Communication defines political representation. At the core of the representational relationship lies the interaction between principal and agent; the quality of this relationship is predicated upon the accessibility of effective channels of communication between the constituent and representative. Over the past decade, congressional websites have become the primary way constituents communicate with their members and a prominent place for members to communicate with constituents. Yet, as we move toward the third decade of the 21st century, little work has systematically analyzed this forum as a distinct representational space. In this book, Jocelyn Evans and Jessica Hayden offer a fresh, timely, and mixed-methods approach for understanding how the emergence of virtual offices has changed the representational relationship between constituents and members of Congress. Utilizing strong theoretical foundations, a broad historical perspective, elite interviews, and rich original datasets, Evans and Hayden present evidence that virtual offices operate as a distinct representational space, and they demonstrate that their use has resulted in unprecedented and ill-understood changes in representational behavior. Congressional Communication in the Digital Age contributes to the scholarship on representation theory and its application to the contemporary Congress. It is valuable reading for students and researchers interested in American politics, political communication, and legislative politics.

This title was first published in 2001. This sustained and rigorous theoretical treatment of the choices made by politicians regarding quasi-autonomous non-governmental organizations (quangos) makes compelling reading for both practitioners and academics alike.

This title was first published in 2001. With the collapse of Communism in Central and Eastern Europe, the legitimacy of one-party, and often one-person rule in other parts of the world has been fundamentally challenged. It appears that for the first time parliamentary democracy has become the universally accepted model to adopt or to be perfected. Newer democracies have started to build the institutions and capacity necessary to sustain democracy, while established democracies continue to refine their democracy, sometimes introducing full-scale reforms. This book examines whether elements of the perfect democracy can be identified and how democratic structures and practices can be improved.

One of the most significant factors for contemporary international relations is the growth of China's economic, military, and political power. Indeed, few analysts would dispute the observation that China's power has strongly influenced the structure of the international system, major-power strategic relations, international security, the patterns of trans-border economic activities, and most importantly, the political and security dynamics in Asia in the twenty-first century. This book maps the growth of China's political, economic, and military capabilities and its impact on the security order in Asia over the coming decades. While updating the emerging power dimensions and prevailing discourse, it provides a nuanced analysis of whether the growth of Chinese power is resulting in Beijing becoming more assertive, or even aggressive, in its behavior and pursuit of national interests. It also examines how the key Asian countries perceive and react to the growth of China's power and how US rebalancing would play out in the context of Beijing's political, economic, and military power. China's Power and Asian Security will be of huge interest to student and scholars of Asian politics, Chinese politics, security studies and international security and international relations more generally.

What has been the impact of the EU on UK central government? This book explores the "Europeanisation" of the work of civil servants and ministers and how they engage with the EU. Drawing on fresh empirical evidence, the volume offers the first comprehensive analysis of the spreading impact of European integration across government. The study is placed in the context of political divisions over the EU but outlines the often neglected way in which the EU has transformed the business of government. It charts the process from the Macmillan government's 1961 application to join the European Communities through to the end of Blair's premiership.

The book examines the character and timing of responses across government, covering the core government departments and also those more recently affected, such as the Ministry of Defence. The authors argue that central government has organized itself efficiently to deal with the demands of EU membership despite the often controversial party political divisions over Europe. However, in placing their findings in comparative context they conclude that the effectiveness of UK governments in the EU has been less striking.

The attitudes of individual citizens play a central role in a democracy. In the United States today, the two major parties are each associated with a broad set of policy positions representing the conservative and liberal political ideologies. The two major parties are becoming increasingly polarized on these ideologies between conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats. This book provides an in-depth examination of public opinion in a single American state, Alabama, to see whether the public opinion of general citizens follows this stereotype of ideological and partisan polarization. Alabama public opinion is analyzed on a fairly wide range of issues, including the quality of public officials, constitutional reform, the role of government in terms of taxes and overall spending, education, health care, religion in public life, crime, and immigration. Alabama is generally perceived as staunchly conservative politically and as a reliably 'red' Republican state in national elections. Yet, public opinion in Alabama is considerably more nuanced and complex than this stereotype in two distinct aspects. First, Alabamians are certainly conservative on many issues, but they are also liberal on a significant number of others. Second, the issue positions of the state's citizens are shaped by three different dynamics in terms of what factors influence specific attitudes. Furthermore a brief analysis of public opinion in the entire United States finds similar patterns. Thus, the current polarization in party politics does not necessarily reflect public opinion in its entirety, suggesting a need to transcend the competing conservative and liberal orthodoxies.

With the opening of borders and the aging of populations in industrialized states immigration takes on new importance. More younger workers are needed to support the social contract established with the baby boom generation, and immigration offers one practical solution. Many countries, however, have little experience with large scale immigration and, especially in the current political and economic climate, a strong resistance to it. Immigration the World Over examines immigration statutes and policies and the societal reactions to immigrants in seven industrialized nations. Comparing the experiences of these nations demonstrates how policies differ and how those policies have facilitated or complicated the accommodation of immigrant populations. Using public opinion data, crime rates, and measures of social integration, the authors go on to show how some countries absorb immigrants to positive effect by addressing worker shortages and enhancing social diversity, while others resist immigration to their detriment.

Shifting the focal point from incumbency to open seat competition in the U.S. House of Representatives is the task this book embraces. In the process, the authors demonstrate the importance of candidates and competition, and the role of money, gender, and special elections in determining how open seats get filled and when partisan changes occur.

The Polarized Congress: The Post-Traditional Procedure of Its Current Struggles argues that the rise of the polarized Congress means a totally different Congressional procedure, especially after 2007, compared to the accustomed "traditional" one. Polarized Congress explores a host of lesser-known, even sometimes below the radar, aspects of the post-traditional or polarized model. These range from "ping-ponging" of major measures between chambers (without conferencing), to the Senate Majority Leader's new "toolkit". They go from the now-crucial "Hastert Rule" in the House, to the astonishment of legislating the Affordable Care Act by singular procedures including budget reconciliation. The book challenges the easy assumption, especially by the non-specialist press, that Congressional procedure is descending into nothing more than chaotic brutishness or eternal stalemate. Instead, it explains the transformation of the traditional model about "how a bill becomes a law" before 2000, into the new current model in which Congress acts very differently.

Jonathan W. Emord is one of the nation's foremost experts on constitutional and administrative law and has practiced before the federal courts and agencies for thirty-five years. In The Authoritarians, Emord reveals the untold story and largely hidden practices of Authoritarians who have worked inside the United States government to undermine the Constitution and override rights protections since the earliest days of the Progressive Era. Emord traces the intellectual origins of Authoritarianism to its Hegelian roots in Germany. He shows how legions of academics, trained to hate the American system of government, became predominant in the major universities of America, entered government as top advisors, and successfully orchestrated an overthrow of the Constitution's limits on power which put the rights of individuals in jeopardy from the Progressive Era through the New Deal to today. In The Authoritarians, readers learn how Authoritarians endorsed forced sterilization of 60,000 American citizens whom they deemed "undesirable" and "unfit". Readers also learn how Authoritarians selectively created monopolies and overcame the constitutional limits on government power the Founding Fathers put in the Constitution to prevent tyranny, thus ushering in the foundation for a socialist state. In The Authoritarians, Emord reveals the lies told by advocates of the Black Lives Matter organization, Antifa, and the 1619 Project. He presents the startling fact that the first slaves in the Jamestown Colony in 1619 were not blacks, but whites and that in the antebellum South slave owners were not only white, but black. Readers also learn the inherent failings of socialism; the tremendous cost it imposes on human lives; and the grave threat to the survival and success of liberty and justice in America posed by Authoritarians such as Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Bernie Sanders, Nancy Pelosi, Chuck Schumer, Ed Markey, Joe Biden, and Kamala Harris. The Authoritarians unveils a detailed strategy for restoring constitutional protection for individual rights and fending off the horrors of a socialist tidal wave now drenching America.

The "Historische Kommission zu Berlin" (Historical Commssion of Berlin) explores the history of the region as well as the historical geography of Berlin-Brandenburg and Brandenburg-Prussia. The commission carries out this exploration through academic research, lectures, conferences, and publications, and offers its service for researchers and other institutes. In doing this, the commission cooperates with other institutes and accompanies academic and practical projects which are of public interest. The series "Veroeffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission zu Berlin" (VHKB; Publications of the Historical Commisison of Berlin) publishes the results of the various academic projects of the commission.

The book reveals the interconnection between social, cultural and political protest movements and social and economic changes in a post-communist country like Russia still dominated by bureaucratic rulers and "oligarchs" controlling all basic industries and mining activities. Those interests are also dominating Russia's foreign policy and explain why Russia did not succeed in becoming an integral part of Europe. The latter is, at least, wished by many Russian citizens.

An understanding of the role of energy-related governance systems and the conditions required for a shift towards renewables in developing countries is urgently needed in order to tap into the global potential of low-carbon development. Although renewable energy sources have become technically feasible and economically viable, social and political factors continue to persist as the most critical obstacles for their dissemination. How Power Shapes Energy Transitions in Southeast Asia conceptualizes power for the field of sustainable energy governance. Based on empirical findings from the Philippines and Indonesia, the book develops an analytical approach that incorporates power theory into a multi-level governance framework. The book begins with a profound background on renewable energy development around the world and presents major trends in development cooperation. A power-based multi-level governance approach is introduced that is rooted in development thinking. Examining how coordination and power relations shape the development and dissemination of renewable energy technologies, the book also shows how decentralization affects low carbon development in emerging economies. Sparking debate on the ways in which energy transitions can be triggered and sustained in developing countries, this book will be of great interest to students and scholars of renewable energy development and environmental politics and governance as well as practitioners in development cooperation.

This is the first comprehensive survey of the Irish state, and draws on a range of theoretical approaches to analyse its origins, its evolution, its nature and its role in Ireland's recent economic success. The book begins by outlining the fragmentary way in which the Irish state has been treated to date in the social sciences. Subsequent chapters by distinguished contributors then go on to examine the history of the Irish state from 1922 to 1973, the developmental nature of the Irish state since the 1980s, the Irish state as a partnership state, the gendered nature of the state, the changing nature of the state's autonomy and capacity since independence, whether the Irish state can be described as a competition state, and the activities and policies of the Irish state as a welfare state. The editors examine the lessons learnt from these analyses before detailing a challenging agenda for further research. The book will be of major interest to students of Irish politics and of Ireland's recent economic and social development. Given Ireland's status as a model of success in this globalised era, the book will interest scholars of globalisation and comparative politics, and makes a significant contribution to analyses of the role of the state in this context. -- .

First Published in 1973. This is Volume I of a listing of government ministers, that concentrates on major powers in Western Europe from the 1900 to 1971. It includes listings of Head of State, Head of Government, Ministers of Foreign Affairs, War, the Interior and Finance.

" When the first edition of America Recommitted was published in 1991, the world was passing through a period of sweeping political and social change. The Cold War was over; China had reverted to harsh authoritarian rule; U.S.-led forces were deployed in Saudi Arabia for potential military action against Iraq; the Soviet Union was on the verge of disintegration; and the unraveling of Yugoslavia had set the stage for brutal ethnic conflicts in Bosnia and Kosovo. In the midst of this widespread upheaval, the United States reassessed its own role as the sole remaining superpower?a process that continues today. This new edition features three new chapters that assess U.S. foreign policy during the last two years of the Bush presidency and the first seven years of the Clinton administration, bringing new data and insights to the questions that have challenged U.S. policymakers during the 1990s.

Published in the year 1974, Government and Labour in Kenya is a valuable contribution to the field of History.

Why has the economic growth performance of Sub-Saharan Africa been disappointing on balance over the past 50 years? More importantly, what can be done to reverse that trend and to sustain and improve upon the accelerated growth experienced in recent years? What are the possibilities and policies for Africa to reduce poverty and achieve sustained, rapid economic growth? What are the lessons of success in both Africa and elsewhere? Could some of the policies that proved so successful in East Asia help reverse the deindustrialization of Africa in the past three decades and be the basis of its structural transformation? These were the questions posed to a diverse group of experts on development convened by the Initiative for Policy Dialogue (IPD). This volume reflects the highlights of their deliberations. It broadens the policy debate, expands the policy options, and proposes alternative development strategies. This book captures the lively, and sometimes contentious, debate, and provides a note of optimism for the future. Though success is not assured, this volume argues that there is good reason to believe that policies based on lessons of successes, notably in East Asia, can be adapted successfully in African contexts.

The Labour governments of 1945-51 are among the most important and controversial in modern British history, and have been the focus of extensive research over the last fifteen years. In this study, Robert Pearce makes the results of this research available in a concise and accessible form, whilst encouraging students to formulate their own interpretations. He looks at the main political personalities of the period, sets their work in the context of Labour history since 1900, and examines their domestic, foreign and imperial achievements.

When new leaders come to office, there is often speculation about whether they will take their countries' foreign policies in different directions or stick to their predecessors' policies. We argue that when new leaders come to power who represent different societal interests and preferences than their predecessors, leaders may pursue new foreign policies. At the same time, in democracies, leadership selection processes and policymaking rules blunt leaders' incentives and opportunities for change. Democracies thus tend to pursue more consistent foreign policies than nondemocracies even when new leaders with different supporting coalitions assume office. Statistical analyses of three distinct foreign policy areas - military alliances, UNGA voting, and economic sanctions - provide support for our argument. In a fourth area - trade - we find that both democracies and nondemocracies are more likely to experience foreign policy change when a new leader with a different supporting coalition comes to power. We thus conclude that foreign policy responds to domestic political interests, and that, even as the interests supporting leaders change, democracies' foreign policies are no less stable than those of nondemocracies and often exhibit greater consistency.

This book addresses various issues that have arisen in the practice of democracy in Nigeria since 1999, focusing on the Obasanjo years (1999-2007). Nigeria's return to democratic rule has been marked by developments such as the implementation of reforms to address perceived economic problems and corruption. The introduction of democracy in the country has also witnessed many challenges, including the difficult relationship between some political chief executives and their deputies; intriguing intergovernmental relations; the rise and resurgence of sub-national groups that pose serious threat to the hegemony of the state; precarious inter-ethnic/inter-sectional relations; attempts to perpetuate the tenure of chief executives through constitutional amendments; and developments in electoral politics and conflicts. The book provides incisive analysis into these issues.

Featuring a range of experts on the American presidency, this book offers both European and American perspectives on both the successes and failures of President Obama's tenure in the White House. Focusing primarily on domestic policy, these essays explain why Obama's widely anticipated moment of change did not fully materialise.

With a public career spanning 62 years, Gladstone dominated the Victorian political arena. Yet he remains an enigmatic figure; a high Anglican, Tory protectionist who became leader of the Liberals, a party associated with free trade and religious Nonconformity. Michael Winstanley examines both Gladstone and the environment in which he operated, concentrating in particular on the political and social composition of the party which he led. He argues that the parliamentary `Gladstonian Liberals' were far from unqualified supporters of Gladstone and that much of his power was derived from his popularity amongst the electorate. He concludes with an assessment of Gladstone's achievements and his political legacy.

This study fills a void in the literature of Latin American politics by offering a comprehensive and up-to-date analysis of the state and its bureaucratic components in the various nations of the region. The author notes at the onset that the complexity of the state apparatus in Latin America--ranging from the entrenched bureaucracy of Brazil to the minimal administrative capabilities of Nicaragua--presents both a challenge and a problem for analysts. His unique contribution here is combining an overview of public bureaucracy in Latin America with a series of country and regional profiles. With this basis for analysis established, Graham focuses on changes in the state, the society, and the economy that have occurred over the past two decades in order to develop a set of new perspectives on Latin American politics and economics. Organized into three sections, the study begins with three chapters that address the centrality of the state, the structural dimensions of the Latin American public sector, and issues in administrative reform. Country profiles of Mexico, Brazil, and Nicaragua and a study of regional variations in development policy make up Part Two. The final section includes comparisons of Latin American nations with selected European nations--an unusual juxtaposition that further enhances the readers understanding of the Latin American experience. Throughout, three themes tie the analysis of the state to its broader context in the surrounding polity, economy, and society: the performance of the state in the provision of basic services; the spatial dimensions of public administration and management; and the extension of state activities throughout society. The author's analytical framework thus entails identifying the structures that condition policy implementation, clarifying the spatial dimensions that shape public policy, and utilizing intergovernmental relations and field administration constructs to establish the centralization/decentralization mix required to reintegrate politics with policy and with organizations in the pursuit of more effective programs.