How do we form a connection to the ideals and institutions of public life? This connection is sometimes expressed in the language of civic engagement, public service, and commitment to the public good. While we do not lack for literature to guide us in thinking about public life, we have less to call on when our problem is not only to explore public ideals and institutions, but also to consider the nature and origin of our capacity to make a connection with and find meaning in those institutions and ideals. Levine explores the nature and origin of this capacity to form a connection and find meaning.

The vast literature on globalization integration and supranational bodies such as the EU dwells mainly on the problems which such processes pose for the nation-state. States are seen as needing to provide responses to these new challenges, but parties within those states are equally challenged. David Hanley examines how parties address those challenges and the manner in which parties act at supranational level.

This book places the current wave of religion-based terrorism in a historical perspective, explaining why religion is associated with terrorism, comparing religion-based terrorism to other forms of terrorism, and documenting how religion-based terrorism is a product of powerful political, socioeconomic, and psychological forces. Religion-based terrorism is perceived as one of the most significant threats to U.S. homeland security in the 21st century. Sacred Terror: How Faith Becomes Lethal makes the central argument that religion-based violence and terrorism is primarily a result of political, socioeconomic, and psychological forces, thereby demystifying religion-based terrorism and revealing its inherent similarity to other forms of terrorism and war. Daniel Price examines religious texts and traditions in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam; looks at the history of religion-based terrorism; and explores why religion facilitates violence. He builds upon this foundation to explain how religion as an ideological force that motivates violence is not as powerful as commonly believed, and that religious fervor is not unlike other non-religious ideologies such as Marxism, nationalism, and anarchism. The work also presents in-depth analysis of the political, socioeconomic, and psychological forces that are behind religion-based violence, and discusses case studies from multiple religions that illustrate the author's argument.

The people of the United States get caught up fighting each other when their attention and anger should be directed at the politicians that are running the country into the ground.Just like the Boston Tea Party, there needs to be another revolution so that the people can have a say in government. Join Dale Young, a former marine, as he shares his Conservative viewpoints on fixing the Social Security system, understanding the difference between fees and taxes, holding politicians accountable for their actions, cutting back the damage that unions are inflicting on America, and curbing out-of-control spending and taking control of "your" money.Young's passion to steer the country in the right direction is contagious; by arming yourself with information, you can join your fellow Americans who want to change the nation for the better. Recapture the type of change that happened when Ronald Reagan was elected president, and stage an "Incumbent Tea Party."

America has a fever. It s not feeling well because a virus has infected this once vibrant and exceptional country. In an effort to find a cure, the author traces the history, development and symptoms of the behavioral virus infecting America. He identifies the genetic engineers who created the pathogen and exposes how and why they spread it to the general population. The author deconstructs the financial crisis of 2008, the TSA, Hollywood, global warming, the Millennial Generation and Political Correctness. He outlines the social, economic and political consequences of being infected and identifies America s illness as one of the most virulent threats the country has ever faced. Unless a cure is found, America will be transformed into a country that will look nothing like what its founders intended. American revolutionaries are making their once in a lifetime push to change the very fiber of America. Whether you call it progressivism, socialism, communism or any of the synonyms political scientists toss around to describe the collective mindset and other Marxist ideas, America s greatness is rooted in the philosophical opposite of the socialist collective. For the transformation to be successful, America s revolutionaries must operate in stealth mode. The Progressive Virus removes their cloaking to reveal the truth about their ultimate plans for America. If Americans only knew what these modern day Bolsheviks intend to do with them and their country, they would be shocked out of their complacency and take back their country.

British Muslim activism has evolved constantly in recent decades. What have been its main groups and how do their leaders compete to attract followers? Which social and religious ideas from abroad are most influential? In this groundbreaking study, Sadek Hamid traces the evolution of Sufi, Salafi and Islamist activist groups in Britain, including The Young Muslims UK, Hizb ut-Tahrir, the Salafi JIMAS organisation and Traditional Islam Network. With reference to second-generation British Muslims especially, he explains how these groups gain and lose support, embrace and reject foreign ideologies, and succeed and fail to provide youth with compelling models of British Muslim identity. Analyzing historical and firsthand community research, Hamid gives a compelling account of the complexity that underlies reductionist media narratives of Islamic activism in Britain.

The history of Sunni theology is little known, but the impact of its demise has profoundly shaped modern Islam. This book explores the correlation between anti-theological thought and the rise of Islamism in the twentieth century by examining Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood and the leadership of Umar al-Tilmisani (d. 1986). The sociopolitical implications of anti-theological creedalism and its postcolonial intermarriage with the modern nation-state are also analyzed. Ultimately, this study seeks to know whether a revival of Sunni theology, as a rational discourse on religion, can dilute the absolutism of increasingly pervasive Islamist thought in the contemporary Muslim world.

This collection explores whether and how religious and secular worldviews and political ideologies held by scientists, citizens, decision-makers and politicians influence science as practiced and understood today. Contributors explore the social and scientific repercussions of 'customizing' science to fit the needs and interests of various groups.

In a powerful new book, Boggs traces the historical evolution of American politics by focusing on the gradual triumph of corporate and military power over democratic institutions and practices. The consequences of expanding United States global presence since World War II--involving an integrated and interwoven system of power based in the permanent war economy, national security-state, and corporate interests--has meant erosion of democratic politics, strengthening of the imperial presidency, increased corporate and military influence over elections and legislation, weakening of popular governance, and diminution of citizenship. The events of 9/11 and their aftermath, including the War on Terror, two lengthy wars and foreign occupations, new threats of war, and massive increases in Pentagon spending, have only deepened the trend toward ever-more concentrated forms of power in a society that ostensibly embraces democratic values. Such developments, Boggs argues, have deep origins in American history going back to the founding documents, ideological precepts of the Constitution, early oligarchic rule, slavery, the Indian wars, and westward colonial expansion.

This book does not question Rawlsian principles, but it does reject the liberal institutions he advocates.Since the publication of John Rawls' "A Theory of Justice" (1971) - followed up by "Political Liberalism" (1993) and "Justice as Fairness: A Restatement" (2001) - discussions on social justice and redistributive liberalism have taken center stage in contemporary political theory. This book adds to an enormous body of literature. It does not question Rawlsian principles, but it does reject the liberal institutions he advocates. A debate is constructed in which his liberalism is contrasted with a libertarian socialism informed by the English theorist of guild socialism G.D.H. Cole (1889-1959).These two authors visualize alternative macro socio-economic schemes. Although they are set within modern liberal and libertarian socialist frameworks respectively, they share a commitment to reducing vast inequalities in wealth. Central to the Rawlsian scheme is the difference principle - that inequalities are only permitted if they benefit the least well off. Rawls proposes that citizens deliberating without awareness of subjective talents - a collective lack of knowledge captured by the Rawlsian term the veil of ignorance - will be compelled to prioritize a society structured to accommodate this principle to other systems in which inequalities are allowed to concentrate with lesser degrees of regulation. This assertion will not be challenged. However, it is shown how the difference principle will be more easily realized in the left libertarian scheme, in which the author defends. The argument is that Rawlsian premises point to a more radical conclusion that Rawls acknowledges.

An original investigation of the nature of the forces that make members and representatives both loyal and beneficial to a contemporary political party, this book combines theoretical reflection with interview and archive material to provide a unique perspective on power, arguing that it is more complex and nuanced than is frequently assumed.

'Real Common Sense' seeks to revaluate what is public and what is private, explore the importance of environmental costs and demystify the false debates which distract from the really important issues and challenges that the US faces.

"The idea of revolution is to take action. The goal of revolution is positive change."
-Thomas Richard Harry "Boom A Revolting Situation"

"BOOM " is a tough-minded eye-opening appraisal of American Democracy that highlights serious lack of choice in today's political arena. Party identification is unraveling; increasingly voters opt not to be identified with them. Nothing has yet developed to fill this void. The result: millions of political "Independents" with no place to turn come election time except to these two Parties they apparently reject. Today these non-aligned conservative and liberal Americans surpass either Democrats or Republicans. Contrary to some, Independents do represent a powerful political potential-they just don't realize it yet. A plurality of our electorate, they have no option other than a least-worst political choice. That seems a democratic absurdity. That's akin to political coercion, at best; political disenfranchisement, at worst.

"BOOM " clarifies the primary historical (and on-going) antagonism in American politics and identifies what may well be the political objective of Independents. It then walks its readers through how this plurality of political orphans might achieve this goal. It's an option that doesn't rely on the failed ideological approach of today's duopoly. It could reinvigorate politics and change the direction of government towards achieving a more balanced outcome-all within our existing electoral system

British Party Politics and Ideology after New Labour brings together academics and politicians to debate the intellectual roots of the ideas that currently drive the main UK political parties. With major players responding to the arguments raised in each chapter, the book will be a must-read for anyone interested in or teaching British politics.

The events of 9/11 prompted questions as to the origins, nature and purpose of international jihadist organisations. In particular, why had they chosen to target the US and the West in general? Turner's book provides a unique, holistic insight into these debates, taking into account historical perceptions and ideology as key factors.

This book investigates whether international standards of good governance are applied to sub-state actors as well as to states. By examining the international response to self-determination claims, this project demonstrates that the international community does indeed hold sub-state groups accountable to such standards. Claimant groups that have internalized human rights and democratic norms are more likely to receive international support in the form of empowerment (promoting some form of self-governance). To illustrate the causal forces at work, the book presents three qualitative case studies--Kosovo, Nagorno-Karabakh, and the Western Sahara--to demonstrate that predictable changes in the international response occur as international perception of each claimant group's democratic record varies over time.

"The Radical Attitude and Modern Political Theory" focuses on the appearance of an attitude towards modernity that can be best described as radical. It emerges in discourses of politics and the state from the Sixteenth century onwards and can be discerned in many of the central texts of modern political theory, even those that are usually understood to be conservative in character. Accordingly, the attitude is best seen not as a coherent ideology or tradition but as a series of conceptual resources that continue to inform political discourse in the present.

A radical new interpretation of the political and intellectual history of Puritan Massachusetts, The Making of an American Thinking Class envisions the Bay colony as a seventeenth century one-party state, where congregations served as ideological 'cells' and authority was restricted to an educated elite of ministers and magistrates. From there Staloff offers a broadened conception of the interstices of political, social, and intellectual authority in Puritan Massachusetts and beyond, arguing that ideologies, as well as ideological politics, are produced by self-conscious, and often class-conscious, thinkers.

Populist forces are becoming increasingly relevant across the world, and studies on populism have entered the mainstream of the political science discipline. However, so far no book has synthesized the ongoing debate on how to study the populist phenomenon. This handbook provides state of the art research and scholarship on populism, and lays out, not only the cumulated knowledge on populism, but also the ongoing discussions and research gaps on this topic. The Oxford Handbook of Populism is divided into four sections. The first presents the main conceptual approaches on populism and points out how the phenomenon in question can be empirically analyzed. The second focuses on populist forces across the world and includes chapters on Africa, Australia and New Zealand, Central and Eastern Europe, East Asia, India, Latin America, the Post-Soviet States, the United States, and Western Europe. The third reflects on the interaction between populism and various relevant issues both from a scholarly and political point of view. Amongst other issues, chapters analyze the relationship between populism and fascism, foreign policy, gender, nationalism, political parties, religion, social movements and technocracy. Finally, the fourth part includes some of the most recent normative debates on populism, including chapters on populism and cosmopolitanism, constitutionalism, hegemony, the history of popular sovereignty, the idea of the people, and socialism. The handbook features contributions from leading experts in the field, and is indispensible, positioning the study of populism in political science.

Populism comes in many guises. Both Berlusconi's personalization of politics and the Northern League's antiimmigrant regionalist movement are viewed as examples of the phenomenon of populism. A type of leftwing populism embodied by Hugo Chavez swept across Latin America. Insurgent and antisystem movements and parties in places as different as the Netherlands, India, Norway, Thailand, Russia and the United States have experienced what have been labeled populists movements. Such varied manifestations beg the question: what is populism? The objective of this edited volume is to provide an answer by examining "the many faces of populism." The unifying element across the different explorations of the phenomenon of populism is that there is a shared genus that allows for a typology of the different faces of populism and a demarcation of what is not a form of populism.

Politicians are polarized. Public opinion is volatile. Government is gridlocked. Or so journalists and pundits constantly report. But where are we, really, in modern American politics, and how did we get there? Those are the questions that Byron E. Shafer aims to answer in The American Political Pattern. Looking at the state of American politics at diverse points over the past eighty years, the book draws a picture, broad in scope yet precise in detail, of our political system in the modern era. It is a picture of stretches of political stability, but also, even more, of political change, one that goes a long way toward explaining how shifting factors alter the content of public policy and the character of American politicking. Shafer divides the modern world into four distinct periods: the High New Deal (1932-1938), the Late New Deal (1939-1968), the Era of Divided Government (1969-1992), and the Era of Partisan Volatility (1993-2016). Each period is characterized by a different arrangement of the same key factors: party balance, ideological polarization, issue conflict, and the policy-making process that goes with them. The American Political Pattern shows how these factors are in turn shaped by permanent aspects of the US Constitution, most especially the separation of powers and federalism, while their alignment is simultaneously influenced by the external demands for governmental action that arise in each period, including those derived from economic currents, major wars, and social movements. Analyzing these periods, Shafer sets the terms for understanding the structure and dynamics of politics in our own turbulent time. Placing the current political world in its historical and evolutionary framework, while illuminating major influences on American politics over time, his book explains where this modern world came from, why it endures, and how it might change yet again.