Some people use the poor, minorities, and special interest groups as an excuse to take away rights from others who tend to be wealthy, white, or Christian ? or all of the above.

Betty Sue Prollock, a Christian and an American patriot, seeks to wake people up from their slumber and shine a spotlight on the truth: We?re moving from a constitutional government founded on individual freedom to one that resembles an Islamic state.

President Barack Hussein Obama Jr. and his followers, who are using the government to oppress non-victims in an effort to promote equality, must accept much of the blame. These power-hungry individuals will stop at nothing to advance their own agenda and take away the rights of the majority.

Prollock argues that people in power are influencing and seducing the needy struggling with life's challenges. She makes a convincing case that if the public doesn't act soon, our God-given rights will be replaced by government-given rights and The Abominations of the Obama-Nation.

The challenge of state formation and national integration is evident, and the need for a solution is even more demanding in places like Africa where nation states were formed under very special historical circumstances. In Perspectives on Nation-State Formation in Contemporary Africa, author Godknows Boladei Igali presents a digest that examines the challenges of state formation and national integration in Africa and off ers preferred solutions within the context of the symbolic diversities. In this study, Igali outlines the immediate context and challenges of national integration in Africa in its human dimension. He reviews the political formations of ancient Africa-which varied in size, philosophical premise, and organisational structures-and discusses partition, military invasions, conquest, and colonisation. He then addresses colonial rule or administration, African nationalism, and decolonisation and analyses the process of nation-state formation in post-independent Africa from the perspective of the political systems and ideologies Reviewing a wide range of time from ancient times through the colonial period and since independence, this survey discusses the processes of national integration and nation-state formation in Africa, providing perspectives that deepen the understanding of these nation-building processes.

Examines relations between centre and localities in seventeenth century England by looking at early Stuart government through the lens of provincial towns. This book investigates relations between centre and localities in seventeenth century England by looking at early Stuart government through the lens of provincial towns. Focusing particularly on incorporated boroughs, it emphasises the distinctive circumstances that shaped governance in provincial towns and the ways towns contributed to the state. Royal charters of incorporation legally defined patterns of self-government and local liberties in corporate boroughs, but they also created a powerful bond to the crown. The book argues that a dynamic tension between local autonomy and connection to the centre drove relations between towns and the crown in this period, as borough governments actively sought strong ties with central authority while also attempting to preserve their chartered liberties. It also argues that the 1620s and 1630s ushered in new patterns in the crown's relations with incorporated boroughs, as Charles I's regime hardened policies towards urban localities. Based on extensive original research in both central government records and the archives of a wide range of provincial towns, the book covers critical aspects of interaction between towns and the crown, including incorporation and charters, governance and political order, social regulation, trade, financial and military exactions, and religion.

How is water scarcity becoming a serious problem worldwide-including in the United States? This book provides a broad overview of water, sanitation, and hygiene problems faced by both developing and developed nations around the globe and suggests how these problems can be solved by imaginative and innovative thinking. Human society depends on sufficient clean water. In many parts of the world, however, this most basic commodity is in very short supply. Even in developed, first-world nations, climate change and other factors have begun to create alarming water supply issues. The Global Water Crisis: A Reference Handbook provides a detailed overview of this important topic, enabling readers to understand the nature of the world's water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) problems and to know what resources are best for conducting their own research on the topic. The first chapter of the book provides the historical background information pertaining to the world's water and sanitation problems; the second chapter documents the problems, explores the issues, and presents potential solutions for understanding the nature of WASH issues. The other sections provide the needed resources for readers to study the issue of the global water crisis further: perspective essays, primary documents, biographical profiles, data and documents, an extended annotated bibliography, a chronology, and a glossary. Provides readers with an understanding of the severity of the water scarcity in the world today Explains the nature of various sanitation issues around the world, how they arise, the problems for which they are responsible, and some possible solutions Outlines the reasons that droughts are becoming a more serious problem in many parts of the world and what can be done to deal with these water shortages Highlights the new, specialized problems concerning water supply raised by climate change

Although women constitute half of the world's population, their participation in the political sphere remains problematic. While existing research on women politicians from the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada sheds light on the challenges and opportunities they face, we still have a very limited understanding of women's political participation in emerging democracies. "Women in Politics and Media: Perspectives From Nations in Transition" is the first collection to de-Westernize the scholarship on women, politics and media by: 1) highlighting the latest research on countries and regions that have not been 'the usual suspects'; 2) featuring a diverse group of scholars, many of non-Western origin; 3) giving voice through personal interviews to politically active women, thus providing the reader with a rare insight into women's agency in the political structures of emerging democracies. Each chapter examines the complex women, politics and media dynamic in a particular nation-state, taking into consideration the specific political, historic and social context. With 23 case studies and interviews from Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and North Africa, Central and Eastern Europe, Asia, Russia and the former Soviet republics, this volume will be of interest to students, media scholars and policy makers from developed and emerging democracies.

After having been stunned by untold evils making the order of each day in Africa, and particularly in his country, Alfani was compelled to address this in the form of a book. The ideas he suggests to alleviate the situation is what he regards as alternative strategies to develop a crumbling continent. Alfani believes that development should be given priority. He laments that most of the continent's resources are misused by a handful of citizens and dumped in the most worthless personal luxuries and expenditures such as civil and religious wars. About HIV/AIDS in Africa, he simply but firmly says that no matter how complicated the disease can be, the chance is that it can be reversed if there'll be a systematic paradigm shift in people's minds. From the experience of land reform in Zimbabwe as well as severe hunger caused by extremely low rate of food production in many African states, he scoffs the continent's inability to invest in the land. He also blames contemporary African leaders for their reluctance to embrace the breeze of development, and accuses politicians of treating ordinary citizens cheaply. In this book, he offers a simple definition of the word "development" when he equates it to a walk from where people have been getting delayed to where they would like to be. For Africa, this means joining other continents or even taking an extra mile. On the other hand, he warns his readers not to take his book as a compilation of some absolute "do's" but to consider it as a guide or help. The implementation of his suggestions is absolutely a personal issue. Alfani's book is not only engaging but also informative.

This book reflects the way in which the city interacts with the sacred in all its many guises, with religion and the human search for meaning in life. As the process of urbanization of society is accelerating thus giving an increasing importance to cities and the 'metropolis', it is relevant to investigate the social or cultural cohesion that these urban agglomerations manifest. Religion is keenly observed as witnessing a growth, crucially impacting cultural and political dynamics, as well as determining the emergence of new sacred symbols and their inscription in urban spaces worldwide. The sacred has become an important category of a new interpretation of social and cultural transformation processes. From a unique broader perspective, the volume focuses on the relationship between the city and the sacred. Taking a multidisciplinary approach, combining the expertise of philosophers, historians, architects, social geographers, sociologists and anthropologists, it draws a nuanced picture of the different layers of religion, of the sacred and its diverse forms within the city, with examples from Europe, South America and the Caribbean, and Africa. >

'Homeland Insecurities' engages with the impact of counterinsurgency, migration, and conflicts arising out of demands for autonomy in Assam, Northeast India. It asks three sets of related questions: (a) what are the origins of demands for ethnic homelands? (b) why does migration continue to be such an overarching oeuvre in political discourse in Assam and how does one engage with new forms of mobility? (c) how does a society recover from counterinsurgency and what are the new forms of militarisation that are emerging in the present? Working on the main argument that demands for autonomy and social justice have been central themes that have been historically articulated in Assam, it shows the tensions that arise in explanations about causes of conflict in the state. These tensions, I argue, are best understood through a critical engagement with everyday politics of organisations and individuals working on the ground. Although there is a general tendency to read conflict in Assam through the lenses of ethnicity and development, nevertheless there is evidence to show that affect offers an additional analytical tool because of its ability to offer a layered, sometimes paradoxical account of events and situations that cause conflicts in the region.

European jihadism is a multi-faceted social phenomenon. It is not only linked to the extremist behavior of a limited group, but also to a much more global crisis, including the lack of a utopian vision and a loss of meaning among the middle classes, and the humiliation and denial of citizenship among disaffiliated young people in poor districts all over Western Europe. This book explores how European jihadism is fundamentally grounded in an unbridled and modern imagination, in an uneasy relationship with social, cultural, and economic reality. That imagination emerges among: young women and their longing for another family model; adolescents and their desire to become adults and to overcome the family crisis; people with mental problems for whom jihad is a catharsis; and young converts who seek contrast with a disenchanted secular Europe. The family and its crisis, in many ways, plays a role in promoting jihadism, particularly in families of immigrant origin whose relationship to patriarchy is different from that of the mainstream society in Europe. Exclusion from mainstream society is also a factor: at the urban level, a large proportion of jihadists come from poor, stigmatized, and ethnically segregated districts. But jihadism is also an expression of the loss of hope in the future in a globalized world among middle class and lower-class youth.

Doing theology requires dissension and tenacity. Dissension is required when scriptural texts, and the colonial bodies and traditions (read: Babylon) that capitalize upon those, inhibit or prohibit "rising to life." With "nerves" to dissent, the attentions of the first cluster of essays extend to scriptures and theologies, to borders and native peoples. The title for the first cluster - "talking back with nerves, against Babylon" - appeals to the spirit of feminist (to talk back against patriarchy) and RastafarI (to chant down Babylon) critics. The essays in the second cluster - titled "persevering with tenacity, through shitstems" - testify that perseverance is possible, and it requires tenacity. Tenacity is required so that the oppressive systems of Babylon do not have the final word. These two clusters are framed by two chapters that set the tone and push back at the usual business of doing theology, inviting engagement with the wisdom and nerves of artists and poets, and two closing chapters that open up the conversation for further dissension and tenacity. Doing theology with dissension and tenacity is unending.

""Americans Against Obama" "is a collection of newsletters that I produced as the Committee Chairman of the American Citizens Political Action Committee to show what Americans think about Obama and his administration. These newsletters were produced at the time the main stream media and others released their press releases. It is designed to illustrate what the average American thought of the articles and how biased the main stream media is in slanting their articles to favor the unions, Democrats and President Obama. There should be more truth in reporting. It appears that the White House is approving all the main stream media reports instead of reporting actual facts. That is not right.

Our purpose is to have a record of what the American citizens wanted our elected representatives and president to try to accomplish while they are in office. We will then be able to compare the results at the end of 2012 and see who has performed their duties in the manner that the United States citizens wanted. I think we are going to be really surprised by the results.