All around the world women are presidents and prime ministers, yet in America, we have yet to elect the first woman president. When Barack Obama accepted the nomination as the Democratic candidate for president in 2008, the media were quick to point out that Hillary Clinton lost. Yet Clinton won almost 18 million votes and was the first front- runner woman candidate. Almost Madam President: Why Hillary Clinton 'Won' in 2008 argues that Hillary Clinton gained more than she lost in her bid for the presidency. This book takes the reader on a rhetorical journey through Hillary Clinton's 2008 presidential campaign, focusing on Clinton's sophisticated 'You Tube' style announcement speech, the debates, and the many notable stump speeches and media events on the campaign trail. Along the way Gutgold examines the obstacles and opportunities of women as presidential candidates.

The Caliphate Question combines the disciplines of theology, history, and international relations in order to approach the complex and sensitive issue of how Western governments in this case the British have historically engaged with foreign policy issues that have centered around questions of theology or faith. The British government's approach to policy-making in the field of Islamic governance from the First World War through to the early Cold War is the case study for this book, both because of the extensive documentation that exists on the period and because of its relevance to the current geo-political world. While the book is not a critique of current British foreign policy, it does seek to furnish policy-makers and commentators with a framework within which such increasingly necessary policy-making can be created."

With the very real possibility of atomic war looming on the horizon from 1945 to the early 1960s, both federal and local governments took on the responsibility of educating Americans on how to survive the expected nuclear blasts, residual fallouts, and radiation poisonings. During these early years of the Atomic Age, duck and cover drills, bomb shelters, and evacuation plans became an integral part of every citizen's daily life. This book provides a sampling of civil defense publications issued by government agencies and organizations during this era. Arranged thematically, the book includes sections covering the impact and power of the atomic bomb, radioactive fallout, women and the home, the importance of being prepared, civil defense in schools, fallout shelters, evacuation plans, and, finally, the call for 'peace or...else'.

All of America's crucial presidential votes -- arranged by state and by county within a state -- are collected in two unparalleled volumes. No other book set provides the accessible and easy to use information about presidential votes in every county in the nation for the past 80 years.

The first volume covers elections from Warren G. Harding's landslide in 1920 through Dwight D. Eisenhower's second term. Volume 2 begins with the election of John F. Kennedy in 1960 and carries through the latest controversial national vote in 2000 that brought George W. Bush to the White House.

Both volumes are organized the same: the front section containing national summary tables of the state by state vote and Electoral College vote for each election. A chapter for each state follows, beginning with a summary of the statewide vote and Electoral College, a county outline map, and the county-by-county details of each election. Sizable votes for third party candidates are also provided, as are summaries of presidential primary elections.

For quick access to the most reliable data ever published on presidential elections, America at the Polls is in a class by itself.

With a close eye on a rising star in the Democratic party, Congressman Chris Van Hollen, this book examines the movement toward a Democratic majority in American politics. Van Hollen, a state senator from suburban Maryland, was one of only two Democrats to defeat an incumbent Republican House member in the Republican sweep of 2002, the first congressional election after 9/11. He did it with the assistance of a grassroots army attracted by his outstanding leadership on progressive issues in the Maryland legislature and determined to "take back the House" from an increasingly right-wing Republican Party. The author had an inside view of Van Hollen's 2002 victory as campaign coordinator of his precinct. Gottlieb provides a detailed account of the nuts and bolts and spirit of the Van Hollen campaign and extends his analysis into 2008, the election year for which Nancy Pelosi appointed Van Hollen chief of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, responsible for recruiting, assisting, and mentoring candidates in an effort to expand the Democratic majority in the House. Grassroots politics is a key to the Democrats' progress, whether at the congressional or presidential level. Chris Van Hollen points the way to achieving new alignments that could help move the country from red to blue. Including hundreds of interviews with voters, activists, candidates, campaign staffers, members of Congress, pollsters, journalists, and scholars, Red to Blue provides a nuanced understanding of America's shifting politics.

With a close eye on a rising star in the Democratic party, Congressman Chris Van Hollen, this book examines the movement toward a Democratic majority in American politics. Van Hollen, a state senator from suburban Maryland, was one of only two Democrats to defeat an incumbent Republican House member in the Republican sweep of 2002, the first congressional election after 9/11. He did it with the assistance of a grassroots army attracted by his outstanding leadership on progressive issues in the Maryland legislature and determined to "take back the House" from an increasingly right-wing Republican Party. The author had an inside view of Van Hollen's 2002 victory as campaign coordinator of his precinct. Gottlieb provides a detailed account of the nuts and bolts and spirit of the Van Hollen campaign and extends his analysis into 2008, the election year for which Nancy Pelosi appointed Van Hollen chief of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, responsible for recruiting, assisting, and mentoring candidates in an effort to expand the Democratic majority in the House. Grassroots politics is a key to the Democrats' progress, whether at the congressional or presidential level. Chris Van Hollen points the way to achieving new alignments that could help move the country from red to blue. Including hundreds of interviews with voters, activists, candidates, campaign staffers, members of Congress, pollsters, journalists, and scholars, Red to Blue provides a nuanced understanding of America's shifting politics.

Presidents in Retirement: Alone and Out of the Office describes and analyzes the behavior of those thirty-four former presidents who survived their terms and were faced with deciding how to make the most of their new lives as private citizens. Rather than simply present a chronology of presidential behavior, the book explores the variety of retirement activities with chapters on partisan politics, public service, economic pursuits, leisurely activities, health concerns, and relationships with a successor. The book's emphasis is on the range of social-psychological factors affecting the behavior of ex-presidents once they leave the White House. What did these once powerful men do to fill many empty hours of retirement? Why did they pursue particular avenues of endeavor, and to what degree did these choices provide satisfaction? What discernible patterns of behavior can be identified which can be of predictive value in understanding the retirement behavior of future presidents? This book offers a unique opportunity to examine the personality and beliefs of our presidents in a relatively pristine setting. The reader can observe these former chief executives without having to factor in the influence of advisors and staff. Retirement grants a personal freedom to engage in activities and express oneself without great concern with political repercussions. Additionally, once out of the White House, ex-presidents are no longer trapped by political crises which are likely to circumscribe their behavior. Retirement is therefore a time when a person can express true inner feelings and behave in a manner consistent with these beliefs. Freeing them from the dictates of a difficult job, retirement offers former presidents the freedom and enjoyment to live their final years in comfort and happiness or under stressful conditions caused by economic or health concerns. Although the step down from the presidency may be much greater than the average person's experiences of entering retirement, the relative problems and

Presidents in Retirement: Alone and Out of the Office describes and analyzes the behavior of those thirty-four former presidents who survived their terms and were faced with deciding how to make the most of their new lives as private citizens. Rather than simply present a chronology of presidential behavior, the book explores the variety of retirement activities with chapters on partisan politics, public service, economic pursuits, leisurely activities, health concerns, and relationships with a successor. The book's emphasis is on the range of social-psychological factors affecting the behavior of ex-presidents once they leave the White House. What did these once powerful men do to fill many empty hours of retirement? Why did they pursue particular avenues of endeavor, and to what degree did these choices provide satisfaction? What discernible patterns of behavior can be identified which can be of predictive value in understanding the retirement behavior of future presidents? This book offers a unique opportunity to examine the personality and beliefs of our presidents in a relatively pristine setting. The reader can observe these former chief executives without having to factor in the influence of advisors and staff. Retirement grants a personal freedom to engage in activities and express oneself without great concern with political repercussions. Additionally, once out of the White House, ex-presidents are no longer trapped by political crises which are likely to circumscribe their behavior. Retirement is therefore a time when a person can express true inner feelings and behave in a manner consistent with these beliefs. Freeing them from the dictates of a difficult job, retirement offers former presidents the freedom and enjoyment to live their final years in comfort and happiness or under stressful conditions caused by economic or health concerns. Although the step down from the presidency may be much greater than the average person's experiences of entering retirement, the relative problems and rewards are only of a qualitative difference.

In the first book-length study of Progressive-Era presidents' views on the theme of self-government, The Dilemma of Progressivism critically analyzes their understanding of executive leadership and the office of the presidency. Will Morrisey examines both the rhetoric and the actions of Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, and Woodrow Wilson to show the ways in which their thought shaped their presidencies. He shows how the Progressive presidents dealt with the genesis of a modern, centralized American state and the conflicting increase in popularity of the notion of self-government. Drawing larger conclusions about the key American ideas of self-government, federalism, freedom, and social welfare, Morrisey strikes the right balance between political theory and history in this study on self-government and the political thought of three American presidents.

At the ideological center of the Supreme Court sits Anthony M. Kennedy, whose pivotal role on the Rehnquist Court is only expected to grow in importance now that he is the lone "swing Justice" on the Roberts Court. The Ties Goes to Freedom is the first book-length analysis of Kennedy, and it challenges the conventional wisdom that his jurisprudence is inconsistent and incoherent. Using the hot-button issues of privacy rights, race, and free speech, this book demonstrates how Kennedy forcefully articulates a libertarian constitutional vision. The Tie Goes to Freedom fills two significant voids—one examining the jurisprudence of the man at the ideological center of the Supreme Court, the other demonstrating the compatibility of an expansive judicial role with libertarian political theory.

In 1829 Andrew Jackson arrived in Washington in a carriage. Eight years and two turbulent presidential terms later, he left on a train. Those years, among the most prosperous in American history, saw America transformed not only by growth in transportation but by the expansion of the market economy and the formation of the mass political party.

Jackson's ambivalence--and that of his followers--toward the new politics and the new economy is the story of this book.

Historians have often depicted the Old Hero (or Old Hickory) as bigger than life--so prominent that his name was wed to an era. Donald Cole presents a different Jackson, one not always sure of himself and more controlled by than in control of the political and economic forces of his age. He portrays Jackson as a leader who yearned for the agrarian past but was also entranced by the future of a growing market economy. The dominant theme of Jackson's presidency, Cole argues, was his inconsistent and unsuccessful battle to resist market revolution.

Elected by a broad coalition of interest groups, Jackson battled constantly not only his opponents but also his supporters. He spent most of his first term rearranging his administration and contending with Congress. His accomplishments were mostly negative--relocating Indians, vetoing road bills and the Bank bill, and opposing nullification. The greatest achievement of his administration, the rise of the mass political party, was more the work of advisers than of Jackson himself.

He did, however, make a lasting imprint, Cole contends. Through his strength, passions, and especially his anxiety, Jackson symbolized the ambivalence of his fellow Americans at a decisive moment--a time when the country was struggling with the conflict between the ideals of the Revolution and the realities of nineteenth-century capitalism.

The Trouble with America critiques the theory and practice of American government, focusing on the fatal flaws of America's core political arrangements. Institutionalized pluralism, the structural dispersal of power, generates government too weak to solve our public problems. American constitutionalism, the limitation of government power and authority, protects property rights far better than it defends our civil liberties, and it offers little or no protection for non-citizens. Capitalism is a hyper-competitive and grossly unfair economic system, which rewards pre-existing wealth far better than hard work or talent, and encourages petty materialist consumption of mostly low-quality goods, undermining taste as well as fairness. Taken together, pluralism, constitutionalism, and capitalism in America harm our society in a myriad of ways, leaving us with inadequate representation, poor leadership, social and political paralysis and irresponsibility, unrealistic self-images, and scandalously poor domestic and foreign policies. This book will prove a valuable supplement in American government courses, an alternative to the centrist material currently dominating textbooks on this subject.

The Trouble with America critiques the theory and practice of American government, focusing on the fatal flaws of America's core political arrangements. Institutionalized pluralism, the structural dispersal of power, generates government too weak to solve our public problems. American constitutionalism, the limitation of government power and authority, protects property rights far better than it defends our civil liberties, and it offers little or no protection for non-citizens. Capitalism is a hyper-competitive and grossly unfair economic system, which rewards pre-existing wealth far better than hard work or talent, and encourages petty materialist consumption of mostly low-quality goods, undermining taste as well as fairness. Taken together, pluralism, constitutionalism, and capitalism in America harm our society in a myriad of ways, leaving us with inadequate representation, poor leadership, social and political paralysis and irresponsibility, unrealistic self-images, and scandalously poor domestic and foreign policies. This book will prove a valuable supplement in American government courses, an alternative to the centrist material currently dominating textbooks on this subject.

From the co-author of KGB: The Inside Story and an acknowledged authority on the subject comes "the most important book ever written about American intelligence."--David Kahn, author of The Codebreakers and Hitler's Spies

Immigration remains one of the most pressing and polarizing issues in the United States. In The Immigration Crisis, the political scientist and social activist Armando Navarro takes a hard look at 400 years of immigration into the territories that now form the United States, paying particular attention to the ways in which immigrants have been received. The book provides a political, historical, and theoretical examination of the laws, personalities, organizations, events, and demographics that have shaped four centuries of immigration and led to the widespread social crisis that today divides citizens, non-citizens, regions, and political parties. As a prominent activist, Navarro has participated broadly in the Mexican-American community's responses to the problems of immigration and integration, and his book also provides a powerful glimpse into the actual working of Hispanic social movements. In a sobering conclusion, Navarro argues that the immigration crisis is inextricably linked to the globalization of capital and the American economy's dependence on cheap labor.

Immigration remains one of the most pressing and polarizing issues in the United States. In The Immigration Crisis, the political scientist and social activist Armando Navarro takes a hard look at 400 years of immigration into the territories that now form the United States, paying particular attention to the ways in which immigrants have been received. The book provides a political, historical, and theoretical examination of the laws, personalities, organizations, events, and demographics that have shaped four centuries of immigration and led to the widespread social crisis that today divides citizens, non-citizens, regions, and political parties. As a prominent activist, Navarro has participated broadly in the Mexican-American community's responses to the problems of immigration and integration, and his book also provides a powerful glimpse into the actual working of Hispanic social movements. In a sobering conclusion, Navarro argues that the immigration crisis is inextricably linked to the globalization of capital and the American economy's dependence on cheap labor.

Jason A. Edwards explores the various rhetorical choices and strategies employed by former President Bill Clinton to discuss foreign policy issues in a new, post-Cold War era. Edwards argues that each American president has situated himself within the same foreign policy paradigm, drawing upon the same set of ideas and utilizing the same basic vernacular to discuss foreign policy. He describes how former presidents-and President Clinton, in particular-made modifications to this paradigm, leaving a rhetorical signature that tells us as much about the nature of their presidency as it does about the international environment they faced. With the end of the Cold War came the end of a relatively stable international order. This end sparked intense debates about the new direction of American foreign policy. As Bill Clinton took office, he developed a new lexicon of words in order to discuss America's changing role in the world and other major international issues of the time without being able to fall into Cold War-era rhetoric. By examining the nuances and unique contributions President Clinton made to American foreign policy rhetoric, Edwards shows how his distinct rhetorical signature will influence future administrations.

This book focuses on public opinion on issues related to the theory of meritocracy. By researching and studying a variety of sources in an attempt to understand public sentiments concerning meritocracy, Richard T. Longoria highlights the contradictory nature of American public opinion and questions the belief that Americans fully embrace the meritocratic ethos. Previous research has found broad public support for the idea that smart hard working people should be rewarded. Why then don't we actually live in a meritocracy? In part this is explained by the finding that most Americans believe that the United States is already a meritocracy. Another explanations is the fact that race, gender, social background, personal connections and other non-merit factors are believed by many Americans to impact a person's outcome in life. Longoria brings issues of social justice and public opinion the fore, providing a critical analysis of American society and its fascination with the idea-and not the practice-of meritocracy.

Chronicling the highly partisan and polarized environment during the historic first term of President Barak Obama, Congress and the Nation 2009-2012 is the most authoritative reference on congressional law-making and trends during the 111th and 112th Congresses. The newest edition in this award-winning series documents the most fiercely debated issues during this period, including: Stimulus spending in the wake of financial crisis The controversial reform of the U.S. healthcare system Showdowns over raising the national debt ceiling Extensions of tax cuts and unemployment compensation Confirmation of two new female members of the U.S. Supreme Court Overhaul of financial industry regulations Repeal of the "don't ask, don't tell" law banning openly gay armed forces personnel from military service This acclaimed resource also covers the shift in partisan control of the U.S. House after the 2010 midterm election and the subsequent gridlock for lawmaking in the 112th Congress. Organized by policy area, each chapter summarizes the legislative activity, including a chronology and legislative history of the bills passed and the major provisions of the final laws. No other source guides readers seamlessly through the policy output of the national legislature with the breadth, depth, and authority of Congress and the Nation. This must-have reference for all academic libraries meets the needs of the full spectrum of users, from lower-level undergraduates through researchers and faculty.

Chief among the personnel at the Foreign Office is the Permanent Under-secretary, the senior civil servant who oversees the department and advises the foreign secretary. This book is a study of the twelve men who held this office in the period 1854-1946.

In this fresh and provocative critique of judicial power, Matthew Franck argues for a Supreme Court that is newly mindful of constitutionalism's basis in the sovereign will of the people and of the distinctly limited scope of judicial authority that is permitted by that constitutional sovereignty. Neither activism nor restraint, but a lively sense of the fundamental constraints that deprive the Court of any legitimate choice between those two options, is at the heart of Franck's model of appropriate judicial modesty.

Franck challenges three propositions central to current debates over the Supreme Court's role in American life: that the Court has the final word in interpreting the Constitution above competing views from other government branches; that it may legitimately initiate actions to correct political or social dysfunctions left uncorrected by those branches; and that constitutional decisions may be grounded in natural law or a "higher law" located beyond the text of the Constitution.

Franck claims that these erroneous propositions have allowed the Court's power to grow well beyond its constitutional mandate. He persuasively argues that a more accurate and responsible view of judicial power can be revived by reexamining the Framers' thought, the writings of liberal philosophers (especially Hobbes, Locke, and Blackstone), and the early opinions of the Supreme Court.

His reasoned critique provides illuminating new perspectives on the jurisprudence of John Marshall; on the origins and practices of "judicial statesmanship" (presumed to have begun with Marshall); on McCulloch v. Maryland (1819)-which was not, Franck argues, a ruling in pursuit of a nationalist political agenda but conformed to a modest vision of the judicial power; and on the mangled roots of substantive due process. In addition, he reviews recent Supreme Court confirmation hearings to demonstrate the large influence of historical misconceptions on our understanding of the proper scope of judicial power in a constitutional democracy.

This book is designed to show readers how ethics can constrain improper behavior. To demonstrate the relationship of ethics to good government, the author presents high profile case studies that were selected for their notoriety and their ability to connect the reader to fundamental ethical questions. Themes of public interest, natural law, and rule of law provide a framework for the case studies, which include torture (Abu Ghraib), impeachment (Clinton), competence (FEMA), electoral violation (DeLay), and historical corruption (machine politics). The chapters discuss concepts that help to define responsible behavior in terms of behavior in elections, honesty and competence, and international law.

Reflecting current understanding of the complexities of sexual activity among persons with chronic mental illness, the text draws upon the collective wisdom and experience of experts from a variety of settings. Clinicians, advocates, consumers, researchers, legal experts, and administrators all contribute to document the concerns about sexual behavior and the consequent health risks for this at-risk population. The research presented here is particularly timely in view of recent emphases on patient choice, recovery, and advocacy, and can be used to provide guidance to clinicians, mental health administrators, policymakers, advocates, and researchers.

This book has relevance for those interested in understanding Russia's course in international relations under the leadership of Vladimir Putin. This book will inform the reader and is especially relevant in light of the events of 2008 in the Caucasus and the war in Georgia, in particular. The author explains the ideology of Neo-Eurasianism, which in turn inspires the policy-thinking of the Kremlin. Also studied is Putin's origins in the KGB, from the previous posts of Secretary of the Security Council and Director of the FSB, and his rise to power in the crucial year of 1999, when he became Russian Prime Minister. The author highlights the continuing trend of appointing high-ranking officers of the Russian intelligence community to senior positions in the government, studying this in the context of Russian civil-military-intelligence relations. The author reached the conclusion, back in 2003, that the members of Russian intelligence hold the reins of power above the civilian and military elements of the Russian government. The author returns to the Kosovo Crisis of 1999, discussing also the motives that led the Kremlin and Putin to invaded Chechnya for a second time in a decade. Parallels can be drawn to the 2008 Russian invasion of Georgia and the roots of the Neo-Eurasianist ideology that is behind the two invasions are examined. This book will help the reader understand Russia's current and future distribution of power in the Caucasus, the Balkans and the world at large, Moscow's search for a multipolar world, and its opposition to U.S. hegemony.