For a decade straddling the turn of the twentieth century, Mark Hanna was one of the most famous men in America. Portrayed as the puppet master controlling the weak-willed William McKinley, Hanna was loved by most Republicans and reviled by Democrats, in large part because of the way he was portrayed by the media of the day. Newspapers and other media outlets that supported McKinley reported positively about Hanna, but those sympathetic to William Jennings Bryan, the Democrats\u2019 presidential nominee in 1896 and 1900, attacked Hanna far more aggressively than they attacked McKinley himself. Their portrayal of Hanna was wrong, but powerful, and this negative image of him survives to this day. In this study of Mark Hanna\u2019s career in presidential politics, William T. Horner demonstrates the flaws inherent in the way the news media cover politics. He deconstructs the myths that surround Hanna and demonstrates the dangerous and long-lasting effect that inaccurate reporting can have on our understanding of politics. When Karl Rove emerged as the political adviser to George W. Bush\u2019s presidential campaigns, reporters quickly began to compare Rove to Hanna even a century after Hanna\u2019s death. The two men played vastly different roles for the presidents they served, but modern reporters consistently described Rove as the second coming of Mark Hanna, another political Svengali. Ohio\u2019s Kingmaker is a compelling story about a fascinating character in American politics and serves to remind us of the power of (mis)perceptions.

America, we are at a pivotal point in time. Our priorities are not in order, and our future is on the back burner. Greedy and proud, our self-righteous way of living has flushed our ethics down the drain, and it seems we've forgotten what this country was founded on. The path we are on as a nation is a dark and dangerous one that will ultimately lead to a land that is dry and desolate. America is on the brink of a moral, economic, and military collapse, and if we choose to not act upon our rights as US citizens, our country may be lost forever.

Fortunately, though, there is hope We each have a voice and the freedom with which to make ourselves heard. We each have a choice in every decision to be made as a nation. We each have the ability to make things change. Together we can reclaim our sweet land of liberty. This should be and can be a turning point for America, but we must unite to make it happen. Putting aside petty differences and aiming for common goals, we can change the future of America.

A new day has dawned, and our time is now

This book will put a fire beneath your seat and rev up your spirit. It will make you want to revive the American dream for yourself and your fellow man. It will offer hope to the hopeless, motivation to those lacking, and help to those who have lost faith in their country.

Ned Witting is a political junkie with a businessman's perspective. In Political Gridlock, he looks at Congress through the eyes of an efficiency expert and considers why it isn't working the way it should. He doesn't concern himself with whether it produces tax reductions or affordable health care; he investigates why it produces so little of either. In Political Gridlock, he explains how our political process has invisibly disenfranchised moderates in favor of MoveOn.org liberals on the left and Tea Party conservatives on the right. The book examines factors that are unrecognized and ignored by political pundits but that empower political extremes, allowing them to block constructive legislation. It is also the how-to manual on how to reboot our government. It evaluates the obstacles to effective governance and suggests solutions for each. In plain language, Political Gridlock outlines the steps necessary to reclaim Congress and get government working again. It is a book Americans have been waiting for.

This excellent reference source brings together hard-to-find information on the constituent units of the Russian Federation. The introduction examines the Russian Federation as a whole, followed by a chronology, demographic and economic statistics, and a review of the Federal Government. The second section comprises territorial surveys, each of which includes a current map. This edition includes surveys covering the annexed (and disputed) territories of Crimea and Sevastopol, as well as updated surveys of each of the other 83 federal subjects. The third section comprises a select bibliography of books. The fourth section features a series of indexes, listing the territories alphabetically, by Federal Okrug and Economic Area. Users will also find a gazetteer of selected alternative and historic names, a list of the territories abolished, created or reconstituted in the post-Soviet period, and an index of more than 100 principal cities, detailing the territory in which each is located.

Paradox is present when the opposite of what one expects to be true, is true. The capacity to see paradox is the prerequisite to becoming wise. It is expressed when the weak become strong, those who lose their life find it, and the disheartened find the Lord who uses those "things that are not-to nullify the things that are (1 Corinthians 1:28 NIV)."This work demonstrates paradox in health, medicine, business, organizational leadership, cultural myths related to the family, the symptomatic solutions common in political and social structures, and in the spirituality expressed by people of faith. As the former director of an adolescent rehabilitation facility, the author has a keen awareness of the devastation caused by the failures of this generation. Clear and concise recommendations demonstrate the small changes that create enormous differences.We will discover that wisdom begins when we 'fear the Lord' and have 'knowledge of the Holy One.' The wise see paradox, but not because they look for it. Their openness of thought leads to a perception that life is an interaction of complex systems and ideas that truly transcend us all. Those with the God-given capacity to integrate knowledge, emotion, and faith will, in the end, find wisdom.Rick Myatt is a licensed psychotherapist with an extensive history. From building an orphanage in a war-torn country to becoming the director of an adolescent psychiatric rehabilitation facility, his experience includes crisis intervention, treating sexual addictions, and caring for children victimized by the murder of parents and child prostitution. With Masters Degrees in Marriage and Family Therapy and in Theology, he has also completed all Ph. D. coursework in Family Sociology. He currently specializes in organizing his community to detect and prevent workplace violence.

With the advent of globalization--where corporate organizations and the commercial relations that accompany them are argued to be becoming increasingly transnational--the locus of powers, authorities, and responsibilities has shifted to the global level. The nation-state arena is losing its capacity to regulate and control commercial processes and practices as a transformational logic kicks-in, associated with new forms of global rule-making and governance. It is this new arena of global rule-making that can be considered as a surrogate form of global constitutionalization, or "quasi-constitutionalization." But as might be expected, this surrogate process of constitutionalization is not a coherent system or set of rounded outcomes but full of contradictory half-finished currents and projects: an "assemblage" of many disparate advances and often directionless moves--almost an accidental coming together of elements. It is this assemblage that is to be investigated and unbundled by the analysis of the book.
The book discusses governance, law, and constitutional matters in the context of international corporate constitutional governance. It examines how and why the business world, commercial relations, and company activities have increasingly become subject to legal and constitutional forms of regulation and governance at the international level. It analyzes how we should characterize the process that has seen the international corporate arena increasingly subject to juridical and constitutional-like regulatory initiatives and interventions and whether this amounts to a new attempt to subject international commercial relations to the "rule of law" and, indeed, to rule the world through these very means.

How can Muslims be both good citizens of liberal democracies and good Muslims? This is among the most pressing questions of our time, particularly in contemporary Europe. Some argue that Muslims have no tradition of separation of church and state and therefore can't participate in secular, pluralist society. At the other extreme, some Muslims argue that it is the duty of all believers to resist Western forms of government and to impose Islamic law. Andrew F. March is seeking to find a middle way between these poles. Is there, he asks, a tradition that is both consistent with orthodox Sunni Islam that is also compatible with modern liberal democracy? He begins with Rawls's theory that liberal societies rely for stability on an ''overlapping consensus'' between a public conception of justice and popular religious doctrines and asks what kinds of demands liberal societies place on citizens, and particularly on Muslims. March then offers a thorough examination of Islamic sources and current trends in Islamic thought to see whether there can indeed be a consensus. March finds that the answer is an emphatic ''yes.'' He demonstrates that there are very strong and authentically Islamic arguments for accepting the demands of citizenship in a liberal democracy, many of them found even in medieval works of Islamic jurisprudence. In fact, he shows, it is precisely the fact that Rawlsian political liberalism makes no claims to metaphysical truth that makes it appealing to Muslims.