to those efforts undertaken to provide a social science explanation of Mussolini's Fascism. Dealing wiht the special application of social science methods to a specific problem, the book provides a special angle to examine this ubiquitous system in a comparable context. The book should be useful for college courses inb political theory, comparative politics, democracy and dictatorship, economic and political change, and modern European history. The new edition is graced by a provocative, lengthy new essay reviewing the literature from 1973 through 1996. As such, it is an up to date examination of fascism in our times. Professor Gregor is careful to emphasize that fascist movements can thrive in confines far beyond Italy and Germany. It has found fertile soil from Russia to Africa. In short, Gregor argues that this makes fascism a movement that extends through political space no less than historical time. The documentation of the book is now very rich, with a bibliographic review that can serve experts and generalists alike. Stanley G. Payne credits Gregor with "clearing away useless, obfuscatory theoretical debris," claiming that "Gregor's book serves the study of fascist politics very well indeed." And Giuseppe Prezzolini, introduced the Italian language edition by noting that "Interpretations of Fascism is rich in information and scientifically precise in style...a reflection of an intelligence that operates beyond passions."
This text sets out to challenge the reader by posing the question: can we learn from history? More particularly, can we learn from social history and the effects on people living today after National Socialism - the German form of fascism?; Of crucial significance, the authors show how social education in all areas of national socialist society operated and how it functioned in terms of an interest in political formation and social discipline. What is clear is an attempt at complete social control, an unceasing incorporation of the whole lives of all people. At the centre of all these practices stood a process that was meant to lead to a particular formation of identity and ideology. The success of National Socialism in achieving its objectives must today cause us to investigate the relationship between identity and formation, political culture and pedagogic activity. |
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