Neal Lawson and Neil Sherlock have gathered together a team of leading politicians, journalists, and academics in this controversial look at the future of the centre-left in Britain. The contributors identify the failures of social democracy and liberalism in the last century and seek to unify these two strands of progressive thinking, providing insightful analysis of the opportunities and threats that face New Labour and the centre-left.

The Federal Republic of Germany has long been held up as a 'model society' on account of its economic and social policy achievements. Largely ignored, however, has been the crucial part played by extra-parliamentary protest in the maturing of democracy in that society. In this, the first comprehensive study of the subject in English, the authors trace the rich history of political protest in West Germany and examine the political role of critical intellectuals. The book will give the reader a good understanding of the crucial changes that have taken place in the political culture of the Federal Republic since the mid 1960s.

Political sociology continues to be the most significant place for the study of the relationship between society and politics. The study of political participation has always formed an important part of this research and in this volume, we present a diverse collection of works dedicated to assessing current research and future directions in the field. In the first volume of the series, Braungart suggested that political occurrences are born out of social dynamics. We find continued evidence of this.The electoral politics of society, whether unusual as presented in the symposium of the US 2000 election, or more routine, can be understood in terms of models of political participation that build on the work of political sociologists over the last 25 years. The contributors also examine political participation in the form of social and political movements, sharing the theoretical frameworks used by political sociologists to understand, describe and predict political participation. In compiling this volume we find the study of political participation to be alive and well, providing fruitful arguments and ideas for future research.

South Korea's path toward a higher quality of life has been a dynamic process, Suh shows, shaped by historical contingencies, some immutable logic of capitalist development, and a dialectical relationship between the state and Korean civil society. Debunking the illusion of democracy and myths of self-regulating capitalism in South Korea, Suh shows that a growth machine is not a panacea for the development of human beings and their quality of life. If instead the raison d'etre of quality of life depended upon a robust civil society operating under fair rules of the game by the state, the developmental road would be more promising.

Suh seeks to test the hypothesis that the rising tide of economic growth will raise all boats in the Korean sea, remapping its structural pressure points which have been submerged at high tide. Given the high levels of economic growth generated by state intervention, any demand of distributive justice necessitates egailitarian reforms. As Suh shows, the present South Korean situation goes straight to the heart of theoretical questions about the enduring structures of capitalism, and its promise to improve average living standards and to link the redistribution of economic rewards to enhanced economic performance of the system as a whole.

South Korea's path to quality of life has been a dynamic process, Suh shows, determined by historical contingencies, with some immutable logic of capitalist development, and a dialectical relationship between the state and Korean civil society. A study of particular interest to scholars, researchers, and policy makers concerned with political economy and social-economic development and East Asian Studies.

This book calls for a pragmatic approach to contemporary U.S. social problems, stressing workable outcomes regardless of their ideological origin, be they conservative, pluralistic, or radical. The policy analysis, grounded in social science research, claims that there is a broad cultural consensus on American values and a public willingness to help others in need. This critique of the three dominant ideologies extracts ideas, approaches, policies, and programs from each and proposes an eclectic "outcomes" perspective rooted in American pragmatism.

This original study by distinguished scholar Vitaly V. Naumkin offers an authoritative analysis of the key militant Islamic organizations in Central Asia. Long veiled in secrecy, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, Hizb at-Tahrir al-Islami, and the Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan are illuminated here for the first time. Drawing on his extensive fieldwork and an unprecedented array of Central Asian primary sources, the author thoroughly compares their doctrines, power bases, and political practices. The book also explores the history of political Islam in Central Asia and explains the concurrent roots of Islamic militancy from the early disputes between Salafis and traditionalists, through the period of Islamic revival in the late 1980s when radical groups first emerged, and up to their growing strength today. Naumkin analyzes the human dimension in Central Asian Islam through the lives of the most significant theologians, mullahs, underground preachers, and teachers in the region, evaluating their role in the spread of Islamic radicalism. Providing fresh insight into the balance between peaceful and militant means of struggle for power used by Islamic movements, the author considers into the possibility of dialogue with the Islamists and the outcome of the 'Tajik experiment' that brought former Islamic radicals into the government. All those interested in the development of political Islam will find this study an invaluable resource.

This is the book for anyone who aspires to the title "informed citizen." It clearly explains how political news works, how the media influences readers-and how to sort through it all to be a better, smarter consumer of political news. In a perfect world, political news would be objective and fact-based. Instead, it is biased and unreliable. This engaging book was written to help readers master the media. Combining insight and humor, it exposes the bias, irrationality, bad arguments, and misleading numbers that abound in political media. It shows readers how to take advantage of available news sources, and it guides them in developing the skills needed to sort through the flood of hype and misinformation. Specifically, the book examines types of political media and why it matters whether one gets political news from television, radio, newspapers, or the Internet, including social media. It discusses the latest developments in political behavior, economics, media studies, and neuroscience to explain why the political media does what it does to systematically distort consumers' view of politics-and it looks at ways consumers tend to be irrational in choosing and interpreting news. Finally, it offers concrete suggestions that will enable readers to become more critical of what they read, see, and hear. Shows readers how to spot bad political arguments, as well as why they should be skeptical of the "hard data" behind many of those arguments Shares clear, accessible explanations of the ever-present biases that affect our view of political news Offers a multitude of clear examples taken from current politics on ways in which media distorts political information and messages Provides a compelling look at social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter as sources of political information, how we perceive information from these venues, and how they affect our understanding of American political dialogue

Realism remains a predominant and most debated theoretical approach in International Relations research. Whether considered a scientific and accurate reflection of world politics or as reactionary and a distortion of realities and possibilities, both realism and its structural variant continue to be a source of fruitful research—whether within the program or in its rejection. The Realism approach itself is not uniform whether in relation to its implications or methodologies. Here leading scholars provide important perspectives on the insights and directions of Realist research in some of its most interesting variants. From rational choice to case studies, from theory to practice, the contributors explore both classic tenets of Realism as the balance of power and such apparent inconsistencies as foolish policies.

This book examines Foucault's political framework for connecting political authority with practices of freedom. It starts from the older Foucault's claim that where there is obedience there cannot be government by truth. Then it shows how this claim runs like a red thread through his entire life project.

In this volume a series of contributions look at the impact of direct democracy on those processes of representative democracy to raise - and answer - the question: Does direct democracy harm representative democracy?

For many years Malise Ruthven has been at the forefront of discerning commentary on the Islamic world and its relations with the predominantly secularised and Christian societies of the West. Well known for his bold interventions on such issues as the Rushdie affair and publication of "The Satanic Verses"; the many unresolved questions relating to the Lockerbie bombing; and the globe-changing terrorist attack of 9/11, Ruthven's perceptive writings, particularly those that have appeared in the "New York Review of Books", reliably re-frame difficult issues and problems so that his readers are prompted to look at the challenges afresh. Ruthven is here at his most compelling: he offers astute and topical insights across the whole spectrum of Middle East and Islamic studies. Whether questioning the involvement of Libyan agents in the downing of Pan Am Flight 103; exploring the contested place of women in Islam; or discussing the disputed term 'Islamofascism' (his own), the author's probing, searchlight intelligence aims always to get at the truth of things, regardless of attendant controversy. Representing the 'best of Ruthven', these lucid essays will be widely appreciated by students, specialists and general readers. They transform our understandings of contemporary society.

We know of the blood and tears provoked by the projects of transformation of the world through war or revolution. Starting from the essay published in 1921 by Walter Benjamin, twentieth century philosophy has been committed to the criticism of violence, even when it has claimed to follow noble ends. But what do we know of the dilemmas, of the "betrayals," of the disappointments and tragedies which the movement of non-violence has suffered? This book tells a fascinating history: from the American Christian organizations in the first decades of the nineteenth century who wanted to eliminate slavery and war in a non-violent way, to the protagonists of movements-Thoreau, Tolstoy, Gandhi, Capitini, M. L. King, the Dalai Lama-who either for idealism or for political calculation flew the flag of non-violence, up to the leaders of today's "color revolutions."

Why have the economies of some developing countries fallen back while others have advanced? Why have so many stabilization and structural adjustment programs failed to deliver growth dividends? This book shows that there is a common and valid answer: political credibility defined as the predictability of the institutional rules of the game. This case is not only argued theoretically but also found to be confirmed by empirical analysis. Ten case studies pitting Latin American countries against Southeast Asian ones reveal the sources of political credibility. Economic openness is the necessary precondition, long-term reputation or democratic participation the sufficient one. Despite the seemingly superior strength of authoritarian reputation democratic control is the more successful road.

This volume distils the themes expounded in "A Grammar of Politics" for the non-specialist reader. It is the best outline of Laski s views in his transitional period. "

Russian Modernity places Imperial and Soviet Russia in a European context. Russia shared in a larger European modernity marked by increased overlap and sometimes merger of realms that had previously been treated as discrete entities: the social and the political, state and society, government and economy, and private and public. These were attributes of Soviet dictatorship, but their origins can be located in a larger European context and in the emergence of modern forms of government in Imperial Russia.

When Hong Kong is reunited with China on 1 July 1997 China will face a great challenge: to preserve the prosperity and stability that Hong Kong has achieved under the British legacy of a democratic free-enterprise system and an efficient but noninterfering government. China proposes to link its own traditionally socialist economy and communist political system with Hong Kong under a 'one country-two systems' plan. Cultural and historical forces suggest that this marriage of opposites may well succeed.

In offering a wide-ranging overview of radicalism throughout the 'long' nineteenth century, from the mid eighteenth century to the aftermath of the First World War, this study contests the methods and findings of recent revisionist interpretations. Radical movements faced a more difficult task than other political formations since they sought not merely to construct an audience - to find a language which resonated with people's material needs and greivances - but to mobilise for change. Options were limited as radicals had to conform to rhetorical, organisational and cultural norms to ensure popular legitimacy and support. This volume pays particular attention therefore to contextual factors: to the changing codes and conventions of political culture and public space. Through critical engagement with revisionist and post-modernist interpretations, it throws new light on factors which often divided liberals from radicals, and indeed, radicals from themselves. This is an accessible and much-needed introduction to the new linguistic and cultural approaches to nineteenth-century popular politics.

This book argues that although the mob and the people appear to be very separate concepts, they share a common ideological history. Hayes traces the developments undergone by the concepts of people and mob in modern European ideologies, and he examines Marx's depiction of the lumpenproletariat, Le Bon's analysis of the crowd, fascist depictions of the masses, and corporatist views of the political threat posed by the mob. He also discusses the implications of the distinction between the people and the mob for democracy providing a case study of the 1984-85 British miner's strike and reviewing the rhetoric of politicians in the new democracies of Eastern Europe.

"The People and the Mob" examines the ideological depiction of the masses from the time of the French Revolution to the democratization of Eastern Europe. During this period, Hayes explains how political activists seeking popular appeal have increasingly identified mass social groups in positive rather than negative terms, as the people rather than the mob. However, Hayes argues that although the bulk of the population has come to be identified with the people, the concept of the mob has not disappeared from political discourse, but has rather been redifined to refer to a vicious minority. The ideological significance of this concept of the mob is made clear by Hayes's examination of Marx's depiction of the lumpenproleteriat, Le Bon's analysis of the crowd, fascist propaganda, and corporatist views of society and government. Throughout his analysis, Hayes finds the concept of the mob to be closely tied to that of the people in a way that indicates ambiguous, inconsistent, or opportunist attitudes toward mass social groups. Hayes investigates the implications of such attitudes for democracy by considering political conflicts in the 1984-85 British miners' strike, and in the new democracies of Eastern Europe.

The People and the Mob explains how and why the concept of the mob has been incorporated into several forms of ideoloy that claim to speak for the people. This important finding is supported by Hayes's identification of a social analysis in which financiers and the mob are linked to each other, and separated from the people, using moral criteria of the work ethic. It is also supported by his explanation of the popular rhetorical appeal of political condemnations of the mob. Hayes shows that these rhetorical appeals and social distinctions are found in the ideology of both right and left. He demonstrates that even Marx has adopted such an ideology through his highly original interpretation of the class structure developed by Marx to explain events in France. Hayes's conclusions extend the fields of politicl theory and the history of ideas. The People and the Mob is useful to anyone interested in Marxism, crowd theory, fascism, corporatism, civil conflict in Europe, and the problems of modern democracy.

This edited volume offers a state-of-the-art synthesis of the historical role of radical journalism, its present iterations, and plans for the future of a journalism that is committed to liberatory movements and politics. At a time of profound crisis and stagnation for mainstream journalism, radical journalism seems to be riding a wave. New outlets, including those – like Jacobin – with a global reach, have sprung up, presenting a new generation of unapologetically progressive publications with an emancipatory agenda. Understanding the role and place of radical journalism becomes even more urgent given the current political climate in a (post) pandemic world with heightened inequalities and intensified pauperisation. Drawing on contributions from leading academics, this collection considers: • How new outlets fit in the genealogy of (radical) journalism and what their flourishing can tell us about the present and future of emancipatory politics and the role of the radical journalist; • What these new forms and publications mean for mainstream journalism and its persisting problems of financial sustainability and professional journalistic labour; • Important challenges presented by, for example, the resurgence of fascism, authoritarianism and the mainstreaming of the far right; • Essential questions of what radical journalism looks like today, what forms it takes or should take, and what its future might be. Radical Journalism is recommended reading for advanced students and journalists working at the intersection of journalism, politics, and sociology.

The end of Stalinist Russia, China's change under Deng Xiaoping and the publication of previously unexplored documents of Marx in the MEGA2 opened a new epoch in the analysis of Marx. Marx's Discourse With Hegel is both a product and contribution to this rebirth of Marxism by its reformulation of the relationship between Hegel and Marx

With essays by today’s leading leftist social critics, Identity Trumps Socialism presents a rigorous and persuasive primer on the problems generated by postmodern and neoliberal challenges to the legacy of emancipatory universality. In addition to the ways in which capitalism has used racialized and gendered forms of oppression to divide the working class, today’s activism must also understand how neoliberal capitalism uses identity politics to undermine socialism. Identity Trumps Socialism advances an emancipatory left universality that addresses the limits of diversity and makes the case for the centrality of class in the struggle against global capitalist hegemony.

The founders of the American republic saw two motivations for individual civic participation: self-interest and civic duty. "Civic Participation in America" frames our understanding of civic and political participation the way the nation's founders did: as a human behavior powerfully influenced by institutions within society. The book examines the influence of the important macro-institutions of citizenship, political economy, and the public sphere and size of government, as well as key institutions of civic socialization such as the family, media, and education, on the motivation to participate. It argues that over time these institutions have encouraged more self-interested participation over civic duty-oriented participation.

This symposium of papers by statesmen and leading experts from around the world examines the global economic situation and voices concern about the potential for world unemployment and trade crisis in the 1990s. A new 'Marshall Plan' would involve a concerted worldwide effort to improve the situation. This plan was first formulated by Charles A. Cerami while undertaking a study of the global trade picture for the United States Departments of State, Treasury, and Commerce. Meeting with scores of diplomats nd policy makers in some forty countries, Cerami sought possible solutions to economic problems on the global level. Each of the contributors to this volume is among the best in the field; each is important in the world mechanism of government and politics. This anthology is an important tool in the effort to promote a working consensus among the leaders of different nationalities and political benefits to plan for economic development.

The Marshall Plan' would consist of the radical solution of a vast expansion of the number and size of markets, and therefore of the quantity of products to be absorbed. Since the economies of the developed world (the United States, Europe, Japan, and Asia) already absorb a great deal, the major effort would be to develop more markets in Third World nations. Students and scholars of business and economics, as well as international business people, will find "A Marshall Plan for the 1990S" a thought provoking study.

How has 9/11 and the declaration of the 'global war on terror' changed our conceptions of politics? How has it affected our understanding of democracy, personal freedom and government accountability? In answering these and other questions, the authors engage in a comprehensive and critical analysis of politics in the age of terrorism.