The Responsible Traveller is your ticket to sustainable and ethical travel. This pocket-sized book provides the knowledge and tools that can help you to explore the world with a lighter footprint. Whether you travel out of curiosity, to find respite, to remind yourself of how vast and wonderful our planet is, or in search of life-shaping adventures, having the freedom to explore can be exhilarating and hugely rewarding. However we owe it to the people, cultures, ecosystems and wildlife that we encounter along the way to travel with respect; to preserve our beautiful world for generations to come. The Responsible Traveller will show you how to make actionable changes that result in more thoughtful and adventurous travels, while also doing our very best for Planet Earth. Through case studies and storytelling, you'll learn about the environmental and social effects of tourism and gain a deeper understanding of cultural sensitivity. And through simple, achievable tips and practical lifestyle changes, you'll discover how you can make an almighty difference in reducing your impact. Empowered with this information, perhaps your next adventure will be inspired by consideration, understanding and compassion.

We know of the blood and tears provoked by the projects of transformation of the world through war or revolution. Starting from the essay published in 1921 by Walter Benjamin, twentieth century philosophy has been committed to the criticism of violence, even when it has claimed to follow noble ends. But what do we know of the dilemmas, of the "betrayals," of the disappointments and tragedies which the movement of non-violence has suffered? This book tells a fascinating history: from the American Christian organizations in the first decades of the nineteenth century who wanted to eliminate slavery and war in a non-violent way, to the protagonists of movements-Thoreau, Tolstoy, Gandhi, Capitini, M. L. King, the Dalai Lama-who either for idealism or for political calculation flew the flag of non-violence, up to the leaders of today's "color revolutions."

This book examines Foucault's political framework for connecting political authority with practices of freedom. It starts from the older Foucault's claim that where there is obedience there cannot be government by truth. Then it shows how this claim runs like a red thread through his entire life project.

In this volume a series of contributions look at the impact of direct democracy on those processes of representative democracy to raise - and answer - the question: Does direct democracy harm representative democracy?

This is the book for anyone who aspires to the title "informed citizen." It clearly explains how political news works, how the media influences readers-and how to sort through it all to be a better, smarter consumer of political news. In a perfect world, political news would be objective and fact-based. Instead, it is biased and unreliable. This engaging book was written to help readers master the media. Combining insight and humor, it exposes the bias, irrationality, bad arguments, and misleading numbers that abound in political media. It shows readers how to take advantage of available news sources, and it guides them in developing the skills needed to sort through the flood of hype and misinformation. Specifically, the book examines types of political media and why it matters whether one gets political news from television, radio, newspapers, or the Internet, including social media. It discusses the latest developments in political behavior, economics, media studies, and neuroscience to explain why the political media does what it does to systematically distort consumers' view of politics-and it looks at ways consumers tend to be irrational in choosing and interpreting news. Finally, it offers concrete suggestions that will enable readers to become more critical of what they read, see, and hear. Shows readers how to spot bad political arguments, as well as why they should be skeptical of the "hard data" behind many of those arguments Shares clear, accessible explanations of the ever-present biases that affect our view of political news Offers a multitude of clear examples taken from current politics on ways in which media distorts political information and messages Provides a compelling look at social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter as sources of political information, how we perceive information from these venues, and how they affect our understanding of American political dialogue

Why have the economies of some developing countries fallen back while others have advanced? Why have so many stabilization and structural adjustment programs failed to deliver growth dividends? This book shows that there is a common and valid answer: political credibility defined as the predictability of the institutional rules of the game. This case is not only argued theoretically but also found to be confirmed by empirical analysis. Ten case studies pitting Latin American countries against Southeast Asian ones reveal the sources of political credibility. Economic openness is the necessary precondition, long-term reputation or democratic participation the sufficient one. Despite the seemingly superior strength of authoritarian reputation democratic control is the more successful road.

This study of English political thought in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is organized around the concept of a Whig tradition. Professor Burrow argues that the study of nineteenth-century liberal thought has taken insufficient account of its eighteenth-century antecedents. The work of modern scholars on eighteenth-century themes, especially the civic humanist tradition and the Scottish Enlightenment, is drawn on as a preamble to considering the central ideas of Liberalism. The book traces how the concept changed between the early eighteenth and the late nineteenth century, and examines the main points of continuity, analogy, and difference in the progress of society, public opinion, individuality, and the idea of balance. A concluding chapter looks at the early twentieth century.

This comprehensive bibliographic guide to the books, monographs, articles and editions, translations, reviews, and dissertations on this important Renaissance writer provides the much-needed, annotated research source for scholarship and criticism published between 1935 and 1985. Research published after 1985 and available in annotated or abstracted form through computer searches is cited in an appendix. Annotations cover bibliographies, biographies, general and specific criticism, and new primary materials. It is an important and significant book, sure to provide scholars with a guide through the Florentine secretary's writings for the next several decades. Peter Bondanella Professor of Italian Studies, Indiana University Those studying Niccolo Machiavelli have long endured the unavailability of a single, complete, interdisciplinary bibliographic guide to the vast number of books, articles, and reviews on the Renaissance writer and thinker who profoundly influenced the development of modern thought. This monumental bibliography provides the much-needed and comprehensive annotated research source for scholarship and criticism published on the Florentine between 1935 and 1985. To make this reference as current and complete as possible, an unannotated appendix cites research published after 1985 that is available in annotated or abstracted form through computer searches. Niccolo Machiavelli surpasses both Norsa's extensive but unannotated bibliography covering the years 1740-1935 and Fido's more recent survey which omits many articles and overlooks important studies in the social sciences especially in the last thirty years. Using a systematic, uniform, and easily accessible format, the volume, which covers more than 50 years of Machiavelli criticism, presents complete descriptions of the works with all bibliographic data. The descriptive summaries encompass the entire range of modern critical and scholarly study in all languages, including bibliographies, biographies, general and specific criticism, and new primary materials such as manuscripts. Included in this wealth of materials are books, monographs, articles, editions, translations, reviews, and dissertations. Arranged chronologically by year and alphabetically within each year the bibliography's user-friendly format includes reviews immediately following the documentation for the book or article in question. Keyed to the annotations, four separate indices (author, title, subject/name, and Machiavelli's works) enhance access to the large and varied amount of work on Machiavelli. The volume will implement the research efforts of both Machiavelli scholars and those in related general and specific fields.

Russian Modernity places Imperial and Soviet Russia in a European context. Russia shared in a larger European modernity marked by increased overlap and sometimes merger of realms that had previously been treated as discrete entities: the social and the political, state and society, government and economy, and private and public. These were attributes of Soviet dictatorship, but their origins can be located in a larger European context and in the emergence of modern forms of government in Imperial Russia.

This book argues that although the mob and the people appear to be very separate concepts, they share a common ideological history. Hayes traces the developments undergone by the concepts of people and mob in modern European ideologies, and he examines Marx's depiction of the lumpenproletariat, Le Bon's analysis of the crowd, fascist depictions of the masses, and corporatist views of the political threat posed by the mob. He also discusses the implications of the distinction between the people and the mob for democracy providing a case study of the 1984-85 British miner's strike and reviewing the rhetoric of politicians in the new democracies of Eastern Europe.

"The People and the Mob" examines the ideological depiction of the masses from the time of the French Revolution to the democratization of Eastern Europe. During this period, Hayes explains how political activists seeking popular appeal have increasingly identified mass social groups in positive rather than negative terms, as the people rather than the mob. However, Hayes argues that although the bulk of the population has come to be identified with the people, the concept of the mob has not disappeared from political discourse, but has rather been redifined to refer to a vicious minority. The ideological significance of this concept of the mob is made clear by Hayes's examination of Marx's depiction of the lumpenproleteriat, Le Bon's analysis of the crowd, fascist propaganda, and corporatist views of society and government. Throughout his analysis, Hayes finds the concept of the mob to be closely tied to that of the people in a way that indicates ambiguous, inconsistent, or opportunist attitudes toward mass social groups. Hayes investigates the implications of such attitudes for democracy by considering political conflicts in the 1984-85 British miners' strike, and in the new democracies of Eastern Europe.

The People and the Mob explains how and why the concept of the mob has been incorporated into several forms of ideoloy that claim to speak for the people. This important finding is supported by Hayes's identification of a social analysis in which financiers and the mob are linked to each other, and separated from the people, using moral criteria of the work ethic. It is also supported by his explanation of the popular rhetorical appeal of political condemnations of the mob. Hayes shows that these rhetorical appeals and social distinctions are found in the ideology of both right and left. He demonstrates that even Marx has adopted such an ideology through his highly original interpretation of the class structure developed by Marx to explain events in France. Hayes's conclusions extend the fields of politicl theory and the history of ideas. The People and the Mob is useful to anyone interested in Marxism, crowd theory, fascism, corporatism, civil conflict in Europe, and the problems of modern democracy.

In offering a wide-ranging overview of radicalism throughout the 'long' nineteenth century, from the mid eighteenth century to the aftermath of the First World War, this study contests the methods and findings of recent revisionist interpretations. Radical movements faced a more difficult task than other political formations since they sought not merely to construct an audience - to find a language which resonated with people's material needs and greivances - but to mobilise for change. Options were limited as radicals had to conform to rhetorical, organisational and cultural norms to ensure popular legitimacy and support. This volume pays particular attention therefore to contextual factors: to the changing codes and conventions of political culture and public space. Through critical engagement with revisionist and post-modernist interpretations, it throws new light on factors which often divided liberals from radicals, and indeed, radicals from themselves. This is an accessible and much-needed introduction to the new linguistic and cultural approaches to nineteenth-century popular politics.

When Hong Kong is reunited with China on 1 July 1997 China will face a great challenge: to preserve the prosperity and stability that Hong Kong has achieved under the British legacy of a democratic free-enterprise system and an efficient but noninterfering government. China proposes to link its own traditionally socialist economy and communist political system with Hong Kong under a 'one country-two systems' plan. Cultural and historical forces suggest that this marriage of opposites may well succeed.

This volume distils the themes expounded in "A Grammar of Politics" for the non-specialist reader. It is the best outline of Laski s views in his transitional period. "

France's response to the rise of European fascism during the 1930s, and subsequently to the Nazi occupation 1940-44, has been a difficult subject for the nation's historians. The consensus amongst leading French authorities on the period has been the claim that France was largely 'immune' to fascism in the 1930s, and that the Vichy regime was an aberration produced by defeat and occupation. Over the last 30 years, this position has gradually been undermined, mainly through the work of foreign scholars, but it nonetheless remains intact. This volume brings together for the first time the leading critics of the standard French interpretation, who have used these essays to refine and update their positions, or to move the debate onto new terrain.

Brian Jenkins is Research Professor in the Department of French at the University of Leeds. His doctoral thesis was on the Paris riots of February 6th 1934, and he has recently returned to the study of the French extreme Right between the world wars. He has also written extensively on French nationalism, and on theories of nationalism, notably as the author of "Nationalism in France: Class and Nation since 1789" (1990) and as co-editor of "Nation and Identity in Contemporary Europe" (1996). He is co-editor of the "Journal of Contemporary European Studies."

The principles of the French Revolution remain the only possible basis for a just society -- even if, after more than two hundred years, they are more contested than ever before. In A New World Begins, Jeremy D. Popkin offers a riveting account of the revolution that puts the reader in the thick of the debates and the violence that led to the overthrow of the monarchy and the establishment of a new society. We meet Mirabeau, Robespierre, and Danton, in all of their brilliance and vengefulness; we witness the failed escape and execution of Louis XVI; we see women demanding equal rights and black slaves wresting freedom from revolutionaries who hesitated to act on their own principles; and we follow the rise of Napoleon out of the ashes of the Reign of Terror. Based on decades of scholarship, A New World Begins is the definitive treatment of the French Revolution.

The end of Stalinist Russia, China's change under Deng Xiaoping and the publication of previously unexplored documents of Marx in the MEGA2 opened a new epoch in the analysis of Marx. Marx's Discourse With Hegel is both a product and contribution to this rebirth of Marxism by its reformulation of the relationship between Hegel and Marx

"This book will surely be of interest not only to students in the field of comparative politics and comparative welfare regimes, but mor broadly to analysts of the complex relationship between civil society and the state." . American Journal of Sociology

"The book also provides a good overview of the historical influences that have shaped the current Swedish civil society, and offers insight into future challenges and opportunities. Rich in theoretical references, it is an essential resource in comparative studies of civil societies." . Voluntas

"Lars Tragardh's fascinating account of the Swedish model is an innovative addition to the body of scholarship on the relationship between state and civil society. The richness of the volume lies in its detailed theoretical discussion as well as extensive empirical insights on the interaction between state and civil society. The book invites the reader to be critical, reflective, and inquisitive in comprehending state-civil society interaction. This is an important book that carries the potential to attract a wide range of scholars in development studies in the social sciences and humanities...Written with sensitivity and scholarly perspicacity, the book has come on the scene at an appropriate time, especially when the issues of liberalization, privatization, globalization, participation, localization, and decentralization play a central role in influencing the contemporary political tradition of different nations." . Quarterly Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector

In the current neo-liberal political and economic climate, it is often suggested that a large and strong state stands in opposition to an autonomous and vibrant civil society. However, the simultaneous presence in Sweden of both a famously large public sector and an unusually vital civil society poses an interesting and important theoretical challenge to these views with serious political and policy implications. Studies show that in a comparative context Sweden scores very highly when it comes to the strength and vitality of its civil society as well as social capital, as measured in terms of trust, lack of corruption, and membership of voluntary associations. The "Swedish Model," therefore, offers important insights into the dynamics of state and civil society relations, which go against current trends of undermining the importance of the welfare state, and presents autonomous civic participation as the only way forward.

Lars Tragardh received his PhD in history from UC Berkeley and currently co-directs a research project concerning trust and state/civil society relations in Sweden at the Research Institute of Ersta Skondal University College in Stockholm. His most recent publications include (with co-editor Nina Witoszek) Culture and Crisis: The Case of Germany and Sweden (Berghahn Books, 2002), After National Democracy: Rights, Law and Power in America in the New Europe (Hart Publishing, 2004), and with Henrik Berggren Ar svensken manniska: Oberoende och gemenskap i det moderna Sverige (Norstedts, 2006).

How has 9/11 and the declaration of the 'global war on terror' changed our conceptions of politics? How has it affected our understanding of democracy, personal freedom and government accountability? In answering these and other questions, the authors engage in a comprehensive and critical analysis of politics in the age of terrorism.

This book deals with the causes, nature, and impact of the divisions within the jihadi movement, and the splits between jihadis and other Islamic groups. Fault Lines in Global Jihad offers a systematic and comprehensive examination of the broad range of divisions that contribute to the weakening of the jihadi movement. It separates these divisions into two broad categories, namely fissures dividing jihadis themselves, and divisions separating jihadis from other Muslim and Islamist groups. The first part of the book covers intra-jihadi divisions, highlighting tensions and divisions over strategic, tactical, and organizational issues. The second part of the book addresses several important case studies of jihadi altercations with other Muslim and Islamist groups of non-jihadi persuasion, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas, and the Shii community. More than simply an enumeration of problems and cracks within al-Qa'ida and its cohorts, this book addresses critical policy issues of relevance to the broader struggle against the global jihadi movement. The editors conclude that these divisions have and continue to weaken al-Qa'ida, but neither in an automatic nor in an exclusive fashion-for these divisions render the global jihadi movement simultaneously vulnerable and more resilient. This book will be of much interest to students of jihadism, terrorism and political violence, Islamism, security studies and IR in general.

This symposium of papers by statesmen and leading experts from around the world examines the global economic situation and voices concern about the potential for world unemployment and trade crisis in the 1990s. A new 'Marshall Plan' would involve a concerted worldwide effort to improve the situation. This plan was first formulated by Charles A. Cerami while undertaking a study of the global trade picture for the United States Departments of State, Treasury, and Commerce. Meeting with scores of diplomats nd policy makers in some forty countries, Cerami sought possible solutions to economic problems on the global level. Each of the contributors to this volume is among the best in the field; each is important in the world mechanism of government and politics. This anthology is an important tool in the effort to promote a working consensus among the leaders of different nationalities and political benefits to plan for economic development.

The Marshall Plan' would consist of the radical solution of a vast expansion of the number and size of markets, and therefore of the quantity of products to be absorbed. Since the economies of the developed world (the United States, Europe, Japan, and Asia) already absorb a great deal, the major effort would be to develop more markets in Third World nations. Students and scholars of business and economics, as well as international business people, will find "A Marshall Plan for the 1990S" a thought provoking study.

The founders of the American republic saw two motivations for individual civic participation: self-interest and civic duty. "Civic Participation in America" frames our understanding of civic and political participation the way the nation's founders did: as a human behavior powerfully influenced by institutions within society. The book examines the influence of the important macro-institutions of citizenship, political economy, and the public sphere and size of government, as well as key institutions of civic socialization such as the family, media, and education, on the motivation to participate. It argues that over time these institutions have encouraged more self-interested participation over civic duty-oriented participation.

This book is a fascinating survey of nineteenth-century republicanism, the first of its kind this century. It investigates why it was that although France was one of the first countries in modern Europe to become a republic in 1792, it was nearly a hundred years before a republic was acceptable to the majority. Pamela Pilbeam suggests that republicanism was a witch's brew of Enlightenment rationality, bloody memories and conflicting socialist expectations. The book concludes that the successful republic of 1871 used the rhetoric of democracy to conceal persistent elitism.

The revolutionary ideals of equality, communal living, proletarian morality, and technology worship, rooted in Russian utopianism, generated a range of social experiments which found expression, in the first decade of the Russian revolution, in festival, symbol, science fiction, city planning, and the arts. In this study, historian Richard Stites offers a vivid portrayal of revolutionary life and the cultural factors--myth, ritual, cult, and symbol--that sustained it, and describes the principal forms of utopian thinking and experimental impulse. Analyzing the inevitable clash between the authoritarian elements in the Bolshevik's vision and the libertarian behavior and aspirations of large segments of the population, Stites interprets the pathos of utopian fantasy as the key to the emotional force of the Bolshevik revolution which gave way in the early 1930s to bureaucratic state centralism and a theology of Stalinism.

National identity plays an increasingly important role in Western, liberal democracies. Thus, national identities are experienced as threatened by immigration and diversity and restrictions on immigration and nation-building policies are being implemented in response. Specifically, it has been suggested that diversity drives down social cohesion and thus the ties that bind people together in stable, democratic welfare states. This book addresses challenges to stable liberal democratic institutions and to social cohesion resulting from immigration and diversity. Thus, immigration has been considered an important factor in political polarization and political responses and movements. National identity plays a significant role both as something that, according to some, is threatened by diversity and as something to which populist politicians positively appeal in their justification of restrictive immigration policies and efforts towards nation-building. In some cases, political leaders have framed minorities as a threat to the nation state warranting a departure from liberal democratic institutions. This book considers the role of national identity in contemporary societies and in particular its significance for social cohesion. What role does national identity play for political polarization? Do national identities mediate/moderate the impact of diversity on social cohesion, including trust and solidarity? Has identity politics contributed to a politics of resentment and can more inclusive national identities serve to diminish polarization? In the book, these and other questions about the relation between national identity, belonging and social cohesion are considered by a number of the most prominent scholars in the field.