This book is aimed at presenting fresh views, interpretations, and reinterpretations of some already researched issues relating to the Yugoslav foreign policy and international relations up to year 1991. Yugoslavia positioned itself as a communist state that was not under the heel of the Soviet diplomacy and policy and as such was perceived by the West as an acceptable partner and useful tool in counteracting the Soviet influence.

A generation ago, achieving the American dream was possible. But for today's working middle class citizens, achieving or even envisioning the American dream is becoming almost impossible. How have we lost this integral part of our national identity? Can we recapture it?

Author Thomas W. Forbes thinks so, and he outlines his plan in America's Walls. Forbes believes that the way to reclaim America is to shrink the size of the US government, control spending, and create a financially independent country. In so doing, the middle class of America can also find financial independence and begin thriving once more.

Forbes suggests incorporating the values used to make this country great, including hard work, discipline, and innovation. He details some of the major issues facing the United States of America today and provides honest, straightforward commentary on ways to solve these issues. Topics covered include illegal immigration, war on terrorism, entitlements, term limits, healthcare, education, and much more.

It's time for us all to embrace President John F. Kennedy's words: "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." America's Walls leads the way.

This is the first comprehensive journey of its kind throughout the modern world of ideas and institutions relating to legislative and other features of sovereignty and state. Following A. London Fell's previous book on the Western Hemisphere (Volume Seven, Book I), Origins of Legislative Sovereignty and the Legislative State: Volume Seven: World Perspectives and Emergent Systems for the New Order in the New Age, the present Book II: Eastern Hemisphere deals in sequence with each continent, from Europe to the Middle East, from Asia to Africa. Taken together, the two books offer an exhaustive examination of emergent systems for the new order in the new age. As in Book I, Fell explores numerous issues that bear on the present world order. For example, he examines how current fundamentalist "laws" drive Islamic radicals in their ideological struggles with Western legal systems of democracy. And he shows how the broad, diverse spectrum of African nations can be viewed from the common theme of their legislative statehoods. The main subjects and sources of both halves of Volume Seven revolve around current news history, with issues and viewpoints uppermost in the public mind as expressed in the public press.

These original essays contributed by leading thinkers aim to revitalize utopian thinking and apply it to contemporary national and international politics. Radical political thought of the 20th century was dominated by utopia, but the failure of communism in Eastern Europe and its disavowal in China has brought on the need for a new model of utopian thought. This book thus seeks to redefine the concept of utopia and bring it to bear on today's politics. The original essays, contributed by key thinkers such as Gianni Vattimo and Jean-Luc Nancy, highlight the connection between utopian theory and practice. The book reassesses the legacy of utopia and conceptualizes alternatives to the neo-liberal, technocratic regimes prevalent in today's world. It argues that only utopia in its existential sense, grounded in the lived time and space of politics, can distance itself from mainstream ideology and not be at the service of technocratic regimes, while paying attention to the material conditions of human life. "Existential Utopia" offers a new and exciting interpretation of utopia in contemporary culture and a much-needed intervention into the philosophical and political discussion of utopian thinking that is both accessible to students and comprehensive.

There is often more than meets the eye where politics, religion and money are concerned. This is certainly the case with the Faith-Based Initiative. Section 104, a small provision of the 1996 Welfare Reform bill called "Charitable Choice," was the beginning of what we now know as the Faith-Based Initiative. In its original form, the Initiative was intended to ensure that small religious groups were not discriminated against in the awarding of government funding to provide social services. While this was the beginning of the story for the initiative, it is not the end. Instead Charitable Choice served as the launching pad for growing implementation of Faith-Based Initiatives. These new policies and practices exist despite the fact that all levels of government already contract with religious organizations to provide social services. Nevertheless, government actors have been implementing the Initiative in myriad ways, creating new policies where none appear necessary.
Using data from multiple sources this book examines how and why states have been creating these policies and practices. The data reveal three key aspects of faith-based policy implementation by states: appointment of state actors known as Faith-Based Liaisons, passage of legislation, and development of state Faith-Based Policy conferences. These practices created a system in which neither the greatest hopes of its supporters, nor the greatest fears of its opponents have been realized. Supporters had hoped the Faith-Based Initiative would be about solving problems of poverty and an over-burdened welfare system, while opponents feared rampant proselytizing with government funds. Instead, these initiatives by and large did not offer substantial new fiscal support to those in need. In the place of this hope and fear, and despite the good intentions of many, these initiatives became powerful political symbols in the fight to reshape church/state relationships and distribution of political power.

There was no representative fascist movement during interwar Europe and there is much to be learned from where fascism 'failed', relatively speaking. So Nathaniel D. B. Kunkeler skilfully argues in Making Fascism in Sweden and the Netherlands, the first in-depth analysis of Swedish and Dutch fascism in the English language. Focusing on two peripheral - and therefore often overlooked - fascist movements (the Swedish National Socialist Workers' Party and the Dutch National Socialist Movement), this sophisticated study de-centres contemporary fascism studies by showing how smaller movements gained political foothold in liberal, democratic regimes. From charismatic leaders and the rallies they held to propaganda apparatus and mythopoeic props seized by ordinary people, Making Fascism in Sweden and the Netherlands analyses the constructs and perceptions of fascism to highlight the variegated nature of the movement in Europe and shine a spotlight on its performative process. Drawing on a wealth of archival material and using a highly innovative methodology, Kunkeler provides a nuanced analysis of European fascism which allows readers to rediscover the experimental character of far-right politics in interwar Europe.

As Jimmy Carter ascended to the presidency the heir apparent to Democratic liberalism, he touted his background as a born-again evangelical. Once in office, his faith indeed helped form policy on a number of controversial moral issues. By acknowledging certain behaviors as sinful while insisting that they were private matters beyond government interference, J. Brooks Flippen argues, Carter unintentionally alienated both social liberals and conservative Christians, thus ensuring that the debate over these moral "family issues" acquired a new prominence in public and political life.

The Carter era, according to Flippen, stood at a fault line in American culture, religion, and politics. In the wake of the 1960s, some Americans worried that the traditional family faced a grave crisis. This newly politicized constituency viewed secular humanism in education, the recognition of reproductive rights established by "Roe v. Wade," feminism, and the struggle for homosexual rights as evidence of cultural decay and as a challenge to religious orthodoxy. Social liberals viewed Carter's faith with skepticism and took issue with his seeming unwillingness to build on recent progressive victories. Ultimately, Flippen argues, conservative Christians emerged as the Religious Right and were adopted into the Republican fold.

Examining Carter's struggle to placate competing interests against the backdrop of difficult foreign and domestic issues--a struggling economy, the stalled Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, disputes in the Middle East, handover of the Panama Canal, and the Iranian hostage crisis--Flippen shows how a political dynamic was formed that continues to this day.

Sicker asserts that the Mosaic canon, the Pentateuch, is first and foremost a library of essentially political teachings and documents, and that the first eleven chapters of the book of "Genesis" set forth in essence a general Mosaic political philosophy. These writings take a unique mythopoeic approach to the construction of a normative political theory intended to undergird the idea of a mutual covenant between God and the people of Israel that is to be realized in history in the creation of the ideal society. It is with the elaboration of the political ideas reflected in these early chapters of "Genesis" that this book is concerned.

For the modern reader, the biblical texts should be understood as postulating some basic ideas of Mosaic moral and political philosophy that, in Sicker's view, continue to be applicable in contemporary times. First, man is endowed with free will, however constrained by circumstances it may be, and with the intellect to govern and direct it in appropriate paths. Accordingly, he is individually responsible for his actions and must be held accountable for them. Second, man has a necessary relation to God whether he wishes it or not. Prudence alone will therefore dictate that compliance with divine precept is in man's best interest. Third, the notion that man can create a moral society without reference to God is a deceptive illusion. Man's ability to rationalize even his most outrageous behavior clearly indicates the need for an unimpeachable source and standard of moral authority. Fourth, until all men accept the preceding principles, the idea of a universal state is both dangerous and counterproductive. In the 20th century, we have witnessed two different attempts to create such a world state, both of which produced totalitarian monstrosities. Fifth, individualism as a social philosophy tends to be destructive of traditional values and must be tempered by the idea of communal responsibility. A survey of particular interest to scholars, researchers, and students interested in Jewish history, political thought, and the Old Testament.

This is volume 2 of the set ^English Radicalism (1935-1961). Reissuing the epic undertaking of Dr S. Maccoby, these volumes cover the story of English Radicalism from its origins right through to its questionable end. By Combining new sources with the old and often long forgotten, the volumes provide an impressive history of radicalism and shed light on the course of English political development. The six volumes are arranged chronologically from 1762 through to the perceived end of British Radicalism in the mid-twentieth century.

The totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century reveal disturbing and uncomfortable facts about human nature, social life, and moral progress. Totalitarianism, ironically, came at a time when the 'spirit of modernity' was in full swing and human potential was supposedly at its peak. Distracted by the wonders of the industrial revolution, few would have guessed the horrors that were just around the corner. Focusing on the historical background to twentieth-century totalitarianism, this book unravels the complexity and mystery behind ideas of domination, leadership, and human development. In doing so, it not only sheds light on the dark side of modern thought but also shows that the foundations of totalitarian ideology existed long before the 'modern age'.Totalitarian thought is best understood by looking at four fundamental myths about race, the crowd, revolutionary violence, and eugenics. This book analyzes each myth in depth by tracing its beginnings and development. It shows how key socio-political thinkers wrote about and interpreted these myths and how they became the basis of many important racial and social theories. Specific attention is given to six controversial nineteenth century thinkers - Maistre, Gobineau, Galton, Le Bon, Vacher and Sorel. Llobera, through detailed analysis of their work, suggests that these so-called 'prophets of doom' with their anti-bourgeois, elitist and anti-progressive leanings, understood the socio-political reality of modern society far more accurately than other highly praised social thinkers of the same period. These key figures provide a crucial insight into totalitarianism by overturning nineteenth-century illusions of progress and laying barethe darker aspects of human nature."The Making of Totalitarian Thought" is an accessible and penetrating overview of a compelling phenomenon. It emphasizes the importance of previously neglected socio-political writing and neatly unpacks sophisticated intellectual ideas. This book will be an indispensable guide for students and will make an important contribution to debates on humankind and society.

French regionalism has often been associated with the political right. Julian Wright's fresh analysis of regionalist political thought overturns that assumption. Jean Charles-Brun, a teacher and journalist whose eclectic connections have often puzzled historians, takes centre-stage. Through this intellectual biography, Wright unpacks regionalism's broad appeal and helps to explain the important role it plays in modern French politics.

The reasons why people arise to express dissatisfaction with their present situation, and how they imagine and work towards an alternative, have enduring relevance. The reform campaigns of 19th-century Britain are of interest not only in their own right, but also because of what they reveal about processes of political and social change. This book examines the personal, social, political, ideological, and tactical components of radicalism in Britain between the 1820s and 1860s, and casts new light on the meaning, nature, and reception of reform during this period. The main avenues of inquiry are provided by the career of Thomas Perronet Thompson, a prominent MP, political economist, and writer who helped to shape and articulate an "independent radicalism," which, with its distinctive commitments, outlook, and identity, has not previously been defined or explained. By relating Thompson's career to wider developments, and investigating the generation and impact of "independent radicalism," this book deepens our understanding of 19th-century British reformers and clarifies the relationship between parliament and people and the extent to which decisions taken at the top were made in response to--or in spite of--pressure from below. Turner's findings will be of interest not only to students of the past, but also to observers of current and ongoing struggles between forces of conservatism and reform.

Today almost half of all Americans decline to define themselves as either "liberal" or "conservative." In fact, modern liberalism and conservatism seem hopelessly fragmented ideologies. Liberals claim to believe in individual freedom yet advocate a more collectivistic approach to government and an increasingly paternalistic role for the state. Conservatives are hopelessly divided between two incompatible ideals--the highly individualistic, limited-state philosophy of classical liberalism and an older, more collectivistic tradition of cultural conservatism that holds government responsible for shaping social morality. As a result, modern liberals are economic collectivists and moral individualists, while conservatives are economic individualists and moral collectivists.

Centrists reject each of these fragmented and polarized approaches to politics. We believe that government has a role to play in structuring social and economic opportunities and in reinforcing basic moral norms, yet we are deeply troubled by ever-expanding government. We reject libertarianism, left-liberalism, and the various schools of conservatism as a model for government.

Part I of "The Political Centrist" briefly traces the trajectory of the liberal and conservative traditions. It argues that modern liberalism is an unprincipled fusion of classical liberal and socialist ideals while modern conservatism is an untenable hybrid of economic liberalism and social conservatism. Part II offers a centrist approach to many of the most contentious contemporary political and social issues. Those include:

-- abortion

-- affirmative action

-- the death penalty

-- gay marriage

-- illegal immigration

-- judicial activism

-- the relationship of religion and politics

-- the role of government in the economy

Friedman discusses a government system that is no longer controlled by "we, the people." Instead of Lincoln's government "of the people, by the people, and for the people," we now have a government "of the people, by the bureaucrats, for the bureaucrats," including the elected representatives who have become bureaucrats.

In 1915, women from over thirty countries met in The Hague to express opposition to World War I and propose ways to end it. The delegates made three demands: for women to be present at all international peace conferences, a womens-only peace conference to be convened alongside any official negotiations, and the establishment of universal suffrage. While these demands went unmet at the time, contemporary womens groups continue to seek participation in peace negotiations and to have language promoting gender equality inserted into all peace agreements. Between 1975 and 2011 about 40% of all conflicts that produced peace agreements resulted in at least one with references to women. Many of these clauses addressed compensation for wartime gender-based violence and guarantees for womens participation in the post-conflict transitional period. Others included electoral quotas and changes to inheritance legislation. Curiously, the language used to address women is near consistent across these agreements, and that is because it reflects international womens rights norms rather than more local norms. Why is it that though a peace agreements primary objective is to end conflict, some include potentially controversial provisions about gender that might delay or complicate reaching an agreement? Why do these provisions echo international norms rather than local, cultural ones? And which factors make it more likely that womens rights will appear in peace agreements? Windows of Opportunity answers these questions by examining peace negotiations in Burundi, Macedonia, and Northern Ireland along with 195 peace agreements signed between 1975 and 2011. It looks at the key actors involved in lobbying for womens participation, along with their motivations, objectives, and strategies. It also explores the reasons for similarities among the gender provisions.

Originally published in 1936, this is an exhaustive examination of the theory of socialism, and a look at its practrice in real-world scenarios - primarily the Soviet Union. Many of the earliest books, particularly those dating back to the 1900s and before, are now extremely scarce and increasingly expensive. Hesperides Press are republishing these classic works in affordable, high quality, modern editions, using the original text and artwork. The Economic System - Capitalist Production For Profit - Socialist Production For Use - Planning - The Existing Socialist System of Production - Incompatibility of The Two Productive Systems - The Capitalist Method of Distribution - The Changing Shape of Capitalism - The Two Classes - The Socialist Method of Distribution - The Abolition of Classes - Socialism and Communism Distinguished - Incentives To Work - The Political System - A New Kind of Democracy - The Dictatorship of The Working Class - A Party of The Working Class - The State - Origin and Future Of The State - Socialism and Liberty - Socialism and Religion - Socialism and Peace - The World Before War - War, Nationalism and Human Nature - Socialism and The Working Class - The Birth Of An Idea - Robert Owen and The Communist Colonies - The Working Class - The Conditions of The Working Class Under Capitalism - The Working Class Begins To Think - The Science Of Social Change - The Materialist Conception of History - The Law of Motion In Capitalism - Dialectical Materialism - The Class Struggle - Force and Violence In Human Affairs - The Development of Marxism - The Way To Socialism

Douglas Murray, international bestselling author and renowned cultural commentator confronts what he views as the most pressing issue of our time: why Western support of the Palestinian cause is ultimately playing into the hands of a much more dangerous force.

Drawing from intensive on-the-ground reporting in Israel, Gaza and Lebanon, Murray presents a compelling case that places the latest violence in its historical context. He takes readers on a harrowing journey through the aftermath of the 7 October 2023 massacre, piecing together exclusive accounts from victims, survivors and even the terrorists responsible for the atrocities.

On Democracies and Death Cults argues that Israel’s commitment to fundamental Western values – capitalism, individual rights, democracy and reason – has made it a beacon of progress in a region dominated by authoritarianism and extremism. Murray contrasts Israel’s principles with the ideology of Hamas, which openly proclaims its love of death over life. If left unchecked, Murray argues, this misplaced Western sympathy could embolden forces that seek to undermine democratic values and perpetuate a culture of violence.

Clear-eyed and deeply reasoned, On Democracies and Death Cults is a gripping and essential read for all who seek to understand the complexities of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and its implications for the future of democracy – and for the world itself.

This accessible yet authoritative collection of essays chronicles the history of dissent in the British Isles, from Magna Carta to the present day. The contributors - all specialists in their field - cover such milestones as the age of revolution, industrialisation and the foundation of the Labour Party. Tony Benn contributes a powerful, final extended chapter arguing that "we are light years away from being a true democracy."