Anarchism--literally, a society without government--is less a political philosophy than it is a temperament. Anarchists are defiant people who seek to organize for the purpose of destroying organization. For its adherents, anarchism means a grand struggle against evil, a plea for the "new," a secular crusade against the debasement of self, a fight against the degradation of mankind that organized society seems to represent. Anarchism is anti-politics, anti-economics, anti-authoritarianism in all forms. Anarchism is a mood of perpetual rebellion.

The decade of the sixties witnessed a revival in the anarchist temperament, which Perlin finds evident in such diverse efforts as the women's liberation movement, student demonstrations, civil rights marches, free schools, the "back to the land" movement, demands for birth control and other--usually controversial-causes and activities. This new anarchism had few conscious links with the old anarchism. It was instead a response to changed conditions in the social fabric of American and European life, a reflex to the structural, cultural and psychological tensions that made those years turbulent, strife-filled and rebellious.

Perlin concludes that while a revolution was not made in the sixties, a revolutionary life-style became a possibility. The spokesmen for the marginal groups whose interests achieved a new kind of legitimacy during the sixties were anarchists or their sympathizers. A representative cross-section of their writings is included in this volume.

Rozman shows how East Asia's international relations over three decades can be best understood through the lens of triangles, analyzing relations between the key nations through a series of trilateral relationships. He argues that triangles present a convincing answer to the question of whether we had entered a new era of bipolarity like the Cold War or an age of multipolarity. Triangulation emerged as a dynamic in East Asia in the aftermath of the Cold War and was accelerated in the course of the Xi and Trump administrations. Even as Sino-US competition and confrontation deepened, triangles had a substantial presence. East Asian triangles share an unusual mixture of three distinct elements: deep-seated security distrust, extraordinary economic interdependence, and a combustible composition of historical resentments and civilizational confidence. The combination of the three makes the case for triangularity more compelling, Rozman argues. The legacy of communism, the pursuit of reunification on the Korean Peninsula, and moves to expand beyond the US-Japan alliance have all driven the way triangles have evolved. Only as bipolarity intensified in the 2020s was triangularity losing ground. The degree of turnabout is analyzed for all of the cases considered. Rozman evaluates each key triangle of states in turn and assesses how the relationship impacts the region more widely. This book provides an essential framework for understanding the current state and trajectory of East Asian international relations, for students and policymakers. The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.

This book examines the relationships between democratic government and political terrorism. Since the 9/11 attacks, the United States and many of its allies have declared a 'war on terrorism'. This struggle has been inspired in part by the belief is that by promoting democracy they will also bring an end to terrorism. Where people enjoy the blessings of liberty, they will naturally find peaceful outlets for the expression of their political views, it has been widely held. Terrorism, on the other hand, is seen largely as a consequence of repression. Where citizens cannot choose rulers freely and where dissenting voices are silenced by the authorities, terrorism and other types of violence appear to follow. Democracy and Terrorism investigates the link between terrorism and the underlying principles of democracy, both from an historical perspective and against contemporary developments in the Middle East and elsewhere. Drawing upon a range of different case studies, and using quantitative data to investigate statistical links between the waves of democracy and manifestations of terrorist violence, the book reviews whether terrorism is in fact constrained by the rise of democratic government, and the role of the law in fighting terrorism. This book will be of much interest to students of terrorism, political violence, democratisation, security studies and International Relations in general.

Who is Keir Starmer? When Keir Starmer won the Labour Party Leadership election in April 2020, the expectation was that he would quickly become a fierce Leader of the Opposition as a former director of public prosecutions, human-rights barrister and genuinely keen football supporter. Instead, his performance was not as surefooted as his supporters had hoped for, or his opponents feared. The 2021 local elections and Hartlepool by-election did not resurrect the Red Wall and only in the Tory-blue South did his party make cosmetic gains. Both in Parliament and in media interviews Starmer struggled to connect with the floating or even the traditional Labour voter. His approach seemed to raise as many questions as Jeremy Corbyn's leftwing leadership. Nigel Cawthorne attended Starmer's grammar school a few years before him (and David Walliams). Sharing the same formative experience, he goes in search of the man behind the lawyer who was covered for almost three decades by a gown and horsehair wig in one of Britain's most cloistered professions.

Sir Keir Starmer has played many parts during his life and career. He went from schoolboy socialist to radical lawyer before surprising many by joining the establishment, becoming Director of Public Prosecutions, accepting a knighthood and then, in 2015, standing successfully for Parliament. At Westminster, he was swiftly elevated to the shadow Cabinet, and in April 2020 he became the leader of the Labour Party. Michael Ashcroft's new book goes in search of the man who wants to be Prime Minister and reveals previously unknown details about him which help to explain what makes him tick. Starmer was the architect of Labour's second-referendum Brexit policy, which was considered a major factor in its worst electoral defeat for nearly a century. Is he the man to bring back Labour's lost voters? Is he the voice of competence and moderation who can put his party back on the political map? Or is he just a member of the metropolitan elite who is prepared to say and do whatever it takes to win favour? This meticulous examination of his life offers voters the chance to answer these vital questions.

First published in 1990. During the last twenty years, prodigious scholarly effort has gone into the study of fascism and the right in twentieth-century Europe. Quite apart from the study of particular fascist and national socialist movements and of individual right-wing regimes (Fascist Italy, the Third Reich, Franco's Spain, etc.), scholars have striven to locate the essential nature of fascism; to determine what is distinctive about its ideas, programmes, policies and support; to identify what, if anything, differentiates it from other forms of rightism; and to decide whether a satisfactory definition of 'fascism' can be arrived at. This volume is intended to assist the further consideration of these and related problems.

This book examines the rapidly expanding EU agency's distinct role in EU border control, showing that Frontex is a prominent border control actor that reshapes the EU borders by promoting a new border control culture. Bringing culture into the analysis of Frontex, this book offers an alternative in-depth understanding of the agency's function, focusing on the production and diffusion of border control assumptions and practices within a border control community. Based on data drawn from primary research at Frontex and two EU external borders, namely Lampedusa and Evros, this book examines Frontex's contribution to the emergence of a new border control culture in Europe, replacing the pre-existing Schengen culture. Compared with the existing literature on Frontex, this novel account takes into consideration the evolving nature of borders and border control, discussing three contemporary challenges for the established border control regime: Brexit, the COVID-19 pandemic, and hard security preoccupations, such as the fall-out from the Russian invasion in Ukraine and the weaponisation of migration at the Greek-Turkish land border. Frontex and the Rising of a New Border Control Culture in Europe will appeal to scholars and students of border management, EU studies, migration, geography, international relations, and security, along with policymakers and practitioners with an interest in EU border control and Frontex.

In the early years of the War the Army was burdened with a great number of troublesome soldiers who would not take to the discipline. They were not only useless as fighting men, but were also likely to be a bad influence on others. Normal methods of punishment were tried repeatedly, to little effect, and as the expanding Army began to run short of manpower new methods were tried to deal with the delinquents. In September 1941 new experimental Special Training Units were established with the aim of converting them into good soldiers through careful individual treatment and retraining. The units aimed to achieve retraining through education and not punishment, and this book, first published in 1952, is a careful analysis of the aims and results of the programme.

This book is an accessible, comprehensive, and nuanced history of Pakistan. It reflects upon state and society in Pakistan and shows they have been shaped by historical forces and personae. Hoodbhoy expertly maps the journey of the region from many millennia ago to the circumstances and impulses that gave birth to the very first state in history founded upon religious identity. He documents colonial rule, the trauma of Partition, the nation's wars with India, the formation of Bangladesh, and the emergence of Baloch nationalism. The book also examines longstanding complex themes and issues - such as religious fundamentalism, identity formation, democracy, and military rule -as well as their impact on the future of the state of Pakistan. Drawing on a range of sources and written by one of the foremost intellectuals of the region, this book will be indispensable for scholars, researchers, students of history, politics and South Asian studies. It will be of great interest to the general reader interested in understanding Pakistan.

Using the case study of Singapore, this book examines the production of a set of institutionalized relationships and ethical meanings that link citizens to each other and the state. It looks at how questions of culture and morality are resolved, and how state-society relations are established that render paradoxes and inequalities acceptable, and form the basis of a national political culture. The Singapore government has put in place a number of policies to encourage marriage and boost fertility that has attracted much attention, and are often taken as evidence that the Singapore state is a social engineer. The book argues that these policies have largely failed to reverse demographic trends, and reveals that the effects of the policies are far more interesting and significant. As Singaporeans negotiate various rules and regulations, they form a set of ties to each other and to the state. These institutionalized relationships and shared meanings, referred to as neoliberal morality, render particular ideals about family natural. Based on extensive field work, the book is a useful contribution to studies on Asian Culture and Society, Globalisation, as well as Development Studies.

This book presents essays from Comparative Politics which analyze the Third World in terms of commonally shared intra-state dynamics. It draws attention to the internal attitudinal, behavioral, and organizational problems and transitions which characterize Third World countries.

For dealing with an increasingly chaotic and violence-prone world, Higher Realism offers a grand strategy that rejects the imperial thrust of recent U.S. foreign policy as well as the conventional "realist" approach of focusing only on U.S. interests. The emerging world order is one in which many powers of various sorts-states and nonstate actors, large and small, allies and adversaries-have an essential role. Seyom Brown calls this the emergent international "polyarchy," and argues that neither the assertive interventionism of the neoconservatives nor the cool, nonideological geopolitics of the conventional realists is the appropriate response. Instead, responsive to how U.S. interests have become inextricably bound up with world interests, Brown proposes a foreign policy of higher realism centered on cooperation to ensure the security and well-being of all. Brown defines and analyzes those common interests in the environment, peace and security, health and economic vitality, human rights and democracy, and transnational accountability. He faults the arrogant assumption that what is good for the United States is ipso facto good for the world, insisting rather that U.S. policies for global development must respect religious and cultural diversity. Brown's approach transcends the traditional dichotomies of realism versus idealism and self-interest versus altruistic morality. The recommended programs and policies are designed to help a new U.S. presidential administration reformulate a foreign policy that will ensure national security and promote international well-being: higher realism in philosophy and practice.

This bundle of 13 titles covers a wide spectrum of sub-disciplines from across the field of Middle Eastern Studies, including politics, diplomacy, international relations, geography and anthropology. Mainly reissues of titles first published in the 1980s and early 1990s, the set incorporates seminal works from some of the most prominent scholars in the field, including Dilip Hiro, Peter Mangold, Amitav Acharya and Yair Aharoni. A comprehensive list that deals with issues that are still exceptionally applicable to academia and global society today, this set will be of particular value to students of Middle Eastern Studies and International Relations.

This book examines the historical and contextual background to the oil and gas resources in the Kurdish territories, placing particular emphasis on the reserves situated in the disputed provinces. The volume is singularly unique in focusing on an examination of the rules reflected in both the national and the regional constitutional, legislative, and contractual measures and documents relevant to the question of whether the central government in Baghdad or the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) in Erbil has a stronger claim to legal control over the oil and gas resources in the disputed Kurdish territories. As a subsidiary focus, the author also draws attention to how the basic thrust of the volume connects to broader jurisprudential issues regarding the nature and purpose of law, the matter of claims by native peoples to natural resources on traditional lands, and the place of regional minorities operating in a federal system. Since the law examined is domestic or municipal in origin, additional reference is made to the role that such law can play in the "bottom up" (as opposed to more conventional "top down") development of international law. The book's opening chapters provide a valuable contextual introduction, followed by a number of substantive chapters providing an analytical and critical assessment of the controlling legal rules. Written in a scholarly, yet accessible style, and covering matters of basic importance to academics, lawyers, political scientists, government representatives, and students of energy and natural resources, as well as those of developing legal structures, Oil and Gas in the Disputed Kurdish Territories is an essential addition to any collection.

First published in 1975, this book traces the origins of our modern economy, showing the routes by which nations have either achieved wealth or have been impoverished. W. W. Rostow brings together issues of public policy, international trade and the world of science and technology, arguing that conventional economic thought has failed to relate scientific innovation to the economic process. Chapters consider the politics of modernization, the Commercial Revolution and the development of the world economy between 1783 and 1820.

This is the first book to offer a philosophical engagement with microaggressions. It aims to provide an intersectional analysis of microaggressions that cuts across multiple dimensions of oppression and marginalization, and to engage a variety of perspectives that have been sidelined within the discipline of philosophy. The volume gathers a diverse group of contributors: philosophers of color, philosophers with disabilities, philosophers of various nationalities and ethnicities, and philosophers of several gender identities. Their unique frames of analysis articulate both how the concept of microaggressions can be used to clarify and sharpen our understanding of subtler aspects of oppression and how analysis, expansion, and reconceiving the notion of a microaggression can deepen and extend its explanatory power. The essays in the volume seek to defend microaggressions from common critiques and to explain their impact beyond the context of college students. Some of the guiding questions that this volume explores include, but are not limited to, the following: Can microaggressions be established as a viable scientific concept? What roles do microaggressions play in other oppressive phenomena like transphobia, fat phobia, and abelism? How can epistemological challenges around microaggressions be addressed via feminist theory, critical race theory, disability theory, or epistemologies of ignorance? What insights can be gleaned from intersectional analyses of microaggressions? Are there domain-specific analyses of microaggressions that would give insight to features of that domain, i.e. microaggressions related to sexuality, athletics, immigration status, national origin, body type, or ability. Microaggressions and Philosophy features cutting-edge research on an important topic that will appeal to a wide range of students and scholars across disciplines. It includes perspectives from philosophy of psychology, empirically informed philosophy, feminist philosophy, critical race theory, disability theory, philosophy of language, philosophy of science, and social and political philosophy.

What is the cause of the American steel industry's deplorable situation today? Troubled in many areas-competition from imports, technology implementation, cost and utilization of raw materials, investment policy, philosophy of management, and union attitudes, to name only a few-can the industry survive? These are the questions Dr. Kiers confronts in this book. Unless answers can be found, he warns, the result will be further decline and, finally, bankruptcy or nationalization. Unwilling to accept either possibility, Dr. Kiers challenges the steel industry to achieve a rebirth he sees as feasible only through a hard-nosed, realistic approach, an insistence on innovation, and a willingness to apply discipline to every facet of steel making. Dr. Kiers presents an in-depth analysis of Japan's steel industry, compares it with the U.S. industry, and discusses U.S. technology and import problems with reference to Japan. He then inventories the factors responsible for the current problems and lays the groundwork for a new start, going on to point out that the difficulties faced by the steel industry may be a portent of what will happen to other industries unless they, too, reassess both labor and management attitudes and make radical changes.

This bibliography is a response to the problems facing students and scholars of Israeli politics who need to find the most current resources for their research. It includes studies on the Israeli constitutional system; Israel's elections, political history, and economics; and its foreign policy.

This book focuses on the principles of wilderness, exploring the actual and potential values of wilderness, its ecology, economics, the effect of human impact, and mechanisms to protect small, relatively untouched tracts in or near urban areas in the United States.

This study gives a comprehensive account of the evolution of the educational system in Modern Egypt, set against the events of the last twenty five years. From the Revolution of 1952, which saw the breakdown of the party system, seen as 'sham democracy', to the re-adoption of the party system in 1976, the Egyptian government has searched for an ideal system that is secular, but not irreligious, and benefitting from, but not copying, the western or eastern models. Professor Hyde has analysed the problems of the educational system, administrative, institutional, theoretical and practical, and related them to Egypt's urgent need to modernise the state, and to improve the quality of life of her hitherto deprived masses. The deficiencies of the system are discussed with emphasis on the attempts to provide solutions, mainly within the framework of reformed institutions. Informal and private education, literacy campaigns, women's aspirations and student welfare are all considered, as are policies and plans for the immediate and long-term solutions of Egypt's problems. The analysis also takes into account socio-economic factors in post-Revolutionary Egypt which not only constitute instruments of change in Egyptian society but also provide the restraints which prevent the rapid translation of educational ideals into reality. First published 1978.

Over the last ten years the Egyptian economy has undergone a major transformation which has led to greater decentralisation and international competition. This transformation, along with changing circumstances in the surrounding Arab areas and the end of hostilities with Israel, has given a boost to the Egyptian economy. Without underestimating the obstacles that still stand in the way of sustained economic growth and development, this book foresees a more optimistic outlook for Egypt than do other such studies carried out by international organisations such as the World Bank. Egypt's Economic Potential argues that the main problem facing the Egyptian economy is that the government must resort to expensive public expenditure policies, in particular subsidising foodstuffs, in order to maintain the political consensus. This creates a savings gap which prevents the authorities from channelling savings towards financing the projects which will cerate economic growth. However, the book suggests that because the present regime is fundamentally stable and even further change at the top would be unlikely to alter the institutional framework of the country, the Egyptian economy has the potential for stable and rapid growth.

This critical analysis investigates the causes that brought about one of the most tumultuous periods in modern Egyptian history - the clashes between the Muslims and Copts during the 1970s. A unique retrospective, it features probing interviews with Egyptian intellectuals, writers, political and religious leaders, as well as common citizens from both the Muslim and Copt communities. Within a framework of economic, political and ideological factors, Nadia Ramsis Farah is able to synthesize a compelling portrait of a troubled national conscience in the face of religious strife. First published 1986.

This book explores the political relationship between the Muslim majority and Coptic minority in Egypt between 1918 and 1952. Many Egyptians hoped to see the collaboration of the 1919 revolution spur the creation of both a new collective Egyptian identity and a state without religious bias. Traditional ways of governing, however, were not so easily cast aside. Some Egyptians held tenaciously to the traditional arrangements which had both guaranteed Muslim primacy and served relatively well to protect the Copts and afford them some autonomy. Differences within the Coptic community over the wisdom of trusting the genuineness and durability of Muslim support for equality were accentuated by a protracted struggle between reforming laymen and conservative clergy for control of the community. The unwillingness of all parties to compromise hampered the ability of the community both to determine and to defend its interests. The Copts met with modest success in their attempt to become full Egyptian citizens. Their influence in the Wafd, the pre-eminent political party, was very strong prior to and in the early years of the constitutional monarchy, and their formal representation was generally adequate and, in some parliaments, better than adequate. However, this very success produced a backlash which caused many Copts to believe, by the 1940s, that the experiment had failed: political activity has become fraught with risk for them. At the close of the monarchy, equality and shared power seemed motions as distant as in the disheartening years before the 1919 revolution.

The assassination of Sadat brings to an end another era in Egyptian history. This book examines the crucial issues in the transformation of Egypt in the period between the death of Nasser and the murder of Sadat. Focusing on the upheavals in the Egyptian political and economic structure over the last twenty years, the book explains the change in Egypt's international orientation through a careful examination of domestic factors. The switch from Nasser's state socialist-political economy to Sadat's more laissez-faire approach and the institutional and structural links between the two are analysed as the key to understanding the dynamic developments within Egypt. The book argues that the propagation of a new political economy was the primary basis of Sadat's ability to remain in power, while the weaknesses in that economy drove Sadat to seek external solutions and ultimately undermined his domestic support. His conduct of the 1973 war, his trip to Jerusalem, his enthusiasm for the United States and his whole perception of Middle Eastern affairs must be seen in terms of his domestic policies and internal troubles. First published 1982.

India's explosive economic growth and emerging power status make it a key country of interest for policymakers, researchers and scholars within South Asia and around the world. But while many of India's threats and conflicts are strategized and discussed extensively within the confines of security studies, strategic studies and conventional international relations perspectives, many less visible challenges are set to impact significantly on India's potential for economic growth as well as the human security and livelihoods of hundreds of millions of Indian citizens. Drawing on extensive research within India, this book looks at some of the 'hidden risks' that India faces, exploring how a broadened scope of what constitutes 'risk' itself holds value for Indian security studies practitioners and policymakers. It highlights several human security risks facing India, including the inability of the world's largest democracy to deal effectively with widespread poverty and health issues, resource depletion and environmental mismanagement, pervasive corruption and institutionalized crime, communal violence, a protracted Maoist insurgency, and deadlocked peace processes in the Northeast among others. The book extracts common themes from these seemingly disparate problems, discussing what underlying failures allow them to persist and why policymakers heavily securitize some political issues while ignoring others. Providing an understanding of how several lesser-studied risks can pose potential or actual threats to Indian society and its 'emerging power' growth narrative, this book is a useful contribution to South Asian Studies, International Security Studies and Global Politics.