This is the only anthropological book about the British Parliament. It marks the first time a researcher has had almost untrammelled access, and every significant aspect of the Upper Chamber has been inquired into. The result is a unique portrait, packed with the unexpected, of a surprising institution which is becoming increasingly influential. Meticulous scholarship is combined with clarity in explanation to produce a work that helps to bridge the gap between anthropology and political science. Political science scholars and students, and those in related fields, as well as anthropologists, will find it of interest, as will many general readers curious about politics. -- .

With the People's Consent explores Howard Baker's ability to lead the United States Senate at a time when it was divided by partisanship and ideology. This book features a quantitative analysis of Senate leadership through roll call analysis, an evaluation of the advantages and difficulties in roll call data, and a discussion of data used to evaluate Baker's leadership in the 95th to 98th Congress. With the People's Consent addresses how the current instability of the Senate could be improved by looking toward Baker's own success during a tumultuous time.

This book presents a citizen-centric perspective of the dual components of e-government and e-governance. E-government refers to the practice of online public reporting by government to citizens, and to service delivery via the Internet. E-governance represents the initiatives for citizens to participate and provide their opinion on government websites. This volume in the Public Solutions Handbook Series focuses on various e-government initiatives from the United States and abroad, and will help guide public service practitioners in their transformation to e-government. The book provides important recommendations and suggestions oriented towards practitioners, and makes a significant contribution to e-government by showcasing successful models and highlighting the lessons learned in the implementation processes. Chapter coverage includes: * Online fiscal transparency * Performance reporting * Improving citizen participation * Privacy issues in e-governance * Internet voting * E-government at the local level

This book presents a citizen-centric perspective of the dual components of e-government and e-governance. E-government refers to the practice of online public reporting by government to citizens, and to service delivery via the Internet. E-governance represents the initiatives for citizens to participate and provide their opinion on government websites. This volume in the Public Solutions Handbook Series focuses on various e-government initiatives from the United States and abroad, and will help guide public service practitioners in their transformation to e-government. The book provides important recommendations and suggestions oriented towards practitioners, and makes a significant contribution to e-government by showcasing successful models and highlighting the lessons learned in the implementation processes. Chapter coverage includes: * Online fiscal transparency * Performance reporting * Improving citizen participation * Privacy issues in e-governance * Internet voting * E-government at the local level

In the 1950s, public relations practitioners tried to garner respectability for their fledgling profession, and one international figure helped in that endeavor. President Dwight D. Eisenhower embraced public relations as a necessary component of American democracy, advancing the profession at a key moment in its history. But he did more than believe in public relations-he practiced it. Eisenhower changed how America campaigns by leveraging television and Madison Avenue advertising. Once in the Oval Office, he maximized the potential of a new medium as the first U.S. president to seek training for television and to broadcast news conferences on television. Additionally, Eisenhower managed the news through his press office, molding the role of the modern presidential press secretary. The first president to adopt a policy of full disclosure on health issues, Eisenhower survived (politically as well as medically) three serious illnesses while in office. The Eisenhower Administration was the most forthcoming on the president's health at the time, even though it did not always live up to its own policy. In short, Eisenhower deserves credit as this nation's most innovative public relations president, because he revolutionized America's political communication process, forever changing the president's relationship with the Fourth Estate, Madison Avenue, public relations, and ultimately, the American people.

The attitudes and assumptions of different cultures and historical periods toward war and the maintenance of peace are reviewed by recalling authors who include Euripides, Sophocles, Plato, Cervantes, Shakespeare, Hobbes, and Zola. The challenges of war, peace, and national security for and by Americans are examined, and documents such as the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of 1787. The lives and thought of eminent Americans are also recalled (including George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln, and Franklin Roosevelt), as well as the challenges posed by incidents such as the Dreyfus Affair and monstrosities such as the Second World War Holocaust. The Appendixes reinforce these inquiries by providing critical documents in American history and interviews with a Holocaust survivor.

Despite a half-century of literature documenting the experience and meanings of countertransference in analytic practice, the concept remains a source of controversy. For Peter Carnochan, this can be addressed only by revisiting historical, epistemological, and moral issues intrinsic to the analytic enterprise. Looking for Ground is the first attempt to provide a comprehensive understanding of countertransference on the basis of a contemporary reappraisal of just such foundational assumptions. Carnochan begins by reviewing the history of the psychoanalytic encounter and how it has been accompanied by changes in the understanding of countertransference. He skillfully delineates the complexities that underlie Freud's apparent proscription of countertransference before tracing the broadening of the concept in the hands of later theorists. Part II examines the problem of epistemology in contemporary analytic practice. The answer to this apparent quandary, he holds, resides in a contemporary appreciation of affect, which, rather than merely limiting or skewing perception, forms an essential "promontory" for human knowing. The final section of Looking for Ground takes up what Carnochan terms the "moral architecture" of psychoanalysis. Rejecting the claim that analysis operates in a realm outside conventional accounts of value, he argues that the analytic alternative to traditional moralism is not tantamount to emancipation from the problem of morality. With wide-ranging scholarship and graceful writing, Carnochan refracts the major theoretical and clinical issues at stake in contemporary psychoanalytic debates through the lens of countertransference - its history, its evolution, its philosophical ground, its moral dimensions. He shows how the examination of countertransference provides a unique and compelling window through which to apprehend and reappraise those basic claims at the heart of the psychoanalytic endeavor.

The 'Russiagate' affair is one of the most far-reaching political events of recent years. But what exactly was the nature and extent of Russian interference in the campaign that led to the presidency of Donald J. Trump? Richard Sakwa sets out the dramatic series of events that combined to create Russiagate and examines whether together they form a persuasive account of Russia's role in the extraordinary 2016 American election. Offering a meticulous account of the multiple layers in play, his authoritative analysis challenges the claims of Russian interference and collusion. As we enter into a new cold war, this myth-busting, accessible and balanced account is essential reading to understand contemporary East-West relations.

Unhyped and therefore unnoticed, technology is altering the behavior and mission of city halls, statehouses, schools, and federal agencies across America. From transportation to education to elections to law enforcement (or, as we're now referring to it, "homeland security"), the digital revolution is transforming government and politics, slashing bureaucracies; improving services; producing innovative solutions to some of our nation's thorniest problems; changing the terms of the Left/Right political debate; and offering ordinary people access to a degree of information and individual influence until recently accessible only to the most powerful citizens, finally redeeming the Founding Fathers' original vision for our democracy, and enriching American life and society in the process. Based on interviews with over 500 leading politicians, researchers, technology industry CEOs and leaders, futurists and front-line public employees, Government 2.0 journeys across America and overseas to demonstrate the promise and perils of this emerging world and offer a likely road map to its implementation. You'll hear from technology executives preparing for an onrushing future when, for many citizens, most government interactions could take place on private-sector websites; from bureaucrats like OSHA's Ed Stern fighting to get their agencies to adopt expert systems technology; from William Bennett, whose virtual education company offers a glimpse into one possible future of American education; and from Governor Jeb Bush and former Mayor Rudolph Giuliani as they endeavor to overcome bureaucratic inertia to provide more open, efficient, and effective governments. Rich with anecdotes and case studies, Government 2.0 is a must read for every entrepreneur frustrated by paperwork, every parent who's sick of being surprised by bad report cards, every commuter stuck in traffic, every activist trying to fight City Hall, and every taxpayer who cares about the future of government.

The Federalist Papers (1787-1788) is a collection of essays and articles by Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison. Written in support of the recently completed Constitutional Convention, The Federalist Papers were intended to support the ratification process of the new United States Constitution. When the Constitutional Convention was completed on September 17, 1787 in Philadelphia, the newly-agreed upon Constitution was sent to the states for ratification. As opponents of a strong centralized government began attacking the Constitution in the press, Hamilton recruited Jay and Madison to contribute articles and essays in favor of Federalism to prominent journals and newspapers. Published between October 27, 1787 and May 28, 1788, The Federalist Papers were written by the three authors under the pseudonym "Publius." Although Hamilton wrote the vast majority, Madison's and Jay's contributions are still seen as essential works on the philosophy of American governance. Federalist Nos. 10 and 14, both written by Madison, are regarded as especially significant for arguing for the possibility of effectively governing an expansive republic. In Federalist No. 84, Hamilton argues against adding a Bill of Rights, a proposed compromise with Anti-Federalists that would eventually make up the first ten Amendments to the Constitution. Other important topics introduced or explained in The Federalist Papers include the doctrine of judicial review, the case for a single chief executive, and the purpose of checks and balances. With a beautifully designed cover and professionally typeset manuscript, this edition of The Federalist Papers is a classic of American political history reimagined for modern readers.

American political parties have long existed in a gray area of constitutional law because of their uncertain status. Parties in this country are neither fully public nor fully private entities. This constitutional ambiguity has meant that political parties are considered private organizations for some purposes and public ones for others. This "public-private entity" problem has arisen in many different legal contexts over the years. However, given their case-by-case method of judicial review, courts have typically dealt with only very discrete parts of this larger problem. This work is an endeavor to describe and analyze the constitutional status of political parties in this country by synthesizing the best judicial and scholarly thinking on the subject. In the final chapter, I draw on these ideas to propose my own scheme for how political parties might be best accommodated in a democracy.

With the opening of borders and the aging of populations in industrialized states immigration takes on new importance. More younger workers are needed to support the social contract established with the baby boom generation, and immigration offers one practical solution. Many countries, however, have little experience with large scale immigration and, especially in the current political and economic climate, a strong resistance to it. Immigration the World Over examines immigration statutes and policies and the societal reactions to immigrants in seven industrialized nations. Comparing the experiences of these nations demonstrates how policies differ and how those policies have facilitated or complicated the accommodation of immigrant populations. Using public opinion data, crime rates, and measures of social integration, the authors go on to show how some countries absorb immigrants to positive effect by addressing worker shortages and enhancing social diversity, while others resist immigration to their detriment.

With the publication of volumes 21 and 22, Johns Hopkins University Press completes the Documentary History of the First Federal Congress, 1789-1791, a comprehensive edition that presents the official records (volumes 1-8) and the unofficially reported debates (volumes 9-14) of this essential congress, as well as eight volumes of correspondence. These letters and other documents bring the official record to life, illustrating the often informal political negotiations of a young nation's earliest leaders and revealing the world they lived in. Volume 21 begins with a section describing the move to Philadelphia's Congress Hall. Third Session correspondence, arranged chronologically from November 1790 to March 1791, when Congress officially concluded its business, follows. Several key and potentially divisive issues-including a national bank, a tax on domestically produced spirits, and the final location of the permanent seat of the federal government-occupied the time and attention of Congress during this short session. In addition, reports of a successful attack on US troops by Native Americans in the Northwest Territory were the impetus for moves to increase the size of the military while continuing to negotiate with the Indian nations. Volume 22 is unique among the correspondence volumes in that it is topical. It begins with a section of firsthand accounts about Congress that were written after it adjourned, some as late as the 1840s. This is followed by sections of documents relating to the 1790 Treaty of New York with the Creek Nation and its aftermath, as well as the experience of FFC incumbents during the second federal election. The final section includes letters and other documents dated 1789 to 1791 that the editors discovered after the publication of the volume in which they would have otherwise appeared. The documents gathered here include selections from a book of poems by Representatives Thomas Tudor Tucker and John Page, and Page's wife, Margaret Lowther, as well as listings from the New York Society Library's ledger that recorded book loans to members in 1789 and 1790, when Congress met in New York City's Federal Hall. The final volume concludes with an extensive editorial apparatus, including the biographical gazetteer and index for the two-volume set. This extensive index continues the editors' policy of indexing all concepts to provide intellectual access.

Tavistock Press was established as a co-operative venture between the Tavistock Institute and Routledge & Kegan Paul (RKP) in the 1950s to produce a series of major contributions across the social sciences. This volume is part of a 2001 reissue of a selection of those important works which have since gone out of print, or are difficult to locate. Published by Routledge, 112 volumes in total are being brought together under the name The International Behavioural and Social Sciences Library: Classics from the Tavistock Press. Reproduced here in facsimile, this volume was originally published in 1972 and is available individually. The collection is also available in a number of themed mini-sets of between 5 and 13 volumes, or as a complete collection.

This innovative book investigates the process through which ethnic minorities penetrate into higher echelons of political power: specifically, how they succeed in getting elected to the U.S. Congress. Analysts today see ethnic politicians largely in relation to their collectivities, but by actually studying what ethnic minority politicians do and the issues they have faced, Jimenez's book offers an original perspective of analysis. Jimenez utilizes a ground-breaking comparative dataset of elected members of Congress organized upon the basis of national origin, the first available. Using the cases of Mexican-Americans and Italian-Americans, Jimenez analyzes and compares the different ways that these ethnic politicians have been elected to the national legislature from the beginning of the 20th century until the present. Her study examines Italian and Mexican-American politicians' actions and interactions with local political parties, identifies various layers of political power that have influenced their successes and failures, and uncovers the strategies that they have used. Jimenez argues that the politically active segment of an ethnic group matters in the process of political incorporation of a group. She also asserts that regular access of ethnic groups into upper levels of political office and the full acceptance of new ethnic players only occurs as a consequence of an institutional change. Jimenez's pioneering documentation and analysis of the strategies of ethnic minority politicians and the ways that political institutions have influenced these politicians is significant to scholars of political incorporation, race and ethnicity, and congressional elections. Her book demonstrates the need to reconsider several standard ideas of how minority representation occurs and deepens our understanding of the role that political institutions play in that process.

The Political Life of Bella Abzug, 1920-1976: Political Passions, Women's Rights, and Congressional Battles, by Alan H. Levy, marks the first full biography of Bella Abzug. Abzug was one of, if not the most important woman in politics in mid and late 20th-century America. Levy traces the New York City world of Russian-Jewish immigrants into which Abzug was born. He then examines her education through Columbia Law School, her marriage, and her early work as a labor attorney and as an advocate for many controversial causes, including that of an African-American falsely accused of raping a white woman in Jim Crow-era Mississippi. This biography studies her work for nuclear disarmament, her activism against the Vietnam War, and her successful bid for Congress in 1970. From there the book details the myriad of issues with which she grappled as a Member of Congress from 1971 to 1977, and ends with her close loss to Daniel Patrick Moynihan in a bid for the U.S. Senate in 1976. A second book is to follow which studies the rest of Abzug's life from 1976 to 1998.

In the first major, in-depth study since World War II, Michael P. Riccards provides a narrative history of the U.S. presidency, showing how the chief executives and their personalities shaped national events. Riccards provides coverage of each administration from TR to George W., with extended treatment of the more important presidents. Though there is some biographical material about each chief executive, the focus is on the issues, policies, legislative achievements and foreign policy decisions for each administration. Riccards freely offers his assessments of where each president's strengths and weaknesses were, and where they triumphed and failed during their terms in office.

John Adams, one of the Founding Fathers of our nation and its second president, spent nearly the last third of his life in retirement grappling with contradictory views of his place in history and fearing his reputation would not fare well in the generations after his death. In an incomplete autobiography, and in numerous publications and voluminous correspondence with Thomas Jefferson and many others, he argued and railed against those who disagreed with him or made little of his contribution to our country's political foundations. And indeed, future generations did slight him, elevating Jefferson and Madison to lofty heights with Washington while Adams remained way back in the second tier. Now, in a witty, clear, and thoughtful narrative of Adams's later life at his home in Quincy, Joseph Ellis explores the mind and personality of the man as well as the earlier events that shaped his thinking. Readers will discover Adams to be both contentious and lovable, generous and petty, and the most intellectually profound of the revolutionary generation, a man who may have contributed to the earlier underestimates of his role in history, and whose perspective on America's prospects has relevance for us today.

This book is unique in analysing the new Scottish Parliament from a systematically comparative perspective. Its basic premise is that since devolution in 1999 Scotland can be considered a Scandinavian-style democracy with several features of a Scandinavian-style parliament. The basic research question, therefore, is: 'Has the Scottish Parliament in its first four-year term manifested a Scandinavian-style politics in the sense that there has been a high incidence of inter-party negotiation within Parliament?' The architects of the Scottish Parliament saw the committees as the motor of a 'new politics' and gave them extensive powers. Outside Austria, only the Swedish and Icelandic committees have comparable powers. Accordingly, the study sets out to describe and analyse the workings of the committees in the Scottish, Swedish and Icelandic Parliaments. The concluding chapter also discusses the operation of the Danish, Finnish and Norwegian committees.

The 2012 Republican nomination process went on longer than most pundits predicted early on. While Mitt Romney began the season as the prohibitive favorite, he was tested repeatedly by what was seemingly the Republican flavor of the week (including Michele Bachmann, Herman Cain, Rick Perry, Newt Gingrich, and Rick Santorum). The sheer number of candidates who were viewed as legitimate contenders demonstrate the fundamental concern facing Republicans moving forward: a fractured party. The pro-business, Tea Party, and evangelical Christian wings disagreed in 2010 on who would provide the best alternative to Democratic President Barack Obama and as a result created a crippling nomination period. By the time Romney was able to claim victory, he was severely wounded after countless attacks from his fellow Republicans. To this internal discontent, we can also add the changing national demographics that could lead to electoral problems for Republicans in their own right. Consider that Mitt Romney did better with older, white male voters than John McCain had. Unfortunately, the share of the national vote for this demographic decreased from 2008 to 2012. As Rand Paul stated recently, the time has come for Republicans to reach out to individuals who do not fit the stereotyped Republican image if they have any hope of being successful. In this volume, we assess how the 2012 GOP nomination cycle is indicative of just how the Republican Party has become, in the words of pundit Cuck Warren, a "Mad Men Party in a Modern Family World."

The discrepancy between the fourteenth amendment's true meaning as originally understood, and the Supreme Court's interpretation of its meaning over time, has been dramatic and unfortunate. The amendment was intended to be a constitutional rule for the promotion and protection of people's rights, administered by the states as front-line regulators of life, liberty, and property, to be overseen by Congress and supported by federal legislation as necessary. In this book, William B. Glidden makes the case that instead, the amendment has operated as a judge-dominated, negative rights-against-government regime, supervised by the Supreme Court. Whenever Congress has enacted legislation to protect life, liberty, or property rights of people in the states, the laws were often overturned, narrowly construed, or forced to rely on the power of Congress to regulate interstate commerce, under the Supreme Court's constraining interpretations. Glidden proposes that Congress must recover for itself or be restored to its proper role as the designated federal enforcement agency for the fourteenth amendment.

Both reason and religion have been acknowledged by scholars to have had a profound impact on the foundation and formation of the American regime. But the significance, pervasiveness, and depth of that impact have also been disputed. While many have approached the American founding period with an interest in the influence of Enlightenment reason or Biblical religion, they have often assumed such influences to be exclusive, irreconcilable, or contradictory. Few scholarly works have sought to study the mutual influence of reason and religion as intertwined strands shaping the American historical and political experience at its founding. The purpose of the chapters in this volume, authored by a distinguished group of scholars in political science, intellectual history, literature, and philosophy, is to examine how this mutual influence was made manifest in the American Founding especially in the writings, speeches, and thought of critical figures (Thomas Paine, Benjamin Franklin, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, Charles Carroll), and in later works by key interpreters of the American Founding (Alexis de Tocqueville and Abraham Lincoln). Taken as a whole, then, this volume does not attempt to explain away the potential opposition between religion and reason in the American mind of the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth- centuries, but instead argues that there is a uniquely American perspective and political thought that emerges from this tension. The chapters gathered here, individually and collectively, seek to illuminate the animating affect of this tension on the political rhetoric, thought, and history of the early American period. By taking seriously and exploring the mutual influence of these two themes in creative tension, rather than seeing them as diametrically opposed or as mutually exclusive, this volume thus reveals how the pervasiveness and resonance of Biblical narratives and religion supported and infused Enlightened political discourse and action at the Founding, thereby articulating the complementarity of reason and religion during this critical period.

The editors reveal the interconnection between social, cultural and political protest movements, and social and economic changes in a post-communist country like Russia still dominated by bureaucratic rulers and 'oligarchs' controlling all basic industries and mining activities. Those interests are also dominating Russia's foreign policy and explain why Russia did not succeed in becoming an integral part of Europe. The latter is, at least, wished by many Russian citizens.

This book offers an accessible, coherent and comprehensive analysis of the recent, contemporary and future challenges and possibilities facing Denmark in the European integration process. The book traces the formal as well as the informal ways of influence and adaptation in Denmark's relations with the European Union. In doing so, it also offers a contribution to our understanding of Europe as a differentiated political arena. Topics covered include: Identifying the challenges and opportunities of Danish EU membership, via the policies pursued by Denmark in Europe. The ways in which Denmark adapts to the European integration process . Consequences of EU integration for citizen rights, democracy, policy coordination and implementation efficiency. Denmark and the European Union will be of interest to students and scholars of European Union and integration politics.

Mary Norton of New Jersey: Congressional Trailblazer tells the compelling story of Mary Norton, who served in the United States House of Representatives for 13 terms from 1925 to 1951, featuring her significant role as a congressional pioneer for women and American workers. The daughter of Irish immigrants, Norton grew up in a Roman Catholic, working-class family and was prodded to enter politics by Jersey City mayor Frank Hague. One of the first five women elected to the United States Congress, she cut a fresh path for women of ordinary means as the first female elected to the House from the Democratic Party, an eastern state, or urban center east of the Mississippi River. Norton's political career paralleled mayor Hague's tight control of Jersey City and president Franklin Roosevelt's national leadership during the Depression and World War II. Norton's connection with Hague's Jersey City Democratic Party political machine clouded her career, but Hague seldom tried to influence her legislative behavior. Norton, the first woman to chair four House committees including a major committee, consistently supported legislation helping economically disadvantaged Americans and encouraged women to enter politics. At the helm of the District of Columbia Committee from 1931 to 1937, she served as unofficial mayor of Washington, D.C. and helped enact long-needed political, economic, and social legislation for its citizens. Her most valuable work came as head of the powerful Labor Committee from 1937 to 1947. Norton helped secure House passage of the landmark Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, establishing a national minimum hourly wage and maximum workweek. She sought to improve working conditions for America's newly industrialized workers and defended the Wagner Act of 1935, allowing employees to bargain collectively for the value of their work. Norton also helped secure federal funding for several Hudson County projects benefitting her Irish, Roman Catholic, working-class constituents. The expansion of mayor Hague's gargantuan Medical Center Complex and the construction of Roosevelt Stadium provided numerous jobs for unemployed Hudson County residents. Norton, who never lost an election and was reelected by decisive margins, was the first woman elected as a freeholder in New Jersey and to direct a state Democratic Party.