Fixing Everything provides citizens with a blueprint to retake control of the federal government and reassert American leadership in a world gone astray. This integrated solution will limit government spending to a reasonable percentage of GDP; close agencies responsible for 60% of government spending; dramatically simplify taxes; reduce, quantify, and manage entitlement commitments; present a new form of free market healthcare organization; confront pension liabilities; encourage legal immigration, while discouraging illegal immigration; contain legal awards and costs, while encouraging early settlement; reduce crime; and put an end to the "nanny" state. Citizens will assume personal and financial responsibility for their actions and well-being. A new form of safety-net will avoid mal-incentives, while encouraging effort and initiative.

Tennessee-born Horace McCoy joined the American Air Service in WWI, was wounded flying over France, became a reporter-actor in Dallas. In Hollywood, he was popular as a handsome actor, then toiled as a prolific movie-script writer. McCoy burst into fame with his first novel, They Shoot Horses, Don't They?, about Depression-era marathon dancers. His No Pockets in a Shroud features a social climber bribed to have his marriage annulled by the bride's rich father, then establishing a radical magazine. I Should Have Stayed Home exposes Hollywood moguls and rich old women exploiting would-be actors and actresses. Kiss Tomorrow Goodbye features warfare between a professional criminal and corrupt law-enforcement agents. When made into a movie it starred Jimmy Cagney. Additional films were based on McCoy's fiction. McCoy visited England and France where translations of his works were admired by existentialists. Scalpel, his best-seller, features Tom Owen, a successful WWII military surgeon at odds with his superiors, including General Patton. Owen returns to his Western Pennsylvania roots to investigate his brother's death, is drawn into high-society--temporarily? Well-educated Owen perhaps resembles what McCoy aspired to be. But love of cars, wine, travel, and the high life clipped his wings. He left Corruption City, a sixth novel, in fragmentary form--completed by a ghost writer and blasting yet another set of unclean cops and thieving politicians. McCoy's popularity in Europe may be better than in America, a land he loved and wished were cleaner. This book begins with a chronology of major events in the life of Horace McCoy (1897-1955), and then in one alphabetized sequence synopsizes the plots of his six novels and identifies each of their 494 characters--often with critical comments by publishing scholars, including Gale. It concludes with a select bibliography showing the range of scholarship on McCoy, then an index.

This is an open access title available under the terms of a CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 International licence. It is free to read at Oxford Scholarship Online and offered as a free PDF download from OUP and selected open access locations. The Republic in Danger offers a new interpretation of Roman political history for the years 6 BC to AD 16, focusing especially on the rise of Tiberius Caesar and his succession to Augustus, the founder of the Principate. The volume proposes a new and compelling model for understanding the end of Augustus' reign and the succession of Tiberius. While Tiberius' rise to supreme power was at the expense of Augustus' grandsons, who were all dead by the time Augustus was laid to rest, their supporters remained unconvinced that life was possible under the rule of Tiberius. The result was an alliance between the enemies of Tiberius and M. Scribonius Drusus Libo. Drusus Libo, an aristocrat connected to the house of the Caesar, committed suicide in AD 16 while on trial for treason. Pettinger argues that Drusus Libo's prosecution was due to his alliance with Tiberius' enemies who were planning to destroy his government and replace tyranny with republican democracy. Pettinger offers a comprehensive analysis of the struggle between Tiberius and the supporters of Augustus' grandsons, which has repercussions for our understanding of the creation of the Principate at Rome.

In 2008, while America witnessed one of our nation's most exciting general elections, the American news media was launching its own political campaign-one that injected spin and bias, in its most toxic form, into the delivery of almost every story related to the presidential elections.

Mark Anderson has spent fifteen years serving his country in the United States Armed Forces and shares his blog entries that chronologically document the sometimes blatant tactics employed by the news media during the primary and general elections. Through his personal observations, Anderson contemplates whether the outcome of the election was solely the will of the people or in part a result of the toxic reporting methods employed by the news media. Anderson also examines how the news media systematically ostracized Senator Hillary Clinton when Senator Barack Obama reached "rock star status" during the national elections, how the focus on John McCain's health and age played a part in his general elections loss, and how American news media entities successfully reversed the public's infatuation with then Governor Sarah Palin.

"In the Tank-A Bound Blog" offers a thoughtful scrutiny of the American news media industry as a whole during a monumental time in America's history and encourages lively discussions on how much political power it now possesses.

The corporate governance systems of continental Europe have traditionally been quite different to those of the liberal market economies (e.g. the US and the UK). Company ownership has been dominated by incumbent blockholders, with a relatively minor role for minority shareholders and institutional investors. Business strategy has focused on the achievement of social stability--taking into account the interests of a broad group stakeholders--rather than the maximisation of shareholder value.
However, since the mid-1990s, European corporations have adopted many of the characteristics of the Anglo-American shareholder model. Furthermore, such an increased shareholder-orientation has coincided with a significant role for the Left in European government. This presents a puzzle, as conventional wisdom does not usually conceive of the Left as an enthusiastic proponent of pro-shareholder capitalism. This book provides an analysis of this paradox by examining how economic factors have interacted with the policy preferences of political parties to cause a significant change in the European system of corporate governance.
This book argues that the post-war support of the European Left for the prevailing blockholder-dominated corporate system depended on the willingness of blockholders to share economic rents with employees, both through higher wages and greater employment stability. However, during the 1990s, product markets became more competitive in many European countries. The sharing of rents between social actors became increasingly difficult to sustain. In such an environment, the Left relinquished its traditional social partnership with blockholders and embraced many aspects of the shareholder model.
This explanation is supported through a panel data econometric analysis of 15 non-liberal market economies. Subsequent case study chapters examine the political economy of recent corporate governance change in Germany and Italy.

Why has industrial output fallen in Eastern Europe and is further decline inevitable? What lessons can be learned from the stablilization programmes of the first two years of the post-communist era? Should the transitional economies privatize quickly and where do they find the missing institutions essential to the proper working of capitalism? In seeking answers to these and other questions, The Political Economy of the Transition Process in Eastern Europe analyses the difficulties faced by nations attempting to move from a planned to a market economy with special emphasis on issues of macroeconomic stabilization and institutional change. Highlighting the problems confronting countries as diverse as Hungary and Kazakhstan or Bulgaria and Estonia, the contributors to this volume address issues such as how to improve the performance of both commodity and factor markets, how farming should be de-collectivized, what will soften the impact on former member republics of the dissolution of the USSR, and whether infant or senile industries should be protected during the transition process? This volume includes special studies on Bulgaria, Croatia, Estonia, Hungary and Kazakhstan, as well as an analysis of what is happening with state-owned enterprises while they are waiting for privatization and how the acquisition of such companies by foreign investors impacts on competition. By stressing the importance of pre-existing conditions and rejecting any notion of a universally valid policy prescription, the authors recognize the urgent need to identify those losses in output which are avoidable, and those which are not. Providing an analytical framework for future research, as well as a wealth of valuable data, The Political Economy of the Transition Process in Eastern Europe will be welcomed by students, researchers and policymakers concerned with the creation of a new agenda for the transitional economies.

The public sector provides services to the public and does not expect to acquire financial gain; hence, the practices from the private sector could not be used efficiently without modification, bearing in mind that the main scope of the public organization is to provide quality services to the citizens. Knowledge management can acquire and transfer knowledge in order to succeed in this effort and to confront challenges that exist in the modern knowledge economy. Therefore, knowledge management can play a vital role in the reorganization of the public sector and its necessary organizational change. Knowledge Management Practices in the Public Sector is a collection of innovative research on the methods and applications of improving the quality of public services through the implementation of knowledge management in public organizations. While highlighting topics including intellectual capital, risk assessment, and organizational strategy, this book is ideally designed for policymakers, ICT consultants, public sector workers, public administrators, government officials, researchers, scholars, and students.

Our government has been pissing me off for years and finally it boiled over. Both parties have been creeping towards Socialism for years. Obama and the Democrats have socialism on steroids The Republicans have been more subtle about it. I thought we had some hope when the Republicans gained the House. Speaker John Boehner is not much better than Pelosi. He caved on the debt ceiling and gives too much ground to Obama. Obama, his Czars and 98% of the Democrats are the most corrupt gang of thieves in history. The reason the government hates the Mafia and drug cartels is because they are competing with our government. With subsidies and the printing of money by the Feds $ billions or $ trillions have disappeared into a "black hole." There are millionaires being made within our government. There is no accountability at all. A Republican House is allowing this to happen. Bernie Madoff will spend the rest of his life for doing the same thing in the private sector.

The genesis of the sub prime fiasco that resulted in this catastrophic financial melt down began with flawed credit reports. These were the bed rock upon which this house of cards was constructed. But the big question is how could these villains have escaped censure during the media blitz of the past year that blamed anyone remotely responsible? This gold standard of the FICO scores fails even base metal quality. How can these most malignant contributors be over looked and forgotten? Just how have they seemingly totally escaped criticism? Proof of inflation FICO scores is the elephant outside that is evidenced by the millions and millions of existing bad loans complete with documentation. Proof of misdeeds are legend. No conversation will be sufficient to offset these lies accepted as gospel. FICO is a four letter word explains it all.

In this new edition of Overcoming America / America Overcoming, Stephen Rowe shows how the COVID-19 pandemic in tandem with Trumpism have brought basic dynamics of the American situation to high relief, and hence provide opportunity to address them - before it is too late. The dynamics he identifies are those of moral disease and political paralysis as symptomatic of the fact that America herself has been overtaken by the modern values which she exported to the rest of the world. He points to a way out of the current and potentially fatal malaise and violence: join other societies which are also struggling to move beyond the modern and consciously reappropriate those elements of tradition which have to do with cultivation of the mature human being. To avoid fundamentalism, Rowe discusses how this reappropriation must be undertaken in dialogue with those who also have come to recognize the unsustainable quality of the modern life, and who have been able to live beyond the nihilistic wish to tear it down. This book supports the call for an emerging global ethic and spirituality, providing resources of articulation and interpretation that allow for an ongoing dialogue between traditional and modern values-both worthy and problematic in their own ways-through which reliable policy and healthy living become possible.

"Sic Semper Res Publica "describes how America is following down the road of the Roman Republic, Ming Chinese Dynasty, Tokugawa Shogunate, and many other fallen civilizations. It was written by a sixteen-year-old AP student from Michigan who wrote it to preserve his sanity as he observed what happened around him in the past decade. It discusses the Founders' idea for a republic, the threats we face from oligarchy, socialism, corporations, government, and a lack of morals alike, and stresses the need for self-enlightenment and honesty in society. Learn how to stop America's demise and fight for our experiment in republican democracy