This volume originated when William C. Bullitt began working on a book of studies of the principle personalities surrounding the Treaty of Versailles. In discussing this project with Sigmund Freud, the idea arose of a collaborative work on Woodrow Wilson. They worked on the book for ten years, reading all of Wilson's published books and speeches as well as volumes written about Wilson. After perusing this material, Bullitt and Freud realized that they could not write an analysis of Wilson's character unless they deepened their understanding of his nature with private, unpublished information from his intimates. They then set out to collect diaries, letters, records, and memoranda from various associates of Wilson.

Freud writes in his introduction that he did not begin this study with an objective view of Wilson, but rather held an unsympathetic view of him. But he goes on to say that while reading through materials about Wilson, his strong emotions underwent a thorough subjugation. He describes Wilson as a person for whom mere facts held no significance; he esteemed highly nothing but human motives and opinions. As a result, writes Freud, it was natural for him in his thinking to ignore the facts of the real outer world, even to deny they existed if they conflicted with his hopes and wishes. This habit of thought is visible in his contacts with others. Freud also notes that there was an intimate connection between Wilson's alienation from the world of reality and his religious convictions.

The book opens with a thirty-page biography of Wilson written by Bullitt. The collaborative psychological study that makes up the bulk of the volume then follows. Woodrow Wilson provides readers with a more intimate knowledge of the man, which in turn leads to a more exact estimate of his achievements. This intriguing psychoanalytic study will be of continuing interest to historians, political scientists, psychologists, and sociologists.

Few presidents have sparked as much interest in recent years as Ronald Reagan, already the subject of a large number of biographies and specialized subjects. This biography, based on recent research into the Reagan archives and synthesis of the large memoir literature, explores the shaping of his values and beliefs during his childhood in the American heartland, his leadership of the American conservative movement, and his successful political career culminating in the first two-term presidency since Dwight Eisenhower. Pemberton finds Reagan's personal career and ability to understand and communicate with the American people admirable, but finds many of the long-term effects of his presidency harmful.

The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) occupies a critical juncture in relations between the office of the President, the Executive Branch, and Congress. Through its budgetary, managerial, and regulatory review mandates, it can function as an "enforcer" with a significant impact on public policy and its implementation_ Despite this, OMB has maintained a low profile in recent years, and has eluded focused attention. Remarkably, this is the fast study of OMB to appear in nearly two decades-a time of momentous change both in presidential-congressional relations and in U.S. budgetary politics, including the short-lived line-item veto. The book will be extremely useful not just to students of public policy but to anyone trying to work effectively with federal, state, or local budget offices.

Nicol Rae's engaging account of the Republican revolutionaries' freshman year in Congress persuasively demonstrates that the precepts set forth by Madison in Federalist 10 and 51 are still in force in our remarkably stable political system. The 73 Republican freshmen who entered the House of Representatives after the 1994 election were a well-organized group with majority status and a commitment to change. This book examines the extent to which they were successful in redirecting policy and reforming the institutions of representative government -- and the extent to which those same institutions moderated, and even frustrated, efforts to introduce radical, rapid -- indeed revolutionary -- change. Contrasts are drawn both with the role of the Republican freshmen in the Senate and with the power of the President as manifested in the 1995-96 budget battle. The book is based on interviews conducted by the author when he was an APSA Congressional Fellow in the offices of Rep. George P. Radanovich, president of the freshman Republican class, and Sen. Thad Cochran, chairman of the Senate Republican Conference.

Nicol Rae's engaging account of the Republican revolutionaries' freshman year in Congress persuasively demonstrates that the precepts set forth by Madison in Federalist 10 and 51 are still in force in our remarkably stable political system. The 73 Republican freshmen who entered the House of Representatives after the 1994 election were a well-organized group with majority status and a commitment to change. This book examines the extent to which they were successful in redirecting policy and reforming the institutions of representative government -- and the extent to which those same institutions moderated, and even frustrated, efforts to introduce radical, rapid -- indeed revolutionary -- change. Contrasts are drawn both with the role of the Republican freshmen in the Senate and with the power of the President as manifested in the 1995-96 budget battle. The book is based on interviews conducted by the author when he was an APSA Congressional Fellow in the offices of Rep. George P. Radanovich, president of the freshman Republican class, and Sen. Thad Cochran, chairman of the Senate Republican Conference.

Germany has undergone developments since re-unification and now faces important challenges as a nation at the very heart of Europe. This work illuminates contemporary political, economic, social and cultural aspects of the re-unified Germany. This study: explains the electoral, political and Federal systems; chronicles recent changes in the German economy and industry; describes the recent reforms to the German Language; discusses problems in higher education and social provision; examines the developing relationship between Germany and its neighbours; and includes in-depth treatment of Germany's coming to terms with its past.;The book presents an analysis of features of life in modern Germany. It provides an accessible introduction for students of German and European Studies or the German language at all levels.

Organizational Behavior and Public Management reveals how organizational behavior enables managers to direct resources that advance the programs and policies of public and government. This edition offers a public sector perspective of core topics, such as communication, decision-making, leadership, management ethics, motivation, organizational change, participation and performance appraisal. Contemporary Psychology called this book "skillful and comprehensivea ]There is a need for a text like thisa ]the device of juxtaposing theory and application is a sound one." The authors discuss such topics as communication, decision making, worker participation and total quality management, organizational change, management systems, information, computers and organization theory in public management.

This text on representative bureaucracy covers topics such as: bureaucracy as a representative institution; bureaucratic power and the dilemma of administrative responsibility; and representative bureaucracy and the potential for reconciling bureaucracy and democracy.

Ma Jianzhong was a close advisor to the powerful Qing government official, Li Hongzhang, and wrote several essays between 1878 and 1890 outlining his plans for economic and administrative reform. He was the first Chinese to advocate the creation of a specialized and professional diplomatic corps. This translation of his essays aims to contribute to a wider understanding of the origins and circulation of reform ideas in the late Qing.

In this study, which breaks with the tradition of basing political studies on analyses of institutions and political personalities, the author likens the Republic of Korea to a laboratory for the clash of political cultures. In the 1940s, the Americans embarked upon a democratization programme designed to create a western bulwark against the spread of communism in east Asia. The intervening years have seen the advent and demise of military rule, with South Korea now having a democratically-elected government. Although the US strategy thus seems successful, the political crises of 1995 in fact indicates that many obstacles remain here to the adoption of western-style democracy. Korea thus faces a difficult dilemma. It wants to democratize, to be accepted as part of the global community and therefore to adopt so-called universal values. But to date it has proved impossible to uproot traditional cultural values. Indeed, the author argues that it is impossible to do so and that membership of the global community for any country depends on acceptance that there are differences between all peoples; these cannot be levelled by wishes, decree of "political brainwashing". This study argues

This new, multidisciplinary series will present works devoted to the indigenous peoples of North America -- the First Nations, Native Hawaiians, Native Americans, and the Indians of Mexico. Topics will range from the social sciences to education, law, criminology, health, the environment, religion, architecture, linguistics, and agriculture, including innovative interdisciplinary approaches. Books featuring Native voices and issues of particular current significance to Native peoples will be featured.

During the presidential election campaign, the chief executive takes on the dual role of president and candidate. But how do presidents prepare for the forthcoming election, manage a nationwide campaign, and fulfill presidential duties? Presidents as Candidates offers a truly unique treatment of the White House role in the re-election efforts of contemporary presidents since 1956, as it examines eight re-election efforts (from Eisenhower through Clinton). The author considers the differences and similarities of each White House-led effort, analyzing the political, institutional, and policy factors that affect the strategies and decisions. From this, she develops a typology of three standard types of campaigns: "victorious", "defeated", and "takeover", offering observations and insights that are invaluable for understanding presidential re-election efforts.

This volume looks at informal political action which arises when conventional frameworks, such as those provided by welfare states, are in crisis or decline. At such times the usual expectations about political action may not apply, so what actually goes on? A specific emphasis on context - in particular the link between power and knowledge and public argumentation in a given setting - is used to trace the development of collective action. Key issues are addressed, such as how informal political collectives come to define their aims, what communication processes take place within them, how far their action responds to that of other political bodies, and how far these processes affect the results of what they do. Discussion is based around a range of empirical case studies, and we are shown that informal collective action is more widespread and significant than many realize, and that it often occurs in fields which appear to be non-political, such as in Swiss neighbourhoods.

It is rare for a scholar to revisit the scene of earlier research with a view to evaluating how that research has stood up over time. Here David E Apter does that and more. In a lengthy new introductory chapter to this classic study of bureaucratic nationalism, he reviews the efficacy of the concepts in his original study of Uganda of almost a century ago, including some, such as consociationalism', which have entered into the mainstream of comparative politics.

This prize-winning study examines the impact of the employment of women and ethnic and racial minorities in public organizations on the implementation of government programs by those agencies. Driving the study is the question of whether the concept of "representative government" applies also to the "permanent government" -- the bureaucracy.

This study, which won the Leonard D. White award, is the most systematic test to date of the concept of representative bureaucracy. Selden tests the relationship between the demographic representativeness of district office staffs and lending decisions in the Farmers Home Administration's Rural Housing Loans Program. In fleshing out the implications of representative bureaucracy, the book makes an important contribution to the debates on bureaucratic power and illuminates the tensions underlying the assumptions of bureaucratic neutrality and affirmative action.

This book surveys the changing role of senior civil servants in Western Europe and explores whether they have kept their central role in government decision-making. Looking at these issues in comparative perspective, the contributors provide an insight into the causes that account for the changing role of officials and the extent to which those changes are a consequence of global or national factors.

There are wide disparities of wealth between the different regions of China. The result has been increased tension between ethnic groups and serious divisions between China's provinces. This book offers a balanced assessment of the dynamics and consequences of the decentralization of power and resources in post-Mao China. The author argues that increasing decentralisation has unleashed much competition and emulation among local governments. He discusses also the impact on regional disparities and cleavages, and government efforts to address regional disparities. This book is an authoritative study of an issue that will remain highly visible on China's political agenda for the foreseeable future.

Presidential Power in Russia inaugurates a new library of volumes on each of the major institutions of the new Russian political system. It is the first major assessment of the role of the presidency in Russia's difficult transition from communist rule. Eugene Huskey presents a nuanced evaluation of the presidency as a political institution and in relation to the other leading institutions of state. Although this is not a biography of Boris Yeltsin, Russia's first president and his allies and rivals loom large in the story of this critical phase in the creation of a new Russian political system.

This is the first major assessment of the role of the presidency in Russia's difficult transition form communist rule. Huskey analyzes the establishment and functioning of the Russian presidency as an institution and in relation to the other leading institutions of state: the government, parliament, courts, and regional authorities. Although this is not a biography of the first president, Boris Yeltsin, his allies and his rivals loom large in the study of a critical phase in the creation of a new Russian political system.

Attributes the failure of the modern presidency to the development of a political system that inherently impedes creative leadership, and offers prescriptive measures to restore the governing capacity of the president.

This book explores the failure of the modern American presidency, a failure the author attributes to the development of a political system that impedes creative leadership. The American presidency, Gary L. Rose argues, is under siege. Surrounded and blockaded by a reactionary Congress, an entrenched bureaucracy, an aggressive media, lobbyists, political action committees, and special interest groups, American presidents fail not because of a lack of ability or character but because of the political system and style of politics inside the Beltway.

Rose ascribes this emergence of a political system that obstructs presidential leadership to the decline of political parties as electoral and governing mechanisms. As political parties have declined, presidents have lost vital political connections that historically have enhanced their capacity to lead. He presents a variety of prescriptive measures, including political-party and legal reform, that have the potential to restore political parties and the governing capacity of the presidency.

"This book fills an important gap in the literature on both the presidency and parties. The most original and provocative parts of the book concern the author's proposals for reforming the national conventions in order to revitalize them as decision-making, federal bodies, and thus to simultaneously de-emphasize the role of candidate-centered, party weakening primaries. Also, I am intrigued by the fact that Rose elaborates on the roleof patronage in party-building and explores patronage reform for the purpose of both strengthening the parties and helping presidents govern more effectively". -- Sean J. Savage, Saint Mary's College

"The unique quality of this book is the manner in which it presents the problems of the presidency and the exciting manner in which it chooses among the various reforms presented. The result is a very readable and stimulating book on the presidency. It will take its place with Cronin's The State of the Presidency and Rethinking the Presidency as an important work in presidential studies, but it will stand alone because of its critical and prescriptive character". -- Robert D. Loevy, Colorado College

The Rise of Big Government chronicles the phenomenal growth of local, state, and federal government over the last 100 years. The authors explain this growth by arguing that public and social acceptance of government intervention has allowed government to maintain a presence at all levels of the economy. The authors take issue with the opposing argument that government has grown by itself and by the bureaucracy's constant push for its own expansion.

The importance of Lutfi al-Khuli and the intellectual circle associated with the Nasserist regime is examined here. Rami Ginat looks at al-Khuli's contribution to the short-lived yet formidable success of Arab socialism. Using primary sources, such as essays and articles by al-Khuli as well as personal interviews, he sheds light on Egypt's socialist experience in the 1960s. Declassified archival material and literature in Arabic and other languages are used in order to elucidate the Egyptian context and the ideological structure of Nasser's Arab socialism.

The patent disconnection between the institutions of the European Union and the citizens of Europe has been widely attributed by political leaders and scholars to a 'communications gap', that is, to the way EU affairs are mediated by the media, and to the apparent lack of interest by national elites in conveying the importance of Europe. This book challenges this 'mediation theory' and suggests instead a cultural and systemic explanation for the distant and bureaucratic character of the European Union. Apportioning the blame for the communication gap to the media and national politicians neglects two real deficits which prevent Europe from enjoying a vibrant public sphere: a deficit of domesticisation, a popular disconnection with the idea of the EU, and a deficit of politicisation with European politics, it being difficult to categorise as through traditional methods of 'left vs. right'. This book suggests that popular disengagement with the EU is a consequence of the fact that Europe as a cultural community is an interdependent continent rather than a nation and that, as an political institution, the EU is a pseudo-confederation full of anti-publicity bias, elite-driven integration, corporatism and diplomacy. The result is a book that is an essential read for students and scholars of political communication and of the European Union.

New perspectives are presented on an essential issue in CCP historiography: Why when things were working reasonably well by 1956 did the Chinese Communist Party alienate its supporters with radical policies? Placing CCP history firmly in the realm of social history and comparative politics, these enlightening critiques study the roots of the policy failures of the late Maoist period and the remarkable tenacity of the CCP. New insights, surfacing from case studies from the 1990s and recently available documents, address the following: Why is state socialism in China neither the wonder that some hope for nor a total failure? Why has the CCP remained China's only party, while the CPSU in the former Soviet Union -- and particularly the Eastern European socialist regimes that were the same age as China's -- collapsed so quickly? Are there any clues to the CCP's current longevity and radical reforms under party leadership to be found in the formative period of this one-party state?

This contributors provide a range of perspectives on the increasingly central issues of state reform, European integration and British regionalism in the 1990s. Using case material, the contributors examine: the effects of state reform and European integration on British regionalism and the devolution debate; and the nature of recent central responses to the re-emergence of regional and devolution issues, with a particular focus on the recent policies of the Major governments and the policies of the Opposition parties.
They also present some evidence which suggests that state reform and EC/EU developments have determined and accentuated important new trends in British regionalism, and underpin the plausibility of far-reaching regional and devolution reforms.

Attlee is undoubtedly one of the key figures in modern British history. An important figure in Churchill's War Cabinet, and premier of the first majority Labour Government, he created the Welfare State, nationalised a substantial part of industry and secured the independence of India. Yet his political stature remains unresolved. Was he Churchill's "modest man with much to be modest about" who squandered the fruits of victory, or, as many now claim, one of the truly great prime ministers? Robert Pearce's lucid and drily amusing study goes behind the stern exterior to find ambition and indecision, and a uniquely moral vision.