Almost overnight, the massive military-industrial assets of the Soviet Union came under the jurisdiction of fifteen states instead of one established government. While only four states inherited weapons of mass destruction, most of the fifteen states of the former Soviet Union can produce sensitive materials and equipment. Because all the states serve as transit points for both legal commerce and illegal smuggling, developing export control systems in all the newly independent states (NIS) has become the cornerstone of the global effort to reduce the risk of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Arms on the Market is the first book to tackle this difficult subject. Not only does it explore the various theoretical approaches that help us understand the development of export control systems in the nis, but it also introduces a unique method for measuring and comparing export control development.

Parliaments widely had been expected to decline in significance in the later part of the 20th century, but instead they have developed new and vital political roles and have innovated in their institutional structure - most recurrently in newly organised or invigorated parliamentary committees, not only in a few parliaments, but as a global phenomenon.

In the public sector at the moment resources are scarce - or at the very least finite and limited - how they are allocated is therefore of crucial importance.
This book analyses this process and examines the competing values that underlie the public service ethic, including the role of markets and quasi-markets, in the delivery of public services.
Topics discussed include:
* whether people should be denied the public services they need because public bodies are short of money
* what balance we should strike between markets and public organisations to provide public services
* whether the use of markets has gone too far and whether we need to return to a public service ethic

The widespread restructuring and privatization of UK public services has fundamentally changed the nature of society. This text is an examination of all aspects of public sector management. It includes: recent developments in the public sector and policy making; analysis of the role of markets and quasi markets in the allocation and delivery of public services; the heuristics and dialectics of resource allocation; news stories from the press, such as the story of "child B" to illustrate arguments; and two diagnostic inventories "Monksbane and Feverfew" and "RAPS" which readers can use to assess their own values about public services.

This volume originated when William C. Bullitt began working on a book of studies of the principle personalities surrounding the Treaty of Versailles. In discussing this project with Sigmund Freud, the idea arose of a collaborative work on Woodrow Wilson. They worked on the book for ten years, reading all of Wilson's published books and speeches as well as volumes written about Wilson. After perusing this material, Bullitt and Freud realized that they could not write an analysis of Wilson's character unless they deepened their understanding of his nature with private, unpublished information from his intimates. They then set out to collect diaries, letters, records, and memoranda from various associates of Wilson.

Freud writes in his introduction that he did not begin this study with an objective view of Wilson, but rather held an unsympathetic view of him. But he goes on to say that while reading through materials about Wilson, his strong emotions underwent a thorough subjugation. He describes Wilson as a person for whom mere facts held no significance; he esteemed highly nothing but human motives and opinions. As a result, writes Freud, it was natural for him in his thinking to ignore the facts of the real outer world, even to deny they existed if they conflicted with his hopes and wishes. This habit of thought is visible in his contacts with others. Freud also notes that there was an intimate connection between Wilson's alienation from the world of reality and his religious convictions.

The book opens with a thirty-page biography of Wilson written by Bullitt. The collaborative psychological study that makes up the bulk of the volume then follows. Woodrow Wilson provides readers with a more intimate knowledge of the man, which in turn leads to a more exact estimate of his achievements. This intriguing psychoanalytic study will be of continuing interest to historians, political scientists, psychologists, and sociologists.

Few presidents have sparked as much interest in recent years as Ronald Reagan, already the subject of a large number of biographies and specialized subjects. This biography, based on recent research into the Reagan archives and synthesis of the large memoir literature, explores the shaping of his values and beliefs during his childhood in the American heartland, his leadership of the American conservative movement, and his successful political career culminating in the first two-term presidency since Dwight Eisenhower. Pemberton finds Reagan's personal career and ability to understand and communicate with the American people admirable, but finds many of the long-term effects of his presidency harmful.

The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) occupies a critical juncture in relations between the office of the President, the Executive Branch, and Congress. Through its budgetary, managerial, and regulatory review mandates, it can function as an "enforcer" with a significant impact on public policy and its implementation_ Despite this, OMB has maintained a low profile in recent years, and has eluded focused attention. Remarkably, this is the fast study of OMB to appear in nearly two decades-a time of momentous change both in presidential-congressional relations and in U.S. budgetary politics, including the short-lived line-item veto. The book will be extremely useful not just to students of public policy but to anyone trying to work effectively with federal, state, or local budget offices.

Nicol Rae's engaging account of the Republican revolutionaries' freshman year in Congress persuasively demonstrates that the precepts set forth by Madison in Federalist 10 and 51 are still in force in our remarkably stable political system. The 73 Republican freshmen who entered the House of Representatives after the 1994 election were a well-organized group with majority status and a commitment to change. This book examines the extent to which they were successful in redirecting policy and reforming the institutions of representative government -- and the extent to which those same institutions moderated, and even frustrated, efforts to introduce radical, rapid -- indeed revolutionary -- change. Contrasts are drawn both with the role of the Republican freshmen in the Senate and with the power of the President as manifested in the 1995-96 budget battle. The book is based on interviews conducted by the author when he was an APSA Congressional Fellow in the offices of Rep. George P. Radanovich, president of the freshman Republican class, and Sen. Thad Cochran, chairman of the Senate Republican Conference.

Nicol Rae's engaging account of the Republican revolutionaries' freshman year in Congress persuasively demonstrates that the precepts set forth by Madison in Federalist 10 and 51 are still in force in our remarkably stable political system. The 73 Republican freshmen who entered the House of Representatives after the 1994 election were a well-organized group with majority status and a commitment to change. This book examines the extent to which they were successful in redirecting policy and reforming the institutions of representative government -- and the extent to which those same institutions moderated, and even frustrated, efforts to introduce radical, rapid -- indeed revolutionary -- change. Contrasts are drawn both with the role of the Republican freshmen in the Senate and with the power of the President as manifested in the 1995-96 budget battle. The book is based on interviews conducted by the author when he was an APSA Congressional Fellow in the offices of Rep. George P. Radanovich, president of the freshman Republican class, and Sen. Thad Cochran, chairman of the Senate Republican Conference.

Organizational Behavior and Public Management reveals how organizational behavior enables managers to direct resources that advance the programs and policies of public and government. This edition offers a public sector perspective of core topics, such as communication, decision-making, leadership, management ethics, motivation, organizational change, participation and performance appraisal. Contemporary Psychology called this book "skillful and comprehensivea ]There is a need for a text like thisa ]the device of juxtaposing theory and application is a sound one." The authors discuss such topics as communication, decision making, worker participation and total quality management, organizational change, management systems, information, computers and organization theory in public management.

This text on representative bureaucracy covers topics such as: bureaucracy as a representative institution; bureaucratic power and the dilemma of administrative responsibility; and representative bureaucracy and the potential for reconciling bureaucracy and democracy.

Ma Jianzhong was a close advisor to the powerful Qing government official, Li Hongzhang, and wrote several essays between 1878 and 1890 outlining his plans for economic and administrative reform. He was the first Chinese to advocate the creation of a specialized and professional diplomatic corps. This translation of his essays aims to contribute to a wider understanding of the origins and circulation of reform ideas in the late Qing.

In this study, which breaks with the tradition of basing political studies on analyses of institutions and political personalities, the author likens the Republic of Korea to a laboratory for the clash of political cultures. In the 1940s, the Americans embarked upon a democratization programme designed to create a western bulwark against the spread of communism in east Asia. The intervening years have seen the advent and demise of military rule, with South Korea now having a democratically-elected government. Although the US strategy thus seems successful, the political crises of 1995 in fact indicates that many obstacles remain here to the adoption of western-style democracy. Korea thus faces a difficult dilemma. It wants to democratize, to be accepted as part of the global community and therefore to adopt so-called universal values. But to date it has proved impossible to uproot traditional cultural values. Indeed, the author argues that it is impossible to do so and that membership of the global community for any country depends on acceptance that there are differences between all peoples; these cannot be levelled by wishes, decree of "political brainwashing". This study argues

This new, multidisciplinary series will present works devoted to the indigenous peoples of North America -- the First Nations, Native Hawaiians, Native Americans, and the Indians of Mexico. Topics will range from the social sciences to education, law, criminology, health, the environment, religion, architecture, linguistics, and agriculture, including innovative interdisciplinary approaches. Books featuring Native voices and issues of particular current significance to Native peoples will be featured.

During the presidential election campaign, the chief executive takes on the dual role of president and candidate. But how do presidents prepare for the forthcoming election, manage a nationwide campaign, and fulfill presidential duties? Presidents as Candidates offers a truly unique treatment of the White House role in the re-election efforts of contemporary presidents since 1956, as it examines eight re-election efforts (from Eisenhower through Clinton). The author considers the differences and similarities of each White House-led effort, analyzing the political, institutional, and policy factors that affect the strategies and decisions. From this, she develops a typology of three standard types of campaigns: "victorious", "defeated", and "takeover", offering observations and insights that are invaluable for understanding presidential re-election efforts.

This volume looks at informal political action which arises when conventional frameworks, such as those provided by welfare states, are in crisis or decline. At such times the usual expectations about political action may not apply, so what actually goes on? A specific emphasis on context - in particular the link between power and knowledge and public argumentation in a given setting - is used to trace the development of collective action. Key issues are addressed, such as how informal political collectives come to define their aims, what communication processes take place within them, how far their action responds to that of other political bodies, and how far these processes affect the results of what they do. Discussion is based around a range of empirical case studies, and we are shown that informal collective action is more widespread and significant than many realize, and that it often occurs in fields which appear to be non-political, such as in Swiss neighbourhoods.

It is rare for a scholar to revisit the scene of earlier research with a view to evaluating how that research has stood up over time. Here David E Apter does that and more. In a lengthy new introductory chapter to this classic study of bureaucratic nationalism, he reviews the efficacy of the concepts in his original study of Uganda of almost a century ago, including some, such as consociationalism', which have entered into the mainstream of comparative politics.

This prize-winning study examines the impact of the employment of women and ethnic and racial minorities in public organizations on the implementation of government programs by those agencies. Driving the study is the question of whether the concept of "representative government" applies also to the "permanent government" -- the bureaucracy.

This study, which won the Leonard D. White award, is the most systematic test to date of the concept of representative bureaucracy. Selden tests the relationship between the demographic representativeness of district office staffs and lending decisions in the Farmers Home Administration's Rural Housing Loans Program. In fleshing out the implications of representative bureaucracy, the book makes an important contribution to the debates on bureaucratic power and illuminates the tensions underlying the assumptions of bureaucratic neutrality and affirmative action.

This book surveys the changing role of senior civil servants in Western Europe and explores whether they have kept their central role in government decision-making. Looking at these issues in comparative perspective, the contributors provide an insight into the causes that account for the changing role of officials and the extent to which those changes are a consequence of global or national factors.

"The two Clinton victories do not mark a break in a pattern of mediocre Democratic performance in presidential elections. The 1996 presidential victory was combined with Republican retention of both houses of Congress. We find little evidence here of a resurgence of the kind that could spark even the most optimistic Democratic activist to speak of a new or renewed Democratic majority, or even of a new or renewed Democratic presidential majority.

Bill Clinton's re-election is a great triumph for Bill Clinton; it is certainly a good thing for the Democrats. But it was clearly a very personal triumph that neither generated across-the-board gains for the Democratic party in 1996 nor created a stable basis for the party's electoral success in the future. Nothing that happened in 1996 suggests that the dealigned electoral politics that have dominated the last thirty years is coming to an end. In 2000, Bill Clinton moves from electoral politics to electoral history. The forces that twice elected him enter the uncertainty that characterizes all electoral politics in a dealigned age."

There are wide disparities of wealth between the different regions of China. The result has been increased tension between ethnic groups and serious divisions between China's provinces. This book offers a balanced assessment of the dynamics and consequences of the decentralization of power and resources in post-Mao China. The author argues that increasing decentralisation has unleashed much competition and emulation among local governments. He discusses also the impact on regional disparities and cleavages, and government efforts to address regional disparities. This book is an authoritative study of an issue that will remain highly visible on China's political agenda for the foreseeable future.

Presidential Power in Russia inaugurates a new library of volumes on each of the major institutions of the new Russian political system. It is the first major assessment of the role of the presidency in Russia's difficult transition from communist rule. Eugene Huskey presents a nuanced evaluation of the presidency as a political institution and in relation to the other leading institutions of state. Although this is not a biography of Boris Yeltsin, Russia's first president and his allies and rivals loom large in the story of this critical phase in the creation of a new Russian political system.

This is the first major assessment of the role of the presidency in Russia's difficult transition form communist rule. Huskey analyzes the establishment and functioning of the Russian presidency as an institution and in relation to the other leading institutions of state: the government, parliament, courts, and regional authorities. Although this is not a biography of the first president, Boris Yeltsin, his allies and his rivals loom large in the study of a critical phase in the creation of a new Russian political system.

Attributes the failure of the modern presidency to the development of a political system that inherently impedes creative leadership, and offers prescriptive measures to restore the governing capacity of the president.

This book explores the failure of the modern American presidency, a failure the author attributes to the development of a political system that impedes creative leadership. The American presidency, Gary L. Rose argues, is under siege. Surrounded and blockaded by a reactionary Congress, an entrenched bureaucracy, an aggressive media, lobbyists, political action committees, and special interest groups, American presidents fail not because of a lack of ability or character but because of the political system and style of politics inside the Beltway.

Rose ascribes this emergence of a political system that obstructs presidential leadership to the decline of political parties as electoral and governing mechanisms. As political parties have declined, presidents have lost vital political connections that historically have enhanced their capacity to lead. He presents a variety of prescriptive measures, including political-party and legal reform, that have the potential to restore political parties and the governing capacity of the presidency.

"This book fills an important gap in the literature on both the presidency and parties. The most original and provocative parts of the book concern the author's proposals for reforming the national conventions in order to revitalize them as decision-making, federal bodies, and thus to simultaneously de-emphasize the role of candidate-centered, party weakening primaries. Also, I am intrigued by the fact that Rose elaborates on the roleof patronage in party-building and explores patronage reform for the purpose of both strengthening the parties and helping presidents govern more effectively". -- Sean J. Savage, Saint Mary's College

"The unique quality of this book is the manner in which it presents the problems of the presidency and the exciting manner in which it chooses among the various reforms presented. The result is a very readable and stimulating book on the presidency. It will take its place with Cronin's The State of the Presidency and Rethinking the Presidency as an important work in presidential studies, but it will stand alone because of its critical and prescriptive character". -- Robert D. Loevy, Colorado College

The Rise of Big Government chronicles the phenomenal growth of local, state, and federal government over the last 100 years. The authors explain this growth by arguing that public and social acceptance of government intervention has allowed government to maintain a presence at all levels of the economy. The authors take issue with the opposing argument that government has grown by itself and by the bureaucracy's constant push for its own expansion.

The importance of Lutfi al-Khuli and the intellectual circle associated with the Nasserist regime is examined here. Rami Ginat looks at al-Khuli's contribution to the short-lived yet formidable success of Arab socialism. Using primary sources, such as essays and articles by al-Khuli as well as personal interviews, he sheds light on Egypt's socialist experience in the 1960s. Declassified archival material and literature in Arabic and other languages are used in order to elucidate the Egyptian context and the ideological structure of Nasser's Arab socialism.