America, Belgium, England, France, and the Netherlands all experienced political upheaval during the late eighteenth century. Women participated in these events in a variety of ways according to class and country. Not only was the nature of their participation different from that of men, but they were also affected by the political changes and economic developments in ways different from their male counterparts. The essays collected in this volume provide a comparative historical investigation of gender and political culture as they explore eighteenth-century revolutionary movements. The contributors bring a rich variety of sources, methods, and perspectives to the investigation, making this anthology a useful contribution to the study of comparative history. Included are sources from diaries, letters, petitions, public speeches and printed essays, newspaper reports, police records, and other government documents. Archival illustrations visually document this revolutionary era. Women and Politics in the Age of the Democratic Revolution analyzes the impact of women's participation on the courses and outcomes of specific upheavals, and assesses the impact of the political and institutional changes on women's lives and their political and social identities. Many of the papers point to the root of women's political engagement in neighborhood or village community life, and suggest that where local institutions were weakened by political revolution or economic growth, women often lost "protocitizenship." Drawing on the analyses of their contributors, the editors address the critical questions whether the late eighteenth century was in fact an age of democratic revolution for women. The investigation of such questions has profound implications for our evaluation of the nature and limits of democratic ideology and institutions. The collection will be of interest to scholars of modern European history, women's studies, comparative political history, the Enlightenment, and the Age of Revolution.

This book takes a holistic approach by capturing the various perspectives and viewpoints concerning the theory and practice of Human Rights Journalism. Firstly, this book helps fill the epistemological vacuum present in Human Rights Journalism by proposing 'pragmatic objectivity' within the critical constructivist epistemology. Secondly, it defines the Human Rights Journalism-Responsibility to Protect nexus by identifying five key elements. Thirdly, it proposes a Human Rights Journalism-Responsibility to Protect conceptual model, which illustrates how an embedded human rights focussed media strategy can be designed. Fourthly, this book proposes two novel quantitative analysis tools called the 'Framing Matrix' and the 'Multimodal Discourse Analysis Matrix' that are equipped to deal with a big sample size over a long period of time. These tools are used to examine the practice of Human Rights Journalism and the typology of news stories of distant sufferings. Finally, it provides a scientific explanation for those in search of the answer to why one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world, which took place in Sri Lanka in 2009, did not create any global compassion or garner attention.

The corporate governance systems of continental Europe have traditionally been quite different to those of the liberal market economies (e.g. the US and the UK). Company ownership has been dominated by incumbent blockholders, with a relatively minor role for minority shareholders and institutional investors. Business strategy has focused on the achievement of social stability--taking into account the interests of a broad group stakeholders--rather than the maximisation of shareholder value.
However, since the mid-1990s, European corporations have adopted many of the characteristics of the Anglo-American shareholder model. Furthermore, such an increased shareholder-orientation has coincided with a significant role for the Left in European government. This presents a puzzle, as conventional wisdom does not usually conceive of the Left as an enthusiastic proponent of pro-shareholder capitalism. This book provides an analysis of this paradox by examining how economic factors have interacted with the policy preferences of political parties to cause a significant change in the European system of corporate governance.
This book argues that the post-war support of the European Left for the prevailing blockholder-dominated corporate system depended on the willingness of blockholders to share economic rents with employees, both through higher wages and greater employment stability. However, during the 1990s, product markets became more competitive in many European countries. The sharing of rents between social actors became increasingly difficult to sustain. In such an environment, the Left relinquished its traditional social partnership with blockholders and embraced many aspects of the shareholder model.
This explanation is supported through a panel data econometric analysis of 15 non-liberal market economies. Subsequent case study chapters examine the political economy of recent corporate governance change in Germany and Italy.

Kazakhstan is one of the best-known success stories of Central Asia, perhaps even of the entire Eurasian space. It boasts a fast growing economy-at least until the 2014 crisis-a strategic location between Russia, China, and the rest of Central Asia, and a regime with far-reaching branding strategies. But the country also faces weak institutionalization, patronage, authoritarianism, and regional gaps in socioeconomic standards that challenge the stability and prosperity narrative advanced by the aging President Nursultan Nazarbayev. This policy-oriented analysis does not tell us a lot about the Kazakhstani society itself and its transformations. This edited volume returns Kazakhstan to the scholarly spotlight, offering new, multidisciplinary insights into the country's recent evolution, drawing from political science, anthropology, and sociology. It looks at the regime's sophisticated legitimacy mechanisms and ongoing quest for popular support. It analyzes the country's fast changing national identity and the delicate balance between the Kazakh majority and the Russian-speaking minorities. It explores how the society negotiates deep social transformations and generates new hybrid, local and global, cultural references.

One of the nation's leading military ethicists, Louis P. Pojman argues that globalism and cosmopolitanism motivate the need for greater international cooperation based on enforceable international law. The best way to realize the promises of globalism and cogent moral arguments for cosmopolitanism, Pojman contends, is through the establishment of a World Government. In very readable prose, Pojman begins with a description of the growing menace of non-state terrorism on people everywhere, and distinguishes 'old-style' from 'new-style' terrorism. In Chapter 2, he examines the virtues and vices of nationalism, comparing them to the promises and problems of cosmopolitanism. Pojman ultimately argues that enforceable international law which will promote peace and curtail terrorism requires that we endorse a form of 'soft nationalism.' This form of nationalism is ultimately compatible with a limited, republican form of world government. Chapter 3 addresses universal human rights, arguing against the notion that they are an ethnocentric product of Western culture, and providing an overall justification of human rights as correlative to moral duties. Pojman concludes on a hopeful note, characterizing his proposal for a World Government as an effective counter-measure, albeit ambitious and controversial, to terrorism and its causes.

Presidential Material: Messianic Memoirs of a Midlife Crisis doles out the intimate, indefatigable memoirs of Kermit D. Vincent, an idealistic, wacky, and unconventional bag-a-bones, in an invariably invaluable, wet-your-pants witty, cool, confident, and continually candid, manner. Kermit's reminiscences spew forth a narrative of no-holds-barred proportion; memories of growing up an only child in a paternally binge-drinking, maternally born-again, small town U.S.A. household; remembrances of growing up further, post adolescence, when confronted with the magically delicious "devilish enticements" of the big city; confessions of run-ins with the law, and know it all too well commentary on the prevalent prejudices, and pansy-ass practices, of U.S. jurisprudence, and correctional facilities; reflections on irrational, yet irresistible, interpersonal relationships, and fatally flawed fatherhood, through bittersweet revelations of unrequited love; contrite acknowledgments of a man stunned, now and again, by the error of his ways, at those times of cosmic comeuppance, when he would be rendered speechless, disgusted with himself, beset by guilt, wracked with remorse, and absolutely heartbroken, and how he persevered; recollections of his decade-long 'round-the-world odyssey as a street-publicly supported, modern-day wandering minstrel; offerings of hopes, and dreams, and far out there things he's seen; as well as explanations as to the motivations for his foray into presidential campaigning, and his plans for the future. Kermit's soul-searching chronicle of his eclectic, comically cantankerous life journey thus far, wrought with vivid, and at times outlandish, images, of his ubiquitousexperiences, has coalesced a text alarmingly amusing, dyed-in-the-wool diverse, interculturally introspective, in the end encouraging, and altogether enlightening. If you only read one book this lifetime, make it this one. You won't be sorry. It's a wild ride

Battered by our economy and disappointed by our government's role in that battering, we might be tempted to point the finger of blame at whoever's currently on the hot seat in front of us. But, as Phillip Cooper shows, we must widen our vision to take in the long history behind this dismal state of affairs. By doing so, it becomes clear that our present circumstances are in many ways the predictable outcome of a several-decades-long war against government regulation and its potential to protect and improve our lives. Cooper explains how the war against regulation has been conducted both from within and outside the government over the past thirty years. Chronicling its major battles from the Jimmy Carter years through the presidency of George W. Bush, he shows that it is a war - waged by Democrats and Republicans alike - that has been fought in high places but whose casualties include children, senior citizens, the infirm, and millions of families who have lost their homes and retirement savings. Cooper tells how Carter, praised for environmental regulation, worked to deregulate airlines, trucking, and banks; how Reagan undertook administrative rather than legislative measures against regulation - most of which weren't understood or even known by the public; and how George H.W. Bush continued the fight with the Quayle Commission. He describes Bill Clinton's commitment to fighting regulation despite having campaigned against his Republican predecessors' policies, then describes the behind-the-scenes maneuverings of George W. Bush as he sought to gut regulatory agencies entirely. He also devotes an entire chapter to parallel developments in the Supreme Court that substantially advanced the deregulation agenda during this era. Cooper contends that regulation, as one of a number of policy tools available to our leaders, is neither good nor bad in and of itself. Excessive deregulation - as opposed to regulatory reform, can present considerable peril, as current events clearly show. By considering key issues important to a more effective understanding and use of regulation in the future, ""The War against Regulation"" makes a vital case for restoring debate about regulation's rightful role within the republic and offers hope that a better understanding of that role can help lift us out of our current crisis.

The global reach of imperialism makes it both an important and a complex topic that requires a multi-country perspective and a comparative framework. This four volume series collects together many of the most influential articles on the topic and offers a broad choice of themes, geographies and interpretations of the impact and importance of empires, their making, their rule and their demise. Each volume takes up a different theme such that the reader has access to the perspectives of both coloniser and colonised in a variety of settings across the full range of modern empires. Classic articles are well represented as are recent scholarly trends in the field. All four volumes are edited by leading scholars in the field, and the series constitutes an inclusive reference resource for libraries, students and academic researchers interested in every aspect of modern history.

This book builds on recent research exploring the intersection between language and social justice, using the multilingual context of Hawai'i as a case study. The author offers a discourse-centered approach, providing analyses of actual instances of language use, and argues that the wide range of languages in Hawai'i - Hawaiian, Pidgin, Japanese, Chinese, Tagalog, Ilocano, Marshallese, and Chuukese, as well as the phenomenon of language mixing - all have a significant contribution to make to society. The book also draws on language acquisition research demonstrating positive long-term effects of exposure to multiple languages, and makes the case for educational approaches that foster multilingual abilities among the young members of society. This book will be relevant for academics interested in the intersection of language and social justice and languages in Hawai'i, but it should also be of interest to undergraduate and especially graduate students in sociolinguistics, language revitalization and language documentation, discourse analysis, applied linguistics, and pragmatics.

America's bravest, brashest voice is back―as ferocious and cutting as ever.

"Where has six decades of radical, mad-dog liberalism brought us?" Savage asks in his electrifying new book. "I'll tell you where: America is teetering on the cliffs of insanity."

Written with the fire, the conviction, and the clear vision of a modern-day prophet, Savage returns with a vengeance in this lightning rod of a book, speaking for all Americans who are fed up and ticked off at the corrosive influence of today's "psycho liberals"―the Democrats, as he calls them.

"They're speeding down the pathway of good intentions. Their mantra: Celebrate perversity, embrace ultra-tolerance, pay rape-a-nations (so-called reparations), support affirmative racism, and provide government subsidies for every illegal who sneaks across the border. In their haste to push failed socialist ideals, the libs have placed us on a crash course of total destruction."

Even while the heated controversy of his "New York Times" bestseller, "The Savage Nation," still simmers, Michael Savage raises his weapons of matchless wit and moxie again, this time aiming his sights on the liberal assault on our most cherished institutions and taking a stand for our schools, our faith, our police and armed forces, and, most important, our families.

It isn't always pretty. You might even at times become uncomfortable. But as you read on, you'll find these pages always contain the Savage truth. That is how to fight the Enemy Within.

Filled with riotous rage and blistering humor, this book inspires as it enflames, encouraging Americans to reclaim our country, our government, our national integrity.

An important contribution to the growing body of work on Latin American policy making in education, this volume presents a critical analysis of the conflicts and contradictions inherent in educational policy planning in Mexico since the early 1970s. In an effort to forge a clearer and more comprehensive understanding of the processes involved, the authors examine the complex relationships among the politics of a corporative State built on the remains of a revolutionary tradition, the current model of associated-dependent development, and the process of policy formation in formal and nonformal education. Analysis of specific cases enables the authors to present an overview of the factors involved in the designing, planing, and implementation of educational policies in Mexico, as well as assessing the effects of educational change on the poorest sectors of its society.

Morales-Gomez and Torres begin by analyzing some of the political economy factors that historically have determined the current process of associate-dependent development in Mexico and how they have evolved and shaped the role of education in the country. They show how educational policies and practices are affected by the processes of sociopolitical change that underly the formation and evolution of the corporatist State. A critical review of the structure and functioning of the educational system in Mexico precedes three case studies of formal and nonformal education that illustrate the relationships among the predominant ideas shaping current development in the country, the process of policy formation in education, and the actual practice of formal and nonformal education. The first case study examines primary education as a manifestation of the contradictions in educational policy; the second focuses on some of the nonformal initiatives carried out by the government over the last two decades; and the third looks at adult workers' education.

Bullets of 71: A Freedom Fighter's Story details Dr. Nuran Nabi's experience growing up in rural Bangladesh and living through the tumultuous episodes of the Bangladesh liberation movement and the liberation war. This is the true story of how a frail young man developed into a politically conscious student activist before transforming into a heroic freedom fighter in the Bangladesh Liberation War. Throughout Dr. Nabi's narrative, the untold stories of the Bangladesh Liberation War unfold. The sacrifices and heroic actions captured through Dr. Nabi's words define more than his accomplishments, they define his entire generation. The Bangladesh Liberation War was a people's war. Men and women, young and old, students, farmers, bureaucrats, laborers, political activists, and defected Bengali soldiers of the Pakistani military, all joined the liberation war. Bullets of 71 is their story. The Bangladesh liberation war was bloody. Three million people were killed, thousands of women were raped, and ten million people were forced to become refugees. However, this story transcends the events of the war. It explores the political backdrop amongst China, the United States, the Soviet Union, and India. Dr. Nabi effectively illustrates how the selfish decisions of a few world leaders led to millions of crimes perpetrated against humanity. But among all the pages in this book none are more candid and horrific than those that cover the atrocities committed by the Pakistani military. Although the Bangladesh genocide unfolded during the nine months of the liberation war, Dr. Nabi thoughtfully separates these stories to remind us of why he and his fellow freedom fighters fought. Bullets of 71: A Freedom Fighter's Story is the most authentic account of the events that transpired in 1971 Bangladesh. It is a captivating story that captures the elements of the universal struggle for freedom.

THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN "POLITICS" AND "ADMINISTRATION"According to Goodnow, politics is concerned with policy and other expressions of state will. Administration is concerned with the faithful execution of enacted legislation. He observes that administration has a tendency to overstep this boundary and concedes that politics must therefore monitor administration to keep it in line with the state's will. Reprint of first edition."From both the legal and historical standpoint the book contains many things that are richly suggestive. There is very little in our legal or political literature so penetrating as for example the exposition of the effects of confinement of the principle of separation of powers to the central government. (...) It is not written for the legal profession directly, but to those lawyers who seek more than a working tool in their profession, a true appraisement of the administrative law, it will appeal. The writing of such a work moreover is a signal public service." --6 Columbia Law Review (1906) 133While a member of the Columbia faculty, FRANK J. GOODNOW 1859-1939] was the first individual in the United States to hold a professorship in administrative law. He became the first president of the American Political Science Association, which offers an annual award in his name, and was president of Johns Hopkins University from 1915-1929.

Questioning Ayn Rand: Subjectivity, Political Economy, and the Arts offers a sustained academic critique of Ayn Rand's works and her wider Objectivist philosophy. While Rand's texts are often dismissed out of hand by those hostile to the ideology promoted within them, these essays argue instead that they need to be taken seriously and analysed in detail. Rand's influential worldview does not tolerate uncertainty, relying as it does upon a notion of truth untroubled by doubt. In contrast, the contributors to this volume argue that any progressive response to Rand should resist the dubious comforts of a position of ethical or aesthetic purity, even as they challenge the reductive individualistic ideology promoted within her writing. Drawing on a range of sources and approaches from Psychoanalysis to The Gold Standard and from Hannah Arendt to Spiderman, these essays consider Rand's works in the context of wider political, economic, and philosophical debates.

This is the first biographical dictionary of major political leaders in sub-Saharan Africa since 1945, leaders who have made important and often determinative contributions to politics and government in their countries and in the region as a whole. Editor Harvey Glickman has brought together an international team of experts to profile fifty-three important heads of state, theorists, party leaders, and politicians from a representative group of African countries. An invaluable reference for libraries of all kinds, this dictionary will be useful to advanced scholars and neophytes alike in evaluating African leadership, national political systems, and contemporary world history in general.

Glickman's introduction explains the criteria used for selecting the figures profiled and then describes what is involved in being a political leader in Africa in the late colonial period, in early independence, and now in the fourth decade of independence as new forms of government and leadership appear in Africa. Glickman remarks on the lack of women in high ranks of African politics and explores reasons for their notable absence. Each profile examines the role of the leader in history, the personal events of birth, tribal affiliation, education, early career, and rise to political power. Figures chosen represent a variety of types including founding fathers, radical opposition party leaders, conservatives, socialists, oppressive dictators, and philosophical theorists. Each entry has a bibliography of works by and about the leader. A chronology lists events in sub-Saharan politics from 1892 to 1991. A list of important figures by country and a short bibliography of general works on political leadership and change in Africa complete the volume.