Effective Leadership In Nigeria: Practical Ways To Build an Effective, Inspiring, Transformational and Visionary Leadership and Governance in Nigeria is mostly based on the current apathetic and virtual lack of effective and visionary leadership situation in contemporary Nigeria and distills the golden gems: - principles, processes, procedures and practical applications inherent in effective, inspiring, visionary and enthusiastic leadership. It attempts at instituting, building and encouraging good, effective, and visionary leadership in the nation and that is currently, virtually lacking. From the outset, the author makes it clear that this writing is not designed to model or fit any known leadership paradigm, theory or management style. Rather, based on relevant research on leadership as it impacts the Nigerian situation, the book attempts to explore what it takes for there to be an effective and good leadership to successfully lead and change Nigeria for the better. The book is written and organized in a way that reflects and captures the contemporary experiences, frustrations, psychological emotions, aspirations and hopes of every Nigerian and perhaps of promising politicians and future leaders who are honestly touched by the virtual vacuum of real and effective leadership in the country, their concerns, questions, dreams, and the expectations that have virtually gone unmet in the past more than half a century. Properly elucidating what leadership means, and differentiating it from rulership this book couldn't have come at a better time to assist Nigeria's leadership-struggles A masterpiece, Dr. Nkwocha has taken the current apathetic leadership lull and almost leadership void in the nation and set the leadership principles and processes on the cutting edge. The book is a definitive guide to anyone aspiring to the leadership of Nigeria and is therefore in search of meaningful leadership, its principles, processes and pragmatic applications. The book is a must read

A collection of essays, written by well-known specialists in their fields, which deal with the problematic and ever-shifting boundaries between the public and the private spheres in Western Europe in the eighteenth century. It examines and challenges the notion that there was a clear distinction between the emerging public sphere, which mediated between the State and individuals and provided a forum for Enlightenment debates, and the private, intimate or familial sphere. The essays focus on political, legal, historiographic, literary and gender issues in an attempt to create a more subtle and differentiated view of how men and women established and understood various 'public'and 'private' domains, and used the languages of public and private actions and sentiments.

Terrorist attacks on America and its allies and persistent violence in the Islamic world point to a crisis in Islamic society, which "States without Citizens" attributes to an unfulfilled quest for an Islamic renaissance. The Islamic states, whose borders were arbitrarily imposed by Western states, are beset by pervasive socioeconomic problems--authoritarian rule, economic inequities, educational shortcomings, development project failures, sexual frustration--that are being exploited by radical Islamists. Native attempts to modernize Islamic society by adopting Western ways have repeatedly foundered because they have sought to replicate the trappings of state power while neglecting their foundation in civic ethics. To mitigate the violence engendered by the Islamic crisis, the author recommends that culturally authentic institutions must be created that will instill a civic ethics of common cause and public service.

The ideals of civic activism and public service that inspired the Western Renaissance are absent in the Islamic world. Islamic religio-moral ethics aim at salvation; Islamic social ethics aim at clan dominance. Western-inspired solutions to the Islamic crisis are inappropriate to Islamic states, in as much as they are states without citizens. To mitigate the violence engendered by the Islamic crisis, culturally authentic institutions must be created that will instill a civic ethics of common cause and public service. The author recommends this approach for policy makers and development managers and deplores the dangerous vacuity of such drumbeat cliches as the clash of civilizations that have gained currency in the war on terrorism.

Politicians and pundits regularly invoke the Bible in social and political debates on a host of controversial social and political issues, including: abortion, stem-cell research, gay marriage, the death penalty, separation of church and state, family values, climate change, income distribution, teaching evolution in schools, taxation, school prayer, aid for the poor, and immigration. But is the Bible often used out of context in these major debates? This book includes essays by fourteen biblical scholars who examine the use of the Bible in political debates, uncovering the original historical contexts and meanings of the biblical verses that are commonly cited. The contributors take a non-confessional approach, rooted in non-partisan scholarship, to show how specific texts have at times been distorted in order to support particular views. At the same time, they show how the Bible can sometimes make for unsettling reading in the modern day. The key questions remain: What does the Bible really say? Should the Bible be used to form public policy?

Driven by modernity conflicts abound between religion and science and democracy as they have been since Christianity came upon the scene 2000 years ago. A underlying reason for the conflicts is the fundamental difference in the acquisition of knowledge: religion from the-top down with knowledge given by God without errors, and science and governance from the-bottom up through messy trials and errors and more trials and errors with no gifts from supernatural powers. These two vastly different paths for learning can only lead to conflicting outcomes as history has indeed recorded. The depth and reach of past conflicts of Christianity with science and democracy are examined to uncover the specific truths (theories) underlying past conflicts. During the critical time of the formation of our democracy our Founding Fathers succeeded in building a bridge (approval by vote) between Christians (the majority) and the godless Constitution they wrote that could serve all of the people and prevent the strife of religious conflicts that had engulfed Europe. One of the Founders, Thomas Jefferson, codified for his personal guidance his accommodation between religion and government which he had used in his contributions to some of our country's founding documents. Jefferson's personal insight illuminates paths for us to follow to today for resolution of conflicts. The book evolved from a series of lectures on the conflicts between religion and science and government and discussions on possible resolutions with students of many different backgrounds over a three year period.

Religion and Democratization is a comparative study of how regime types and religion-state arrangements frame questions of religious and political identities in Muslim and Catholic societies. The book proposes a theory for modeling the dynamics of "religiously friendly democratization " processes in which states institutionally favor specific religious values and organizations and allow religious political parties to contest elections. Religiously friendly democratization has a transformative effect on both the democratic politics and religious life of society. As this book demonstrates, it affects the political goals of religious leaders and the political salience of the religious identities of religious individuals. In a religiously charged national setting, religiously friendly democratization can generate more support for democracy among religious actors. By embedding religious ideas and values into its institutions, however, it also mediates the effects of secularization on national religious markets, creating more favorable conditions for the emergence of public religions and new trajectories of religious life. The book anchors its theoretical claims in case studies of Italy and Algeria, integrating original qualitative evidence and statistical data on voters' political and religious attitudes. It also considers the dynamics of religiously friendly democratization across the Muslim world today, through a comparative analysis of Tunisia, Morocco, Turkey and Indonesia. Finally, the book examines the theory's wider relevance through a large-N quantitative analysis, employing cross-national databases on religion-state relationships created by Grim and Finke and Fox.

The inevitable is coming fast. We know it in our bones—and it’s past time to face it.

The highly anticipated follow-up to Hospicing Modernity: how we activate responsibility, nurture care, and grow up in the face of collapse—includes reflections, exercises, and promptsClimate collapse, social crisis, the decline of modernity: colonialism, capitalism, and our full-faced denial have ushered in an urgent new era. Hospicing Modernity asked us to grow up, step up, and show up for our communities and the living Earth. Outgrowing Modernity helps us make sense of where we’re going—and deepen what’s possible—in a time of endings.

Vanessa Machado De Oliveira helps us face the logics and workings of modernity, bringing us to clear-eyed terms with its expiration. She explores the impacts of colonialism as neurocolonization: an oppressive function of modernity that rewires how we think, act, imagine, and adapt. These impacts are wide-ranging and run deep: they cut us off from our natural ways of building community and seeking pleasure. They choke our ability to cope with trauma and embrace complexity. And they trap us in a state of artificial comfort and denial that keeps us from collectively growing up—even when our existence demands it.

This book invites you to interrupt 5 lies that neurocolonization instills in us—beliefs (and behaviors) that have condition us to think we’re owed the following, regardless of others or the planet:

• Moral and epistemic self-righteous authority
• Unrestricted, unaccountable autonomy
• Arbitrating truth, law, and common sense
• Affirming one's virtues, innocence, and purity
• Exploitative appropriation and accumulation of various forms of capital

"America's Failure In Iraq" (402 pages, 198 photographs, 2 maps), explores the involvement of the United States in Iraq beginning with the Gulf War of 1991, under the 'leadership' of President George H.W. Bush and Colin Powell. It continues through the post-war years of the impotent United Nations sanctions that destroyed the Iraqi economy, the events of September 11, 2001, and the ineptitude of our nation's senior leadership, that culminated with the US invasion of Iraq in the spring of 2003. The termination of the Gulf War was one of the worst political-military decisions of modern times. But the invasion of Iraq by his son 12 years later led the United States into a 'mini-Vietnam' scenario that has split our nation down the middle again.

The 2000 presidential election underscored the reality that outcomes in presidential contests do not necessarily follow from the votes cast by American voters. Under the Electoral College, a range of outcomes is possible, and what once might have seemed utterly remote now is clearly possible. Alexander Belenky has focused directly on what he calls extreme outcomes of our presidential elections. This topic is understudied and underanalyzed. He makes a real contribution in a timely way. -Dr. Norman Ornstein, CBS election analyst, American Enterprise Institute Sometimes it takes an "outsider's eye" to see the U.S. political system clearly, and Alexander Belenky's analysis of the presidential election system holds several remarkable surprises for me. Very few scholars have directly addressed fundamental flaws in the Electoral College's logic. Belenky lays bare several flaws. -Prof. David King, Institute of Politics, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University Colorado offers . awarding its nine electoral votes proportionate to the popular vote instead of winner take all . Colorado's "make your vote count" initiative seeks to put power in the popular vote . Could success in Colorado start a trend? . Electoral College experts aren't so certain . Alex Belenky, . who has written three books on the topic, including "Extreme Outcomes of U.S. Presidential Elections," says Colorado could prompt some states to dump winner-take-all but argues that the Electoral College is "flexible" and ought to remain in place-at least as a backup. One scenario he favors combines the popular vote and the Electoral College. "If there is at least 50 percent turnout of the electorate, then let the popular vote be decisive," he says, 'If there is not, then rely on the Electoral College." I like it. It's a good incentive to vote. -John Baer, Colo. Offering Electoral Change. Winner Wouldn't "Take All." Philadelphia Daily News, Sept. 28, 2004 ************************************************************************************** The Electoral College got a brief spate of attention in 2000. Many people realized then for the first time that we have a system in which the president is chosen not by the voters, but by 538 electors. It is a ridiculous setup, which thwarts the will of the majority, distorts presidential campaigning and has the potential to produce a true constitutional crisis. -(Abolish The Electoral College, The New York Times, Editorial, August 29, 2004) With another close presidential contest in store, that hardy if decipherable oddity of American Politics, The Electoral College is back in the news. . The Constitution requires someone to win a majority of the electoral votes; otherwise, the House chooses a president from the top three finishers. How do you think the public would react to the discovery that in such a contigent election, each state delegation has one vote, regardless of its size-the Democratic majority from California being matched by single Republican member from Delaware? . . I suspect this whole Electoral College issue is due for serious debate .. -(David Broder, Electoral College Alternatives Deserve Careful Scrutiny, The Seattle Times, Oct 21, 2004) One more surprising features of the controversy surrounding the 2000 election was its failure to spark any substantiated effort to abolish or reform the Electoral College. .The National Commission on Federal Election Reform, headed by former presidents Carter and Ford, decided early on not to even discuss the issue. "I think it is a waste of time to talk about changing the Electoral College," Carter observed. "I would predict that 200 years from now, we will still have the Electoral College'. -(Alexander Keyssar, Peculiar Institution, Boston Globe, October 17, 2004)

Unlike most historical examinations of war reporting, which centre the evolving role of the war correspondent, this book reverses the emphasis in order to bring the photojournalist’s contribution to the fore, providing an evaluative appraisal of photojournalism as an important area of inquiry in its own right. Stuart Allan explores a number of pressing questions facing photojournalists committed to conveying conflict. Placing these questions in historical context demonstrates how efforts to rethink the future of photojournalism in a digital age can benefit from a close and careful consideration of war photography’s origins, early development and gradual transformation over the years.

When the controversial book, "Personal Influence: The Part Played by People in the Flow of Mass Communications," was published in 1955, it made waves across the fields of communications, public opinion research, political science, and marketing. Written by Elihu Katz and Paul Lazarsfeld, "Personal Influence" became the canonical statement of the two-step flow of communication, which posits that mass media flow to opinion leaders, who in turn influence the behavior and opinions of people around them.

Throughout the last half of a century, "Personal Influence" has undergone rigorous critique, appeared in numerous citations, and become a key text in the history of mass communications. Why is a rereading of this text relevant now?

Upon the 50th anniversary of the publishing of "Personal Influence," the editors of this volume of "The ANNALS "believed it was an ideal time to reflect upon the book s mid-century contexts and contemporary drawing upon enrichments of the field provided by feminism, critical and cultural studies, the new historicism, and progress in the social sciences. This unique volume of "The ANNALS" crosses generational, disciplinary, and national boundaries to piece together and pull apart a historically important text and use it to shed light on the contemporary environment.

Essays in this volume analyze the personalities who played key roles in the making of "Personal Influence," their origins and social identities, the institutional organization of research in which it evolved, and the disciplinary consequences of its success. Other authors reread Katz and Lazarfeld s classic as a way to explore the relations between citizenship and consumption, the nature of media and political involvement today, and the relevance of the two-step flow paradigm for the study of contemporary audiences, social networks, and public campaigns.

A must-read for scholars, students, and professionals in the fields of communication, public opinion, political science, sociology, and marketing, this volume of "The ANNALS" dusts off a time-worn text and renews its significance in the field of mass communications with modern scholarly perspectives and contemporary methodology experience, inspiring a fresh outlook on this historical force. "

Miyazawa Kiichi played a leading role in Japan's government and politics from 1942 until 2003, during which time he served as Prime Minister, and also as Minister of Finance, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of International Trade and Industry, Director General of the Economic Planning Agency, and Chief Cabinet Secretary. In this oral history autobiography, he discusses with candor and detail a wide range of topics, including his 1939 visit to the United States, recovery policies during the postwar occupation, the San Francisco Peace Treaty, and Japan's role in international organizations such as GATT and OECD, and gives a thoughtful insider's view of six decades of Japanese politics, closing with his thoughts on Japan's role in the 21st century. Miyazawa's testimony contains the unmistakable richness of the words of one who was present as history was being made. The political candor, unmatched scope, and largely first-person narrative make this book unique.

Lack of religious enthusiasm is a universal nemesis with long-ranging effects. In Those Challenging Cracks of Secularism, author Rev. Oliver O. Nwachukwu shows how secularism can further deepen dividing lines among people.

The negatives solicited by indifference to authentic religious values and the erroneous use of force to enlist membership by religious extremists are two extremities "Those Challenging Cracks of Secularism" opposes in the search for ultimate truth. Aggrieved by the negative effects of competing alliances on core Christian religious teachings and values, the book discusses the recent ecclesiastical wrangling in the Episcopal Church that began with the ordination of gay priests and blessing of same-sex union.

It further treats the recent clerical sex abuse scandal, allegations of cover-up, the financial burdens on the affected dioceses, as well as homosexuality in the priesthood. The mythological anabasis of the Old Testament books have often been interpreted wrongfully by fanatics to engage in senseless killings of innocent people in the name of God, something that has led to the mistaken practice of shutting religion off public places as private.

No one should be denied the privilege of close relationship with God through attitude of religious indifference. Economic obsessions, technological enslavement, proliferations of arms, racial intolerance and unbridled political correctness have diluted religious values so much that people are constantly burdened with mistrust and skepticism.

Nations have risen to power through their might and driven by greed they have held many people in bondage. When the workforce was limited, they bought and sold slaves. Slavery is still taking place on the continent of Africa, and no one is there protesting. Politics It is all about politics and the political game that is being played out in the greatest nation that the world has ever known could be its demise. We will examine the foundation that was laid by those who came from Great Britain and with only thirteen colonies became the ruler of the seas and skies with an army that is unmatched anywhere. Politics Yes, politics played by men and women desiring power and wealth have brought us the very brink of collapse as they tend to forget who it was that gave so much to so few in the beginning. Thousands upon thousands have given their lives for the freedoms that we have in this land, and yet there are many who do not care, preferring a socialist form of government. But there is still hope for a failing nation.

On the margins of the biblical canon and on the boundaries of what are traditionally called 'mainstream' Christian communities there have been throughout history writings and movements which have been at odds with the received wisdom and the consensus of establishment opinion. If one listens carefully, these dissident voices are reflected in the Bible itself-whether in the radical calls for social change from the Hebrew Bible prophets, with Jesus the apocalyptic prophet who also demanded social and economic justice for his oppressed people, or perhaps from the apocalyptic tradition's millenarian visions. The use of the Bible has been fertile ground throughout Christian history for prophetic calls for radical change within society as a whole and the church in particular. The essays contained in this volume examine aspects of this radical tradition, its doctrine, hermeneutics, pedagogy, and social action. They offer a sustained development of the theme of the Bible and its reception and appropriation in the context of radical practices, and an exposition of the imaginative possibilities of radical engagement with the Bible in inclusive social contexts. Part 1 treats New Testament texts directly-the Lukan writings, Paul and the Book of Revelation; Part 2 explores some examples of reception history and of radical appropriation of the Bible in history and literature; Part 3 addresses contemporary issues in liberation theology and public theology. This book is a Festschrift in honour of Professor Christopher Rowland, the Dean Ireland's Professor of the Exegesis of Holy Scripture in the University of Oxford.