This four-volume collection presents a range of documents related to aspects of the constitutional history of the United Kingdom (UK), covering the ‘long’ nineteenth century. It examines material dating from the period of the American and French revolutions through to the advent of an equal franchise for men and women. During the long nineteenth century, the country passed through immense socio-economic changes. It underwent internal strains involving its multinational composition. It became the dominant global power, then saw that position become subject to various challenges. These tendencies helped generate sustained and wide-ranging controversy about how the country should govern itself. They also helped produce a series of important changes in the nature of the constitution. At the outset of the long nineteenth century, only a tiny proportion of the population were allowed to vote; and an hereditary monarch remained an active political figure. By the end, democratic ideas and practices had achieved ascendancy. Yet in other ways, the constitution retained some long-established characteristics. The purpose of these volumes is to support research into and understanding of these tendencies. They will enable readers to approach concepts such as democracy and constitutional change from a critical standpoint, evaluating existing interpretations and encouraging the consideration of possible different conclusions. The collection will encourage consideration of matters such as paths that were not taken, what resistance there was to change, how particular outcomes came about, and the compromises involved. It will also facilitate comparison between constitutional ideals and realities.

With the advent of globalization--where corporate organizations and the commercial relations that accompany them are argued to be becoming increasingly transnational--the locus of powers, authorities, and responsibilities has shifted to the global level. The nation-state arena is losing its capacity to regulate and control commercial processes and practices as a transformational logic kicks-in, associated with new forms of global rule-making and governance. It is this new arena of global rule-making that can be considered as a surrogate form of global constitutionalization, or "quasi-constitutionalization." But as might be expected, this surrogate process of constitutionalization is not a coherent system or set of rounded outcomes but full of contradictory half-finished currents and projects: an "assemblage" of many disparate advances and often directionless moves--almost an accidental coming together of elements. It is this assemblage that is to be investigated and unbundled by the analysis of the book.
The book discusses governance, law, and constitutional matters in the context of international corporate constitutional governance. It examines how and why the business world, commercial relations, and company activities have increasingly become subject to legal and constitutional forms of regulation and governance at the international level. It analyzes how we should characterize the process that has seen the international corporate arena increasingly subject to juridical and constitutional-like regulatory initiatives and interventions and whether this amounts to a new attempt to subject international commercial relations to the "rule of law" and, indeed, to rule the world through these very means.

How can Muslims be both good citizens of liberal democracies and good Muslims? This is among the most pressing questions of our time, particularly in contemporary Europe. Some argue that Muslims have no tradition of separation of church and state and therefore can't participate in secular, pluralist society. At the other extreme, some Muslims argue that it is the duty of all believers to resist Western forms of government and to impose Islamic law. Andrew F. March is seeking to find a middle way between these poles. Is there, he asks, a tradition that is both consistent with orthodox Sunni Islam that is also compatible with modern liberal democracy? He begins with Rawls's theory that liberal societies rely for stability on an ''overlapping consensus'' between a public conception of justice and popular religious doctrines and asks what kinds of demands liberal societies place on citizens, and particularly on Muslims. March then offers a thorough examination of Islamic sources and current trends in Islamic thought to see whether there can indeed be a consensus. March finds that the answer is an emphatic ''yes.'' He demonstrates that there are very strong and authentically Islamic arguments for accepting the demands of citizenship in a liberal democracy, many of them found even in medieval works of Islamic jurisprudence. In fact, he shows, it is precisely the fact that Rawlsian political liberalism makes no claims to metaphysical truth that makes it appealing to Muslims.

On May 17th, 1968, a group of Catholic antiwar activists burst into a draft board in suburban Baltimore, stole hundreds of Selective Service records (which they called "death certificates"), and burned the documents in a fire fueled by homemade napalm. The bold actions of the ''Catonsville Nine'' quickly became international news and captured headlines throughout the summer and fall of 1968 when the activists, defended by radical attorney William Kunstler, were tried in federal court. In The Catonsville Nine, Shawn Francis Peters, a Catonsville native, offers the first comprehensive account of this key event in the history of 1960's protest. While thousands of supporters thronged the streets outside the courthouse, the Catonsville Nine-whose ranks included activist priests Philip and Daniel Berrigan-delivered passionate indictments of the war in Vietnam and the brutality of American foreign policy. The proceedings reached a stirring climax, as the nine activists led the entire courtroom (the judge and federal prosecutors included) in the Lord's Prayer. Peters gives readers vivid, blow-by-blow accounts of the draft raid, the trial, and the ensuing manhunt for the Berrigans, George Mische, and Mary Moylan, who went underground rather than report to prison. He also examines the impact of Daniel Berrigan's play, The Trial of the Catonsville Nine, and the larger influence of this remarkable act of civil disobedience. More than 40 years after they stormed the draft board, the Catonsville Nine are still invoked by both secular and religious opponents of militarism. Based on a wealth of sources, including archival documents, the activists' previously unreleased FBI files, and a variety of eyewitness accounts, The Catonsville Nine tells a story as relevant and instructive today as it was in 1968.

Recounts of the election of PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA.

Be In The World, Not Of The World! is a book with a wealth of information on pertinent subjects that one must face in life. The book is divided into twelve sections. The topics are Advice, Financial Freedom, Health, History, Parenting, Prayers, Relationships, Seniors, Teaching, Testimonies, Warnings and Youth. I started the book with the Road to Salvation, How to Read the Bible and definition of a church. There are many scriptures included. Also, I included the subjects that are not talked about much but cause a great deal of "Silent Suffering." Finally, I included a humorous definition of politics and information on Violence in Teen Dating.

This book deals with Singapore's transition from a British Crown Colony to a state in the Federation of Malaysia, and expulsion from the Federation to become a separate independent nation. For the leaders of Singapore's PAP Government, Malaysia was a traumatic experience. Yet, but for it, they might never have found the resolve and the secret of building this extraordinary nation, this nation based on Singapore alone that they and an entire generation had once believed an impossibility. This story of nation-building deals with topics on national (army) service, economic development, education in schools and in universities, housing and home ownership. It deals also with issues of ethnicity and national identity in the context of challenges from within and without, in the latter case from globalization and global Islamism.