Katutura, located in Namibia's major urban center and capital, Windhoek, was a township created by apartheid, and administered in the past by the most rigid machinery of the apartheid era. Namibia became a sovereign state in 1990, and Katutura reflects many of the changes that have taken place. No longer part of a rigidly bounded social system, people in Katutura today have the opportunity to enter and leave as their personal circumstances dictate. Influenced in recent years by significant urban migration and the changing political and economic situation in the new South Africa, as well as a myriad of other factors, this diverse community has held special interest for the author who did fieldwork there for several years prior to 1975. Pendleton's recent visits provide a rich comparison of life in Katutura township during the peak of the apartheid years and in the post-independence period. In his systematic look at urbanization, poverty, stratification, ethnicity, social structure, and social history, he provides a compassionate view of the survivors of the unstable years of apartheid.

This book provides a new concept framework for understanding the factors that lead soldiers to challenge civil authority in developing nations. By exploring the causes and effects of the 1964 East African army mutinies, it provides novel insights into the nature of institutional violence, aggression, and military unrest in former colonial societies. The study integrates history and the social sciences by using detailed empirical data on the soldiers' protests in Tanganyika, Uganda, and Kenya.

The roots of the 1964 army mutinies in Tanganyika, Uganda, and Kenya were firmly rooted in the colonial past when economic and strategic necessity forced the former British territorial governments to rely on Africans for defense and internal security. As the only group in colonial society with access to weapons and military training, the African soldiery was a potential threat to the security of British rule. Colonial authorities maintained control over African soldiers by balancing the significant rewards of military service with social isolation, harsh discipline, and close political surveillance. After independence, civilian pay levels out-paced army wages, thereby tarnishing the prestige of military service. As compensation, veteran African soldiers expected commissions and improved terms of service when the new governments Africanized the civil service. They grew increasingly upset when African politicians proved unwilling and unable to meet their demands. Yet the creation of new democratic societies removed most of the restrictive regulations that had disciplined colonial African soldiers.

Lacking the financial resources and military expertise to create new armies, the independent African governments had to retain the basic structure and character of the inherited armies. Soldiers in Tanganyika, Uganda, and Kenya mutinied in rapid succession during the last week of January 1964 because their governments could no longer maintain the delicate balance of coercion and concessions that had kept the colonial soldiery in check. The East African mutinies demonstrate that the propensity of an African army to challenge civil authority was directly tied to its degree of integration into postcolonial society.

Concerned scholars and educators, since the early 20th century, have asked questions regarding the viability of Black history in k-12 schools. Over the years, we have seen k12 Black history expand as an academic subject, which has altered research questions that deviate from whether Black history is important to know to what type of Black history knowledge and pedagogies should be cultivated in classrooms in order to present a more holistic understanding of the group' s historical significance. Research around this subject has been stagnated, typically focusing on the subject's tokenism and problematic status within education. We know little of the state of k-12 Black history education and the different perspectives that Black history encompasses. The book, Perspectives on Black Histories in Schools, brings together a diverse group of scholars who discuss how k-12 Black history is understood in education. The book's chapters focus on the question, what is Black history, and explores that inquiry through various mediums including its foundation, curriculum, pedagogy, policy, and psychology. The book provides researchers, teacher educators, and historians an examination into how much k12 Black history has come and yet how long it still needed to go.

In ancient Egypt, one of the primary roles of the king was to maintain order and destroy chaos. Since the beginning of Egyptian history, images of foreigners were used as symbols of chaos and thus shown as captives being bound and trampled under the king's feet. The early 18th dynasty (1550-1372 BCE) was the height of international trade, diplomacy and Egyptian imperial expansion. During this time new images of foreigners bearing tribute became popular in the tombs of the necropolis at Thebes, the burial place of the Egyptian elite. This volume analyses the new presentation of foreigners in these tombs. Far from being chaotic, they are shown in an orderly fashion, carrying tribute that underscores the wealth and prestige of the tomb owner. This orderliness reflects the ability of the Egyptian state to impose order on foreign lands, but also crucially symbolises the tomb owner's ability to overcome the chaos of death and achieve a successful afterlife. Illustrated with colour plates and black-and-white images, this new volume is an important and original study of the significance of these images for the tomb owner and the functioning of the funerary cult.

Teen die einde van die Anglo-Boereoorlog was terme soos "misdaad teen die mensdom", "oorlogsmisdadigers", volkemoord" en "etniese suiwering" begrippe wat nog ver in die geskiedenis le. Bykans 'n kwart van die konsentrasiekampbevolking het gedurende agt maande in 1901 daar omgekom. Aan die iende van die oorlog sou 29 000 afrikaners, waarvan 22 000 kinders, en moontlik soveel as 18 000 swart mense hulle einde in konsentrasiekapker-howe vind. Die sterftes in die kampe, hele dorpe wat verwoes is, die platteland wat grootskaals ontvolk is, en die vrees dat die "hele Afrikaanse volk kan uitsterf", sou uiteindelik tot die Vrede van Vereeniging lei. Die konsentrasiekampe het in die hart van die Afrikaner 'n vuur van verbittering aangesteek wat dalk nooit geblus sal word nie. As al die smart, smaad en verbittering wat die Afrikaner in sy ganse geskiedenis gely het, lankal vergete sal wees, sal daardie vuur nog vlam, want dit het " 'n merk vir die eeue gebrand op ons volk"(Leipoldt).

The Acta Alexandrinorum are a fascinating collection of texts, dealing with relations between the Alexandrians and the Roman emperors in the first century AD. This was a turbulent time in the life of the capital city of the new province of Egypt, not least because of tensions between the Greek and Jewish sections of the population. Dr Harker has written the first in-depth study of these texts since their first edition half a century ago, and examines them in the context of other similar contemporary literary forms, both from Roman Egypt and the wider Roman Empire. This study of the Acta Alexandrinorum, which was genuinely popular in Roman Egypt, offers a more complex perspective on provincial mentalities towards imperial Rome than that offered in the mainstream elite literature. It will be of interest to classicists and ancient historians, but also to those interested in Jewish and New Testament studies.

The earliest development of Arabic historical writing remains shrouded in uncertainty until the 9th century CE, when our first extant texts were composed. This book demonstrates a new method, termed riwaya-cum-matn, which allows us to identify citation-markers that securely indicate the quotation of earlier Arabic historical works, proto-books first circulated in the eighth century. As a case study it reconstructs, with an edition and translation, around half of an annalistic history written by al-Layth b. Sa'd in the 740s. In doing so it shows that annalistic history-writing, comparable to contemporary Syriac or Greek models, was a part of the first development of Arabic historiography in the Marwanid period, providing a chronological framework for more ambitious later Abbasid history-writing. Reconstructing the original production-contexts and larger narrative frames of now-atomised quotations not only lets us judge their likely accuracy, but to consider the political and social relations underpinning the first production of authoritative historical knowledge in Islam. It also enables us to assess how Abbasid compilers combined and augmented the base texts from which they constructed their histories.

This is the first study of constitution making during a critical decade of British rule in Kenya to be based on a thorough examination of archival sources. Such sources include secret police and intelligence reports, records of the planning and negotiations leading to the imposition of the three constitutions, and British cabinet records. These allow for a more complete appreciation of the forces that produced the specific constitutional dispensations. For example, the book provides the fullest and most authoritative account of the first Lancaster House conference of 1960. The account indicates that the constitution that emerged, as with the negotiations of 1954 and 1957, was not the result of inter-racial bargaining. Rather, each constitution was imposed by Britain after acceptance by some political groups, though not all. Such partial acceptance proved fatal to the constitutions of the 1950s. The book illustrates this reality as well as highlighting the importance of African agency in the overthrow of the Lyttleton and Lennox-Boyd constitutions and in the emergence of the very different constitutional order that resulted from the Lancaster House conference. Britain and Kenya's Constitutions, 1950-1960 is an important resource for scholars in African studies as well as those researching the history of British decolonization in Africa.

Beginning in the late 1930s, a crisis in colonial Gusiiland developed over traditional marriage customs. Couples eloped, wives deserted husbands, fathers forced daughters into marriage, and desperate men abducted women as wives. Existing historiography focuses on women who either fled their rural homes to escape a new dual patriarchy-African men backed by colonial officials-or surrendered themselves to this new power. "Girl Cases: Marriage and Colonialism in Gusiiland, Kenya 1890-1970" takes a new approach to the study of Gusii marriage customs and shows that Gusii women stayed in their homes to fight over the nature of marriage. Gusii women and their lovers remained committed to traditional bridewealth marriage, but they raised deeper questions over the relations between men and women.

During this time of social upheaval, thousands of marriage disputes flowed into local African courts. By examining court transcripts, "Girl Cases" sheds light on the dialogue that developed surrounding the nature of marriage. Should parental rights to arrange a marriage outweigh women's rights to choose their husbands? Could violence by abductors create a legitimate union? Men and women debated these and other issues in the courtroom, and Brett L. Shadle's analysis of the transcripts provides a valuable addition to African social history.

Now combined into a single volume, these three brief history texts provide a concise and eye-opening overview of the history of the Middle East. Each is written by a leading expert, and all have been hailed as outstanding introductions for the general reader. These texts have been widely translated and adopted at universities in Turkey, Norway, Italy, and Germany, as well as throughout North America.

Liberia has a strong connection to the United States in that it was founded by former slaves in 1822. Although Liberia had existed as an independent African nation and a symbol of hope to the African peoples under the rule of various colonial powers, its recent history has been bedeviled by a prolonged upheaval following a military coup d'etat in 1980. In this context, the narrative highlights the distinctiveness of Liberians in their negotiation of traditional indigenous and modern practices, and the changes wrought by Christianity and Western influences.

I am an African American male who has had to deal with the racism and prejudice in this country, so the history that we were deprived of as children is where my expertise lies. There are hundreds of facts and events that are very important to the enrichment and growth of the black nation. We've come very far without knowing our history; imagine, if we were grounded in our roots, how far we'd be. You can handcuff my wrists, you can shackle my feet, you can bind me in your chains, you can throw me in your deepest darkest dungeon ...but you can't enslave my thinking, for it is free like the wind. Jaye Swift has sold over 40,000 CDs on the streets by himself. His music is the epitome of hip hop, and his name has been recognized by some of the greatest in music. His credibility in music is flawless, and he has refused to record with mindless artists who have no substance or integrity. It is only to his credit that But You Can't Enslave My Thinking ...has been written with the same impeccable consistency and wisdom. It's designed to enlighten the minds of non-African Americans and enrich the lives of all African Americans.

After many years of research, award-winning historian Hugh Thomas portrays, in a balanced account, the complete history of the slave trade. Beginning with the first Portuguese slaving expeditions, he describes and analyzes the rise of one of the largest and most elaborate maritime and commercial ventures in all of history. Between 1492 and 1870, approximately eleven million black slaves were carried from Africa to the Americas to work on plantations, in mines, or as servants in houses. The Slave Trade is alive with villains and heroes and illuminated by eyewitness accounts. Hugh Thomas's achievement is not only to present a compelling history of the time but to answer as well such controversial questions as who the traders were, the extent of the profits, and why so many African rulers and peoples willingly collaborated. Thomas also movingly describes such accounts as are available from the slaves themselves.