Globalisation and neo-liberalism have been impacting the nation-state and leading the full citizenship concept into crisis, not only in Turkey but also in the world. While one reason for this crisis is the decline of the welfare state, another reason stems from the fluidity of borders that distorts the classical patterns of the nation-state such as meta-identity. The existing Turkish citizenship inherited a strong state idea with passive citizenship tradition from the Ottoman Empire. However, this understanding is no longer sustainable for Turkish society. The definition of citizenship through state-led nationalism, secularism, and a free market economy creates societal crises in politics and society. The aim of this book is to find out the answer of what should be the ideal citizenship regime for Turkey. Various scholars dealing with Turkish socio-politics analyze different aspects and problems of Turkish citizenship regime that should be tackled for finding a recipe for ideal citizenship in Turkey.

The 2016 Presidential Election: The Causes and Consequences of a Political Earthquake critically analyzes the 2016 presidential election. The chapters in this book identify key factors behind the election of Donald J. Trump, explore the unconventional campaign, analyze the unexpected election result, evaluate the forecasting models, and speculate on the effect of the election outcome on politics and governance in the Trump Administration.

Covers the momentous reforms in the British electoral system during the period from the Great Reform Act of 1832 to 1918 when women were given the vote. The study charts the series of Reform Acts right through the period, involving rather more attention to those important changes in the 1880s which are often underplayed.

Beginning in the 1970s, the public has turned to the media for information and guidance in selecting their presidents. Television has become the primary means of getting to know the issues and candidates. This monograph examines the mediazation of the U.S. presidency, as exemplified by President Reagan's role as the great communicator. Specifically, Denton analyzes the use of television as an instrument of image-making and governing, the role of the media in contemporary politics, the impact of television on presidential politics, and the future of the presidency in the age of television. Scholars of communications studies, political science, and American politics will welcome this critical analysis of the primetime presidency.

Hillary Rodham Clinton and the 2016 Election: Her Political and Social Discourse is an edited collection that demonstrates the ways in which Clinton has used political rhetoric and discourse to provide and assert her right to leadership in her many roles as First Lady, Senator from New York, and Secretary of State. This collection lends itself to the potential Democratic nomination of Clinton for U.S. President with its examination of current media reports and interviews with Clinton. Each chapter analyzes various aspects of the campaign to present readers with a pre-election picture of Clinton's political discourse and how it relates to the 2016 election. Recommended for scholars of rhetoric, political rhetoric, political discourse, leadership studies, women's studies, and gender roles in politics.

An enduring question for most nations has been how to best represent their citizens and their needs. This is a complex issue as there is no universally accepted definition of good representation. Representation and Institutional Design addresses the issues of institutions and representation by examining how variation in institutional design can affect many aspects of how legislators represent their constituents. It does so by examining the relationships between legislative design (electoral laws, term limits, professionalism, and district size and magnitude) and many aspects of representation (symbolic, service, and policy representation, as well as legislators' incentives to represent). A key finding is that each aspect of professionalism has a unique set of effects on representation. Legislators with staff have closer relationship with their constituents than others. Legislators with other legislative resources engage in more symbolic and service representation but not policy representation. And legislators in institutions with greater capacity were similar to others in their representative style. Findings also indicate that term limits weaken relationships between legislators and constituents and electoral laws, and district size and magnitude have some but limited effects. This is an important study not only because of the importance of representation but also because of the dearth of research on how institutional design affects representation in state legislatures.

Featuring a range of experts on the American presidency, this book offers both European and American perspectives on both the successes and failures of President Obama's tenure in the White House. Focusing primarily on domestic policy, these essays explain why Obama's widely anticipated moment of change did not fully materialise.

Under the ethnic affairs management regime established by the People's Republic of China, every Chinese citizen is classified within one of 56 state-recognised 'nationalities'. Government policy assumes that these nationalities differ from one another primarily in their levels of economic development, and asserts that ethnic divisions and identities fade with the gradual achievement of economic and social equality. As a result, economic development policy in minority nationality areas has often constituted a replica of the model which has already proven successful in China's Han-Chinese dominated east. Research conducted across five locations in China's Northwest paints a far more complex picture, however. This book considers for the first time how identity informs the nature of economic participation among ethnic minority entrepreneurs in China's remote Northwest. Through interviews with entrepreneurs from diverse backgrounds, including Tibetan, Han and Muslim Chinese, this book highlights how ethnic-and other-identities inform the nature of economic participation. Furthermore, it explores the broader implications of this de-facto economic segregation for China's ongoing social harmony and political stability. Ultimately, this book demonstrates how economic participation, even when successful in achieving its economic outcomes, may actually serve to reinforce and strengthen minority national identity-perhaps even at the expense of national Chinese identity. This book will be useful for students and scholars of Chinese Studies, Ethnic Studies and Economics.

This title was first published in 2001. This sustained and rigorous theoretical treatment of the choices made by politicians regarding quasi-autonomous non-governmental organizations (quangos) makes compelling reading for both practitioners and academics alike.

This book examines liberty's Constitutional meaning through the jurisprudence of Justice Stephen Field, one of the late-Nineteenth Century's most influential Supreme Court Justices. A Lincoln appointee who served on the Court from 1863-1897, Field articulated a view of Constitutional liberty that speaks to contemporary disputes. Today, some see liberty as protection through government regulation against private oppression. Others see liberty as protection from government through limits on governmental power. Justice Field is often viewed as siding against government power to regulate, acting as a pre-cursor to the infamous "Lochner" Era of the Court. This work explains how Field instead saw both these competing conceptions of liberty as legitimate. In fact, the two cooperated toward a common end. In his opinions, Field argued that protections through and from government worked in tandem to guard fundamental individual rights. In describing this view of liberty, Field addressed key Constitutional provisions that remain a source of debate, including some of the earliest interpretations of the Due Process Clause, its relationship to state police power and civil rights, and some of the earliest assertions of a national police power through the Commerce Clause. This work furthermore addresses the underpinnings of Field's views, namely that he grounded his reading of the Constitution in the context of the common law and the Declaration of Independence. In his principles as well as his approach, this book argues, Justice Field presents a helpful discussant in ongoing debates regarding the meaning of liberty and of the Constitution.

Issues in E.U. and U.S. Foreign Policy, edited by Munevver Cebeci, aims at analyzing the perceptions, interests, and policies of the EU and the US on various international issues. It portrays their convergences and divergences, and reflects on their interplay. The book has a geographical focus rather than a thematic one; however, some themes such as weapons of mass destruction, dual use technology transfer, energy security, and democratization, are unavoidable within their respective geographical contexts. For example, the authors inquire into the case of Iran with a special focus on nuclear proliferation; they investigate Russia with a significant emphasis on energy security; Iraq is examined with a discussion on the withdrawal of occupation troops; and, finally, the authors address the case of China with a debate on dual use technology transfer. Issues in European Union and U.S. Foreign Policy is composed of two parts: The first involves an inventive theoretical framework for understanding EU and US foreign policy. The analysis extends beyond traditional approaches that seek to explain US and EU foreign policy through various dichotomies such as soft power versus hard power without overlooking the significance of such dichotomies. This section further discusses how European and American scholars approach transatlantic relations in different ways. The second section covers an intensive comparative analysis of EU and US foreign policy on specific issue areas. Some chapters also deal with the impact of their policy divergences and convergences on transatlantic relations and NATO. Nevertheless, the book aims to go beyond the parochial debates of burden-sharing or division of labor in transatlantic relations. It focuses on and actually proposes a broader framework of cooperation and coordination for the EU and the US.

Since 1841, 200 Jewish men and women have served in the United States Congress. Their ranks have included Democrats and Republicans, Whigs and Socialists, radicals and reactionaries a microcosm of the political diversity of the United States. Their influence in Congress has been significant, yet they have been largely overlooked in the history books. In The Jews of Capitol Hill: A Compendium of Jewish Congressional Members, Kurt F. Stone profiles all of the Jews who have served in the House or the Senate. This volume features entries on every Jewish member of Congress, from David Levy Yulee, who, in 1841, was elected to the 27th Congress as a Delegate from the Territory of Florida, to the Jewish senators and representatives of the 111th Congress. Arranged in chronological order, the members range from Bella Abzug to Edward Zorinsky and feature such historical figures as Barry Goldwater, Jacob Javits, Herbert Lehman, and Abraham Ribicoff, along with those still serving in Congress, such as Barney Frank, Dianne Feinstein, Joseph Lieberman, and Al Franken. Each entry identifies the member's political party and years of service, provides a biographical sketch, and includes references for further study. This is the most comprehensive and extensive resource on the legacy of Jewish representation and influence in the United States Congress."

Secrecy historically has been seen as the act of someone who has something sinful to hide. Thomas Jefferson once counseled his young grandson that "when tempted to do anything in secret, ask yourself if you would do it in public. If not, be sure it is wrong." Engaging in secrecy is not always wrong, however, either in our personal lives or in the life of our government. Secrecy has it place. Often it is necessary. When the framers of the Constitution gathered together in the summer of 1787, their deliberations were shrouded in secrecy. The doors to Pennsylvania's State House were locked shut. Armed sentinels stood guard inside and out, and each of the fifty-five delegates was sworn to secrecy by the Convention's presiding officer, George Washington. The American people were allowed no role in the shaping of their country's new national charter, nor were they even allowed to know of the alternatives their representatives were considering. Yet if their deliberations had been open to the public, if strict secrecy had not been enforced, it is far from certain that the Constitution would have been adopted. Indeed, the Constitution's principle architect, James Madison, had little doubt that the secrecy surrounding the Convention's work was necessary "to save both the Convention and the Community from a thousand of erroneous and perhaps mischievous reports. Secrecy in the U.S. Government is not about secrets. It is instead about the role that secrecy has played in American governance for more than 240 years, beginning with the earliest days of the First Continental Congress in 1774, to the president's executive privilege of withholding information from Congress and the American people, to World War II's Manhattan Project, to today's highly complex and often controversial procedures for protecting national security and other sensitive information. It is a story of the tension between the ideal of openness in government and the real world need for secrecy, and the political accommodations that have been made over the years for each.

In Taiwan's Democracy on Trial, Professor Copper assesses the process of democratization in Taiwan during the Chen Shui-bian Era (2000 to 2008) and after. He shows that in several respects, most important being press freedom, human rights, ethnic relations, political reform, constitutionalism, and clean governance, democratization regressed. Economic management was not good and relations with the United States were severely strained, which also hurt the Chen administration and explains why the Nationalist Party returned to power in 2008. The democratization process has improved since 2008.

Any casual observer of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict would immediately recognize that the holy city of Jerusalem is the core issue impeding a permanent peace settlement between the two antagonists. The religious symbolism of this city and its centrality to major religious faiths has never faded and has become increasingly vital to various strands of twentieth-century religious nationalisms. The political fate of Jerusalem was inevitably mired in international political struggles of the Cold War, particularly after the United States inherited Britain's mantle as the ultimate arbiter of regional conflicts and strategic disputes. The asymmetrical balance of military power between Israel and Jordan made superpower intervention both inevitable and unpredictable. This study examines the policies of twentieth-century US presidents regarding the status of Jerusalem. It traces the evolution of the United States' embroilment in the politics of Mandatory Palestine, successive wars, and regimes that vied for control over Jerusalem, and tracks the conflicting historical narratives presented by various states in the region. It also takes a detailed look at the role of the American Jewish lobby, which constantly pressured the United States to overlook Israel's refusal to go back to the lines of June 5, 1967, or to stop creating facts on the ground in East Jerusalem. The role of the oil lobby in seeking the reversal of Israeli annexationist steps in Jerusalem is also analyzed. The failure of several American presidents to broker an Arab-Israeli peace agreement is seen here as the result of the latitude enjoyed by presidential advisers in determining the main contours of American foreign policy in this region and guarding access to the chief executive in times of crisis. Finally, the book is an illustration of the perils of downplaying the human rights abuses of junior client states in order to placate national lobby groups in the Untied States, leading to the entrenchment of the Israeli state not only over Jerusalem, but throughout the West Bank.

The attitudes of individual citizens play a central role in a democracy. In the United States today, the two major parties are each associated with a broad set of policy positions representing the conservative and liberal political ideologies. The two major parties are becoming increasingly polarized on these ideologies between conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats. This book provides an in-depth examination of public opinion in a single American state, Alabama, to see whether the public opinion of general citizens follows this stereotype of ideological and partisan polarization. Alabama public opinion is analyzed on a fairly wide range of issues, including the quality of public officials, constitutional reform, the role of government in terms of taxes and overall spending, education, health care, religion in public life, crime, and immigration. Alabama is generally perceived as staunchly conservative politically and as a reliably 'red' Republican state in national elections. Yet, public opinion in Alabama is considerably more nuanced and complex than this stereotype in two distinct aspects. First, Alabamians are certainly conservative on many issues, but they are also liberal on a significant number of others. Second, the issue positions of the state's citizens are shaped by three different dynamics in terms of what factors influence specific attitudes. Furthermore a brief analysis of public opinion in the entire United States finds similar patterns. Thus, the current polarization in party politics does not necessarily reflect public opinion in its entirety, suggesting a need to transcend the competing conservative and liberal orthodoxies.

The U.S.-China relationship has not always been smooth, but since Richard Nixon's opening in the early 1970s, the two countries have evolved a relationship that has been generally beneficial to both parties. Economic engagement and a diplomatic partnership together with robust trade and investment relations, among other activities, have meant a peaceful context for reform and China's rise, helping to lift millions of Chinese out of poverty and giving the PRC incentive to work within the U.S.-led global order. The logic of the relationship, however, is now open to serious debate on both sides of the Pacific. After a period of American preoccupation with the Middle East, President Obama attempted a rebalancing of U.S. interests toward the Asia-Pacific region. With the Trump administration in office, the U.S.-China relationship appears to be at a crossroads: does it continue to focus on constructive engagement and managing differences, or prepare for a new era of rivalry and conflict? Here, following up on their 2014 book, Strategic Reassurance and Resolve, the authors provide a more balanced assessment of the current state of relations and suggest measures that could help stabilize the security relationship, without minimizing the very real problems that both Beijing and Washington must address. The authors are hopeful, but are also under no illusions about the significance of the challenges now posed to the bilateral relationship, as well as regional order, by the rise of China and the responses of America together with its allies.

What is behind the success of America? Does America manifest its destiny by other means? Author Patrick Mendis explores unseen forces that have guided America to global dominance. He details how the creation of Madison's 'Universal Empire' through Hamilton's 'Federalism' realizes Jefferson's 'Empire of Liberty.' The author then unveils America's Masonic endgame of universal brotherhood: E Pluribus Unum.

We in the U.S. have deserved someone like Donald Trump as our president for some time. Until now, by a string of luck, we had mostly centrist presidents, both Republican and Democratic, some with only a modicum of intelligence and humanity. With Donald Trump, however, we finally ran out of luck and he is our sitting president. Now, the spotlight is focused on him, but we easily forget that he is, after all, a product of his own society. Trump's rise to power owes itself to its own social-historical circumstances: For decades now America's Consumer Society had prepared the American voters, mostly White, to find someone like Trump as their leader, by supplying them with around-the-clock distractions that made them feel good, happy and falsely powerful. Trump's ascendancy could not be possible without our consumption of daily entertainment which makes us selfish, childish and idiotic human beings. Such minds are easily affected by anxiety, anger and vengefulness. In our daily sea of popular entertainment of mass circulation, we have become trash cans--Mental Trash Cans--that exist just to process trash that enters and leaves our minds almost at the same time. This wasted mind, America's most celebrated symbol of success that is created by its best and brightest, keeps us away from one another as we become privatized citizens and neighbors in our individual cocoons, lonely, scared, dumbed down, living and dying our solitary unconnected lives. Into this vacuum of intelligence and humanity, enter Donald Trump, the entertainer-billionaire, now the President, who, with his brand of populist Fascism, challenges the powers of entrenched Corporate America and all of its mind-captivating arsenal. He successfully conquered White Americans by separating them from non-whites, thus revealing America's nationalism and racism, hitherto papered over in its Liberal-Capital consumer paradise. The common Americans, whether White or non-white, possess two prized items that Corporate and Political America covets and wants to take from them, the dollar and the vote: The American Masses, now as garbage-fed children, are neither smart nor united enough to protect the two critical weapons of their democracy. Trump's presidency proves it.

One of the most significant factors for contemporary international relations is the growth of China's economic, military, and political power. Indeed, few analysts would dispute the observation that China's power has strongly influenced the structure of the international system, major-power strategic relations, international security, the patterns of trans-border economic activities, and most importantly, the political and security dynamics in Asia in the twenty-first century. This book maps the growth of China's political, economic, and military capabilities and its impact on the security order in Asia over the coming decades. While updating the emerging power dimensions and prevailing discourse, it provides a nuanced analysis of whether the growth of Chinese power is resulting in Beijing becoming more assertive, or even aggressive, in its behavior and pursuit of national interests. It also examines how the key Asian countries perceive and react to the growth of China's power and how US rebalancing would play out in the context of Beijing's political, economic, and military power. China's Power and Asian Security will be of huge interest to student and scholars of Asian politics, Chinese politics, security studies and international security and international relations more generally.

The first definitive account of the rise and fall of the Secret Service, from the Kennedy assassination to the alarming mismanagement of the Obama and Trump years, right up to the insurrection at the Capitol on 6 January 2021 - by the Pulitzer Prize winner and #1 New York Times bestselling co-author of A Very Stable Genius Carol Leonnig has been reporting on the Secret Service for The Washington Post for most of the last decade, bringing to light the secrets, scandals, and shortcomings that plague the agency today - from a toxic work culture to dangerously outdated equipment to the deep resentment within the ranks at key agency leaders, who put protecting the agency's once-hallowed image before fixing its flaws. But the Secret Service wasn't always so troubled. The Secret Service was born in 1865, in the wake of the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, but its story begins in earnest in 1963, with the death of John F. Kennedy. Shocked into reform by its failure to protect the president on that fateful day in Dallas, this once-sleepy agency was radically transformed into an elite, highly trained unit that would redeem itself several times, most famously in 1981 by thwarting an assassination attempt against Ronald Reagan. But this reputation for courage and excellence would not last forever. By Barack Obama's presidency, the once-proud Secret Service was running on fumes and beset by mistakes and alarming lapses in judgement: break-ins at the White House, an armed gunman firing into the windows of the residence while confused agents stood by, and a massive prostitution scandal among agents in Cartagena, to name just a few. With Donald Trump's arrival, a series of promised reforms were cast aside, as a president disdainful of public service instead abused the Secret Service to rack up political and personal gains. To explore these problems in the ranks, Leonnig interviewed dozens of current and former agents, government officials, and whistleblowers who put their jobs on the line to speak out about a hobbled agency that's in desperate need of reform. 'I will be forever grateful to them for risking their careers,' she writes, 'not because they wanted to share tantalising gossip about presidents and their families, but because they know that the Service is broken and needs fixing. By telling their story, they hope to revive the Service they love.'

Labour migration has become one of the hot topics in Europe, especially since 2000 with the shift from restriction to managed migration. This book provides an authoritative account of policy change over labour migration in Europe during this new era of governance. It has important implications for debates about the contemporary governance of labour migration in Europe, and questions about the impact of an emergent EU migration regime in the context of a globalising labour market. The key findings offer a deeper understanding of the linkages between those engaged in policymaking and the kinds of communities that produce usable knowledge. It will therefore be essential reading for academics, practitioners and students of migration and national policy processes in the EU. It will be an invaluable resource for individuals and organisations active in the immigration policy community, including policymakers themselves, but also the wider network of NGOs, think tanks and interest groups. -- .