There was no representative fascist movement during interwar Europe and there is much to be learned from where fascism 'failed', relatively speaking. So Nathaniel D. B. Kunkeler skilfully argues in Making Fascism in Sweden and the Netherlands, the first in-depth analysis of Swedish and Dutch fascism in the English language. Focusing on two peripheral - and therefore often overlooked - fascist movements (the Swedish National Socialist Workers' Party and the Dutch National Socialist Movement), this sophisticated study de-centres contemporary fascism studies by showing how smaller movements gained political foothold in liberal, democratic regimes. From charismatic leaders and the rallies they held to propaganda apparatus and mythopoeic props seized by ordinary people, Making Fascism in Sweden and the Netherlands analyses the constructs and perceptions of fascism to highlight the variegated nature of the movement in Europe and shine a spotlight on its performative process. Drawing on a wealth of archival material and using a highly innovative methodology, Kunkeler provides a nuanced analysis of European fascism which allows readers to rediscover the experimental character of far-right politics in interwar Europe.

As Jimmy Carter ascended to the presidency the heir apparent to Democratic liberalism, he touted his background as a born-again evangelical. Once in office, his faith indeed helped form policy on a number of controversial moral issues. By acknowledging certain behaviors as sinful while insisting that they were private matters beyond government interference, J. Brooks Flippen argues, Carter unintentionally alienated both social liberals and conservative Christians, thus ensuring that the debate over these moral "family issues" acquired a new prominence in public and political life.

The Carter era, according to Flippen, stood at a fault line in American culture, religion, and politics. In the wake of the 1960s, some Americans worried that the traditional family faced a grave crisis. This newly politicized constituency viewed secular humanism in education, the recognition of reproductive rights established by "Roe v. Wade," feminism, and the struggle for homosexual rights as evidence of cultural decay and as a challenge to religious orthodoxy. Social liberals viewed Carter's faith with skepticism and took issue with his seeming unwillingness to build on recent progressive victories. Ultimately, Flippen argues, conservative Christians emerged as the Religious Right and were adopted into the Republican fold.

Examining Carter's struggle to placate competing interests against the backdrop of difficult foreign and domestic issues--a struggling economy, the stalled Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, disputes in the Middle East, handover of the Panama Canal, and the Iranian hostage crisis--Flippen shows how a political dynamic was formed that continues to this day.

Sicker asserts that the Mosaic canon, the Pentateuch, is first and foremost a library of essentially political teachings and documents, and that the first eleven chapters of the book of "Genesis" set forth in essence a general Mosaic political philosophy. These writings take a unique mythopoeic approach to the construction of a normative political theory intended to undergird the idea of a mutual covenant between God and the people of Israel that is to be realized in history in the creation of the ideal society. It is with the elaboration of the political ideas reflected in these early chapters of "Genesis" that this book is concerned.

For the modern reader, the biblical texts should be understood as postulating some basic ideas of Mosaic moral and political philosophy that, in Sicker's view, continue to be applicable in contemporary times. First, man is endowed with free will, however constrained by circumstances it may be, and with the intellect to govern and direct it in appropriate paths. Accordingly, he is individually responsible for his actions and must be held accountable for them. Second, man has a necessary relation to God whether he wishes it or not. Prudence alone will therefore dictate that compliance with divine precept is in man's best interest. Third, the notion that man can create a moral society without reference to God is a deceptive illusion. Man's ability to rationalize even his most outrageous behavior clearly indicates the need for an unimpeachable source and standard of moral authority. Fourth, until all men accept the preceding principles, the idea of a universal state is both dangerous and counterproductive. In the 20th century, we have witnessed two different attempts to create such a world state, both of which produced totalitarian monstrosities. Fifth, individualism as a social philosophy tends to be destructive of traditional values and must be tempered by the idea of communal responsibility. A survey of particular interest to scholars, researchers, and students interested in Jewish history, political thought, and the Old Testament.

This is volume 2 of the set ^English Radicalism (1935-1961). Reissuing the epic undertaking of Dr S. Maccoby, these volumes cover the story of English Radicalism from its origins right through to its questionable end. By Combining new sources with the old and often long forgotten, the volumes provide an impressive history of radicalism and shed light on the course of English political development. The six volumes are arranged chronologically from 1762 through to the perceived end of British Radicalism in the mid-twentieth century.

The totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century reveal disturbing and uncomfortable facts about human nature, social life, and moral progress. Totalitarianism, ironically, came at a time when the 'spirit of modernity' was in full swing and human potential was supposedly at its peak. Distracted by the wonders of the industrial revolution, few would have guessed the horrors that were just around the corner. Focusing on the historical background to twentieth-century totalitarianism, this book unravels the complexity and mystery behind ideas of domination, leadership, and human development. In doing so, it not only sheds light on the dark side of modern thought but also shows that the foundations of totalitarian ideology existed long before the 'modern age'.Totalitarian thought is best understood by looking at four fundamental myths about race, the crowd, revolutionary violence, and eugenics. This book analyzes each myth in depth by tracing its beginnings and development. It shows how key socio-political thinkers wrote about and interpreted these myths and how they became the basis of many important racial and social theories. Specific attention is given to six controversial nineteenth century thinkers - Maistre, Gobineau, Galton, Le Bon, Vacher and Sorel. Llobera, through detailed analysis of their work, suggests that these so-called 'prophets of doom' with their anti-bourgeois, elitist and anti-progressive leanings, understood the socio-political reality of modern society far more accurately than other highly praised social thinkers of the same period. These key figures provide a crucial insight into totalitarianism by overturning nineteenth-century illusions of progress and laying barethe darker aspects of human nature."The Making of Totalitarian Thought" is an accessible and penetrating overview of a compelling phenomenon. It emphasizes the importance of previously neglected socio-political writing and neatly unpacks sophisticated intellectual ideas. This book will be an indispensable guide for students and will make an important contribution to debates on humankind and society.

Friedman discusses a government system that is no longer controlled by "we, the people." Instead of Lincoln's government "of the people, by the people, and for the people," we now have a government "of the people, by the bureaucrats, for the bureaucrats," including the elected representatives who have become bureaucrats.

The reasons why people arise to express dissatisfaction with their present situation, and how they imagine and work towards an alternative, have enduring relevance. The reform campaigns of 19th-century Britain are of interest not only in their own right, but also because of what they reveal about processes of political and social change. This book examines the personal, social, political, ideological, and tactical components of radicalism in Britain between the 1820s and 1860s, and casts new light on the meaning, nature, and reception of reform during this period. The main avenues of inquiry are provided by the career of Thomas Perronet Thompson, a prominent MP, political economist, and writer who helped to shape and articulate an "independent radicalism," which, with its distinctive commitments, outlook, and identity, has not previously been defined or explained. By relating Thompson's career to wider developments, and investigating the generation and impact of "independent radicalism," this book deepens our understanding of 19th-century British reformers and clarifies the relationship between parliament and people and the extent to which decisions taken at the top were made in response to--or in spite of--pressure from below. Turner's findings will be of interest not only to students of the past, but also to observers of current and ongoing struggles between forces of conservatism and reform.

French regionalism has often been associated with the political right. Julian Wright's fresh analysis of regionalist political thought overturns that assumption. Jean Charles-Brun, a teacher and journalist whose eclectic connections have often puzzled historians, takes centre-stage. Through this intellectual biography, Wright unpacks regionalism's broad appeal and helps to explain the important role it plays in modern French politics.

In 1915, women from over thirty countries met in The Hague to express opposition to World War I and propose ways to end it. The delegates made three demands: for women to be present at all international peace conferences, a womens-only peace conference to be convened alongside any official negotiations, and the establishment of universal suffrage. While these demands went unmet at the time, contemporary womens groups continue to seek participation in peace negotiations and to have language promoting gender equality inserted into all peace agreements. Between 1975 and 2011 about 40% of all conflicts that produced peace agreements resulted in at least one with references to women. Many of these clauses addressed compensation for wartime gender-based violence and guarantees for womens participation in the post-conflict transitional period. Others included electoral quotas and changes to inheritance legislation. Curiously, the language used to address women is near consistent across these agreements, and that is because it reflects international womens rights norms rather than more local norms. Why is it that though a peace agreements primary objective is to end conflict, some include potentially controversial provisions about gender that might delay or complicate reaching an agreement? Why do these provisions echo international norms rather than local, cultural ones? And which factors make it more likely that womens rights will appear in peace agreements? Windows of Opportunity answers these questions by examining peace negotiations in Burundi, Macedonia, and Northern Ireland along with 195 peace agreements signed between 1975 and 2011. It looks at the key actors involved in lobbying for womens participation, along with their motivations, objectives, and strategies. It also explores the reasons for similarities among the gender provisions.

Today almost half of all Americans decline to define themselves as either "liberal" or "conservative." In fact, modern liberalism and conservatism seem hopelessly fragmented ideologies. Liberals claim to believe in individual freedom yet advocate a more collectivistic approach to government and an increasingly paternalistic role for the state. Conservatives are hopelessly divided between two incompatible ideals--the highly individualistic, limited-state philosophy of classical liberalism and an older, more collectivistic tradition of cultural conservatism that holds government responsible for shaping social morality. As a result, modern liberals are economic collectivists and moral individualists, while conservatives are economic individualists and moral collectivists.

Centrists reject each of these fragmented and polarized approaches to politics. We believe that government has a role to play in structuring social and economic opportunities and in reinforcing basic moral norms, yet we are deeply troubled by ever-expanding government. We reject libertarianism, left-liberalism, and the various schools of conservatism as a model for government.

Part I of "The Political Centrist" briefly traces the trajectory of the liberal and conservative traditions. It argues that modern liberalism is an unprincipled fusion of classical liberal and socialist ideals while modern conservatism is an untenable hybrid of economic liberalism and social conservatism. Part II offers a centrist approach to many of the most contentious contemporary political and social issues. Those include:

-- abortion

-- affirmative action

-- the death penalty

-- gay marriage

-- illegal immigration

-- judicial activism

-- the relationship of religion and politics

-- the role of government in the economy

Originally published in 1936, this is an exhaustive examination of the theory of socialism, and a look at its practrice in real-world scenarios - primarily the Soviet Union. Many of the earliest books, particularly those dating back to the 1900s and before, are now extremely scarce and increasingly expensive. Hesperides Press are republishing these classic works in affordable, high quality, modern editions, using the original text and artwork. The Economic System - Capitalist Production For Profit - Socialist Production For Use - Planning - The Existing Socialist System of Production - Incompatibility of The Two Productive Systems - The Capitalist Method of Distribution - The Changing Shape of Capitalism - The Two Classes - The Socialist Method of Distribution - The Abolition of Classes - Socialism and Communism Distinguished - Incentives To Work - The Political System - A New Kind of Democracy - The Dictatorship of The Working Class - A Party of The Working Class - The State - Origin and Future Of The State - Socialism and Liberty - Socialism and Religion - Socialism and Peace - The World Before War - War, Nationalism and Human Nature - Socialism and The Working Class - The Birth Of An Idea - Robert Owen and The Communist Colonies - The Working Class - The Conditions of The Working Class Under Capitalism - The Working Class Begins To Think - The Science Of Social Change - The Materialist Conception of History - The Law of Motion In Capitalism - Dialectical Materialism - The Class Struggle - Force and Violence In Human Affairs - The Development of Marxism - The Way To Socialism

..".an absorbing (and beautifully written) study that deserves a very wide audience." - Joshua Muravchik ..".an erudite account of where the] vision of individual liberty] comes from, why some ideologues set themselves against it, and how our contemporaries have ceased to treasure it." - Christopher Caldwell "Bolkestein exposes today's fashionable, yet dangerous ideas, doing a great service not only to Europe but indeed to the whole of Western civilization." - Ayaan Hirsi Ali The dangers of intellectuals and their ideas in politics have rarely been written about by politicians themselves. This is not surprising, for few politicians are up to the task. However, Frits Bolkestein is a notable exception, bringing rare if not unique qualifi cations to this examination. Not only has he held national and international offi ce in Europe, but he has also studied, read, taught and published broadly. The thesis of The Intellectual Temptation is simple but penetrating: intellectuals' ideas are problematic as political ideas because they are often neither derived from nor falsifi able by experience. These ideas are frequently dreams attempting to become reality through power politics. There is also a cultural problem. Intellectuals are pack animals, looking to one another for approval. This affects the quality of their ideas, as they are susceptible to fashionable ideology and group pressure - frequently attracted to ideas that are appealing rather than sound. Very few of them are brave enough to stand against the prevailing orthodoxy. Beginning with a history of ideology, Bolkestein traces a nearly 300 year trend of bad ideas making worse politics, sometimes disastrously so. From his own experience he offers a vision of a politics of prudence, proper pragmatism and Classicism as a way out of the "intellectual temptation" that we have fallen under.

This accessible yet authoritative collection of essays chronicles the history of dissent in the British Isles, from Magna Carta to the present day. The contributors - all specialists in their field - cover such milestones as the age of revolution, industrialisation and the foundation of the Labour Party. Tony Benn contributes a powerful, final extended chapter arguing that "we are light years away from being a true democracy."

The aim of the book is to analyze the perception of the Tsarist and Bolshevik Russia in the Polish political thought in the 19th and 20th century. The wide and well-documented research applies an original multidisciplinary approach, combining the methods used in many disciplines, such as history, social science and social psychology. The authors of the book successfully defend the thesis that the perception of Russia cannot be fully understood without considering the "internal" aspects linked to the culture of this country in its psychological and moral dimension, as well as in its literary, architectural and artistic tradition.

Historically, Black Americans have easily found common ground on political, social, and economic goals. Yet, there are signs of increasing variety of opinion among Blacks in the United States, due in large part to the influx of Afro-Latino, Afro-Caribbean, and African immigrants to the United States. In fact, the very definition of "African American" as well as who can self-identity as Black is becoming more ambiguous. Should we expect African Americans' shared sense of group identity and high sense of group consciousness to endure as ethnic diversity among the population increases? In Black Mosaic, Candis Watts Smith addresses the effects of this dynamic demographic change on Black identity and Black politics.

Smith explores the numerous ways in which the expanding and rapidly changing demographics of Black communities in the United States call into question the very foundations of political identity that has united African Americans for generations. African Americans' political attitudes and behaviors have evolved due to their historical experiences with American Politics and American racism. Will Black newcomers recognize the inconsistencies between the American creed and American reality in the same way as those who have been in the U.S. for several generations? If so, how might this recognition influence Black immigrants' political attitudes and behaviors? Will race be a site of coalition between Black immigrants and African Americans? In addition to face-to-face interviews with African Americans and Black immigrants, Smith employs nationally representative survey data to examine these shifts in the attitudes of Black Americans. Filling a significant gap in the political science literature to date, Black Mosaic is a groundbreaking study about the state of race, identity, and politics in an ever-changing America.

Longlisted for the Baillie Gifford Prize for Non-Fiction 2019 Longlisted for the Orwell Prize for Political Writing 2020 'If you have even the slightest interest in Orwell or in the development of our culture, you should not miss this engrossing, enlightening book.' John Carey, Sunday Times George Orwell's last novel has become one of the iconic narratives of the modern world. Its ideas have become part of the language - from 'Big Brother' to the 'Thought Police', 'Doublethink', and 'Newspeak' - and seem ever more relevant in the era of 'fake news' and 'alternative facts'. The cultural influence of 1984 can be observed in some of the most notable creations of the past seventy years, from Margaret Atwood's The Handmaids Tale to Terry Gilliam's Brazil, from Alan Moore and David Lloyd's V for Vendetta to David Bowie's Diamond Dogs - and from the launch of Apple Mac to the reality TV landmark, Big Brother. In this remarkable and original book. Dorian Lynskey investigates the influences that came together in the writing of 1984 from Orwell's experiences in the Spanish Civil War and war-time London to his book's roots in utopian and dystopian fiction. He explores the phenomenon that the novel became on publication and the changing ways in which it has been read over the decades since. 2019 marks the seventieth anniversary of the publication of what is arguably Orwell's masterpiece, while the year 1984 itself is now as distant from us as it was from Orwell on publication day. The Ministry of Truth is a fascinating examination of one of the most significant works of modern English literature. It describes how history can inform fiction and how fiction can influence history.

This collection of essays summarizes one of the most fascinating developments of contemporary history: the peaceful revolution of the Central European nations from a long period of authoritarian regimes to Western democracy. It looks at the pre-Communist history of political parties and then examines the extent to which party politics has changed in the post-Cold War world.

After reviewing the various theories of cleavage and considering the interrelationships among cleavages, parties, and voters, 15 essays by indigenous scholars provide general historical background and identify specific new cleavages in each nation, and trace the activities of the more important parties in each nation. Voter response to the new political situation and parties is analyzed.