The terrorist massacre committed by Hamas against innocent Israelis on October 7, 2023 brought great trauma to the state of Israel. But it also has brought great clarity. It is this clarity that tells us we must try something NEW. It is this clarity that tells us Israel must plan its future on its own and not obsess about what others think. And it is this clarity that compels us to go back to basics — to return to the biblical values and divine covenants that unite the Jewish people. It is this clarity that has inspired David Friedman, former US Ambassador to Israel and bestselling author of SLEDGEHAMMER, to write and lead a new movement: ONE JEWISH STATE.

One of the leading architects of the historic Abraham Accords, David Friedman explains why in these turbulent and dangerous times, the simple phrase of three words – ONE JEWISH STATE – must be the guideline for Israel and the world’s collective future. Each word of ONE JEWISH STATE is deeply instilled with meaning:

ONE: There is only ONE country earmarked for the Jewish people; ONE. There are 49 Muslim countries, and many Christian, Buddhist, and Hindu countries, but only ONE Jewish State.

JEWISH: This Jewish State is exactly that – JEWISH. It is the place where Jewish history was born, where Jewish values were created and where more Jews live than anywhere else. It is situated on the land given to the Jewish people by God in the words of the Holy Bible.

STATE: Israel is not just a place; it is a country with sovereignty over its land and responsibility for its inhabitants. Today that sovereignty has been called into question by the nations of the world and even by some within Israel. But Israel cannot be Jewish without sovereignty over the places that make it Jewish.

Friedman proposes a goal and a path, with God’s help, for Israel to have complete sovereignty over all its biblical homeland – in a just manner that brings peace, prosperity, and essential human dignity to ALL of Israel’s inhabitants. In ONE JEWISH STATE he will explore:

• The History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
• The True History of Jews and Muslims in the Disputed Territories
• Past, Present & Future Legal Issues
• Prior Proposals, Peace Plans and So-Called “Solutions,” and Why They ALL Failed
• Why Israel has Succeeded as a Regional Superpower While its Arab Neighbors Have Failed
• Palestinian Tribalism and the Creation of a Nationalist Movement
• Religious and Biblical Issues, Conflict and Agreement
• Palestinian and Muslim Leaders and Goals for Their Peoples
• Geographic and Security Considerations for ALL
• Hamas and the Gaza Strip – Insoluble for Now
• American Evangelicals and Their Influence

Ambassador Friedman's book persuasively explains the many reasons why in this massive world there MUST remain room for ONE JEWISH STATE.

A topical critical examination of the idea of social exclusion and the new political language of social cohesion, community, stakeholding and inclusion. The author examines the actions and rhetoric of the Labour Party and Labour Government under Tony Blair's leadership, and identifies three different discourses of social exclusion. Using this model, she explores views of inclusion put forward by Will Hutton and other stakeholders, by communitarians including Etzioni and Gray, and by the Labour Party from the Borrie and the Commission on Social Justice, to Blair and the Social Exclusion Unit. This work is intended for departments of politics (courses in British politics, social policy, comparative politics and political theory), sociology (courses in inequality and poverty), a more general political readership on social policy and politics of social exclusion and poverty, and politics of the Left among policymakers, think-tanks, pressure groups, and so on.

The problem of intergenerational justice is among the most important issues in contemporary politics. Yet contemporary philosophers and political theorists have had great difficulty coming to grips with the nature and extent of our intergenerational obligations. This book examines the historical roots of intergenerational justice and analyzes this concept critically. Contemporary approaches are critiqued for their inability to address adequately such essential intergenerational questions as whether, and under what circumstances, we have an obligation to perpetuate the human species, the moral implications of our power to affect the identity of future persons, and the nature of our obligations to the dead. The concluding chapters propose a broader understanding of intergenerational justice and the moral necessity of establishing a tradition of just intergenerational action as our legacy to posterity.

In the tradition of political realism, this book provides an important reappraisal of the concept of human nature in contemporary realist international-political theory. With special reference to the anthropology of Sigmund Freud, a consequential yet terribly neglected and underestimated thinker in International Relations, Schuett demonstrates that analytical and normative theorizing of all international-political reality, its nature, tragedies, and potentialities, requires a sophisticated theory of human nature. Developing a Freudian philosophical anthropology for political realism, he argues for the careful resurrection of the concept of human nature in the wider study of international relations.

Twenty years have passed since the 1989 U.S. invasion that toppled Panama's military regime and initiated a period of democratization. This book represents the most comprehensive and empirically grounded analysis of the institutional and attitudinal factors that have shaped Panamanian politics since the invasion. Using quantitative and qualitative methods the book traces the development of the Panamanian nation-state from its early days after independence from Colombia, to the struggles to build democracy after the U.S. invasion, through the presidential elections of May 2009. The study makes use of extensive interviews with political and economic elites, as well as the most comprehensive series of public opinion surveys ever conducted in Panama. As such, they provide a wealth of data on democratic values and allow placing Panama in a comparative perspective.

The study of religion and politics is a strongly behavioral sub-discipline, and within the American context, scholars place tremendous emphasis on its influence on political attitudes and behaviors, resultuing in a better understanding of religion's ability to shape voting patterns, party affiliation, and views of public policy.

The Spirit of Laws, first published in 1750, is a detailed treatise on the structures and theory of government by French political philosopher Baron de Montesquieu. Unlike his well-loved Persian Letters, The Spirit of Laws scandalized the French-it was even banned by the Roman Catholic Church. The fact that it is hardly dated to modern readers is a testament to how revolutionary it must have seemed 250 years ago. Among its comparisons of different forms of governments, such as monarchies, despotic regimes, and republics, is the now-famous section on Montesquieu's concept of the separation of powers, dividing the ruling body into legislative, executive, and judicial branches.Also included is the author's thinking on slavery, religion in government, families and censuses, the influence of climate on politics and culture, and the making of laws. A powerful influence on the framers of the U.S. Constitution, this classic work will appeal to history buffs and anyone interested in the roots of modern political theory and government.CHARLES-LOUIS DE SECONDAT, BARON DE MONTESQUIEU (1689-1755), born in the South of France and often known simply as Montesquieu, was a political philosopher and social commentator known for his influential political views, especially for his "separation of power" theory, still used today in constitutions around the world. Some of his best-known work, the satirical Persian Letters, which made fun of life in Paris under Louis XIV, delighted France in the 1720s

What is driving political extremism in Pakistan? In early 2011, the prominent Pakistani politician Salmaan Taseer was assassinated by a member of his own security team for insulting Islam by expressing views in support of the rights of women and religious minorities. Benazir Bhutto, the former prime minister, was killed by gunfire and explosive devices as she left a campaign event in December 2007; strong evidence links members of extremist organizations to her slaying. These murders underscore the fact that religion, politics, and policy are inextricably linked in Pakistan. In this book, Haroon K. Ullah analyzes the origins, ideologies, bases of support, and electoral successes of the largest and most influential Islamic parties in Pakistan. Based on his extensive field work in Pakistan, he develops a new typology for understanding and comparing the discourses put forth by these parties in order to assess what drives them and what separates the moderate from the extreme. A better understanding of the range of parties is critical for knowing how the US and other Western nations can engage states where Islamic political parties hold both political and moral authority. Pakistan's current democratic transition will hinge on how well Islamic parties contribute to civilian rule, shun violence, and mobilize support for political reform. Ullah's political-party typology may also shed light on the politics of other majority-Muslim democracies, such as Egypt and Tunisia, where Islamist political parties have recently won elections.

Adam Smith (1723-90) is well known as the author of The Wealth of Nations and as a champion of free enterprise but he also wrote on moral philosophy and lectured on rhetoric and jurisprudence. This collection reveals a new portrait of the well known economist, not as a simple-minded champion of free trade but as an interdisciplinary social scientist with a moral philosophy for the modern world. His legacy should not be restricted to economics and to the English-speaking world.

A systematic comparison of three cases of democratization and regime transformation in Europe since 1945 (post-war Italy and West Germany; Southern Europe from the mid-1970s; and Eastern Europe in the 1990s), this book highlights diversities of historical context, political experience, democratic traditions, economic development, and cultural background.

Unlike the majority of literature on the subject, this book views the democratization process as a whole, not just as either democratic transition or subsequent regime consolidation. Economic, state-building, or other forms of transformation are included where relevant.

In this exciting new study, Don Dombowsky proposes that the foundation of Nietzsche's political thought is the aristocratic liberal critique of democratic society. But he claims that Nietzsche radicalizes this critique through a Machiavellian conversion, based on a reading of "The Prince," adapting Machiavellian "virtbliog-- "(the shaping capacity of the legislator), and immoralism (the techniques applied in political rule), and that, consequently, Nietzsche is better understood in relation to the political ideology of the neo-Machiavellian elite theorists of his own generation.

This is a book about political values - socialist, nationalist, liberal and democratic values - in five former communist countries: Russia, Ukraine, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic. Based on eleven surveys involving extended interviews with 7350 members of the public and 504 Members of Parliament it provides an authoritative account of the extent to which politicians and the public in East Central Europe and the Former Soviet Union have rejected communist ideals and adopted nationalist and/or liberal democratic values.

J. Phillip Thompson III, an insider in the Dinkins administration, provides the first in-depth look at how the black mayors of America's major cities achieve social change. Black constituents naturally look to black mayors to effect great change for the poor, but the reality of the situation
is complicated. Thompson argues that African-American mayors, legislators, and political activists need to more effectively challenge opinions and public policies supported by the white public and encourage greater political inclusion and open political discourse within black communities. Only by
unveiling painful internal oppresssions and exclusions within black politics will the black community's power increase, and compel similar unveilings in the broader interracial conversation about the problems of the urban poor. Tracing the historical development and contemporary practice of black
mayoral politics, this is a fascinating study of the motivations of black politicians, competing ideologies in the black community and the inner dynamics of urban social change.

During the last 15 years Latin American governments reformed their constitutions to recognize indigenous rights. The contributors to this book argue that these changes pose fundamental challenges to accepted notions of democracy, citizenship, and development in the region. Using case studies from Mexico, Guatemala, Bolivia, and Peru, they analyze the ways in which new legal frameworks have been implemented, appropriated and contested within a wider context of accelerating economic and legal globalization, highlighting the key implications for social policy, human rights, and social justice.

Turncoats and True Believers probes the psychology and group dynamics underlying political beliefs. The concepts of "left" and "right" are no longer adequate descriptions of the ideological landscape of our diverse world. Ted Goertzel uncovers the ideological scripts, which explain the complex roles played by political and cultural leaders who have shaped the modern world. The personal events and social dynamics that lead people to become Utopians or Survivors, Hawks or Doves, Authoritarians or Protestors, Skeptics or Pragmatists are examined in biographical vignettes of such fascinating people as Bertrand Russell, Adolph Hitler, Linus Pauling, and Ayn Rand. The lives of Jerry Rubin and Abbie Hoffman illustrate how people with similar values can follow different scripts, one ending in tragedy, the other transformation. The lives of Betty Friedan, Kate Millet, and Phyllis Schlafly show how different life scripts lead to varying approaches to women's issues. Goertzel also explores the bizarre fanaticism of Jim Jones, which led to the mass suicide of his followers at Jonestown. From Fidel Castro to Woodrow Wilson, from Joseph Stalin to Leon Trotsky, from George Bush to Mikhail Gorbachev to Saddam Hussein - Turncoats and True Believers provides a new framework for understanding and evaluating the actions of our political leaders.

This book assesses and compares the political response of nations to the environment. The book explores five major topics: state-society relations; environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs); Green parties and environmental movements; institutions of government and policy-making; variations in the capacities of states to protect the environment; and national responses to global problems. It compares and contrasts rich and poor nations, large and small countries, liberal democracies and authoritarian states.

How are the Germans coming to terms with reunification? Four issues are at the heart of this process and form the basis of this study. First, the question of the new German identity second, the role of nationalism in the new republic third, the role of inherited ideologies and finally, the role of Germany in Europe and the wider world. These issues are examined in terms of transformations in the political culture in eastern Germany, metamorphoses in the political ideology and philosophy of the former West Germany and relations with the political discourse of the West in general.

For most of the twentieth century, social thinkers devoted their attention mainly to the issues of economic class. They generally dismissed the more primordial bonds of racial, ethnic, and national identities as irrational anachronisms that either communism or the liberal frameworks of democracy would dissolve.

Today, communism is nearly dead and liberalism is on the wane. At the same time, older ethno-racial tribalisms, along with some newly invented ones, have shattered our illusions of a rationally manageable world. They find expression in chauvinistic nationalisms, multiculturalist ideologies, vicious civil wars, "ethnic cleansing" of whole regions, intensified racial and ethnic strife, a resurgence of prejudice, scapegoating, hate groups, and nativism, as well as new group-based challenges to the individualistic focus of Western liberalism.

Bringing together prominent historians, sociologists, and political scientists, New Tribalisms examines early conceptions of racial and ethnic pluralism in the United States. The volume also confronts some of the causes, implications, and possible outcomes of resurgent tribalisms in the country and around the world.

Rival understandings of the meaning and practice of the religious and the secular lead to rival public perspectives about religion and religious freedom in North America. This book explores how debates over the American Office of Religious Freedom and its International Religious Freedom Act (IRFA, 1998) and very recent debates over the Canadian Office of Religious Freedom (2013) have pitted at least six basic, but very different meanings of the religious and the secular against each other in often undisclosed and usually unproductive ways. Properly naming this 'religious problem' is a critical first step to acknowledging and conciliating their practically polar political prescriptions. It must be considered how we are to think about religion in political offices, both the Canadian and the American experience, as an essentially contested term, and one which demands better than postmodern paralysis, what the author terms political theology. This is especially critical since both of these cases are not just about how to deal with religion at home, but how to engage with religion abroad, where real peril, and real practical policy must be undertaken to protect increasingly besieged religious minorities. Finally, a principled pluralist approach to the religious and the secular suggests a way to think outside the 'religious problem' and productively enlist and engage the forces of religion resurging around the globe. The book will be of great use to scholars and students in religion and foreign affairs, secularization, political theology, and political theory, as well as professionals and policy makers working in issues relating to religion, religious freedom, and foreign affairs.

"The whole function of philosophy ought to be to find out what definite difference it will make to you and to me, at definite instances in our life, if this world-formula or that world-formula be the true one." With these words, William James, one of the great minds of American philosophy, captures the power of pragmatism, a theory first developed by Charles S. Peirce. Pragmatism explores the various theories of truth, meaning, and reality to discover their "cash value" when implemented. Exactly what happens to our understanding of the world when this or that perspective is adopted? Most important of all, do the proposed theories really work when their principles are put into practice? Unless the consequences of these competing positions are tested, we will never know if any of them can help us to make better sense of the world we live in so that the problems we face as individuals and as a society can be resolved. William James, the leading proponent of pragmatism and chief advocate for critically evaluating theoretical positions vying for our attention, remains a prominent figure in the distinguished history of Americdan philosophy.

In 2009, the artist Anna Ostoya created a booklet with textual collages using an essay by the political theorist Chantal Mouffe, 'Politics and Passions: The Stakes of Democracy' (2002). In the essay, Mouffe critiqued the then-dominant 'beyond left and right' politics of neoliberalism and warned of its dangers - the rise of right-wing populist parties. Fascinated by Mouffe's strikingly prophetic ideas, as well as her bold call to fight the status quo in order to radicalise democracy and to prevent violence, Ostoya returned to the booklet in 2019. She composed for it a series of portraits based on sketches of people on the New York City subway and on reproductions of her paintings and collages from the preceding decade. She also conducted a conversation with Mouffe about the politics of the last forty years, about the contemporary moment and about art, which is included in this publication.

This book examines the contribution of mass media to modern democracies, in comparative perspective. Part I deals with the conceptualization and implementation of a systematic framework to assess democratic media performance, both in terms of media systems and content. Part II studies media effects on the quality of democracy.

How safe is Turkey's liberal democracy? The rise to power in 2002 of the right-leaning Islamic Justice and Development Party ignited fears in the West that Turkey could no longer be relied upon to provide a buffer against the growth of Islamic fundamentalism in the Middle East. Once hailed by the West as a model of secularism and moderation in the Muslim world, Turkey is now seen to be under the influence of the 'creeping Islamisation' of the JDP (or AKP as it is known in Turkey). Yet to what extent has this affected the lives of Turkish citizens? Evangelia Axiarlis here explores the contribution of the JDP to civil liberties and basic freedoms, long suppressed by secular and statist Kemalist ideology, and how this has remained unexamined despite more than a decade in government. In this - the first detailed study of the policies and ideology of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdo?an's government - the author examines the extent to which the JDP has worked to improve civil life in Turkey and critically addresses whether a government built on Islamic principles can champion political reform. Exploring how Islam and democracy are neither monoliths nor mutually exclusive, this is a timely contribution to the wider understanding of political Islam.