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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Central government > General
Presidential Power in Russia inaugurates a new library of volumes on each of the major institutions of the new Russian political system. It is the first major assessment of the role of the presidency in Russia's difficult transition from communist rule. Eugene Huskey presents a nuanced evaluation of the presidency as a political institution and in relation to the other leading institutions of state. Although this is not a biography of Boris Yeltsin, Russia's first president and his allies and rivals loom large in the story of this critical phase in the creation of a new Russian political system.
This is the first major assessment of the role of the presidency in Russia's difficult transition form communist rule. Huskey analyzes the establishment and functioning of the Russian presidency as an institution and in relation to the other leading institutions of state: the government, parliament, courts, and regional authorities. Although this is not a biography of the first president, Boris Yeltsin, his allies and his rivals loom large in the study of a critical phase in the creation of a new Russian political system.
"The two Clinton victories do not mark a break in a pattern of mediocre Democratic performance in presidential elections. The 1996 presidential victory was combined with Republican retention of both houses of Congress. We find little evidence here of a resurgence of the kind that could spark even the most optimistic Democratic activist to speak of a new or renewed Democratic majority, or even of a new or renewed Democratic presidential majority. Bill Clinton's re-election is a great triumph for Bill Clinton; it is certainly a good thing for the Democrats. But it was clearly a very personal triumph that neither generated across-the-board gains for the Democratic party in 1996 nor created a stable basis for the party's electoral success in the future. Nothing that happened in 1996 suggests that the dealigned electoral politics that have dominated the last thirty years is coming to an end. In 2000, Bill Clinton moves from electoral politics to electoral history. The forces that twice elected him enter the uncertainty that characterizes all electoral politics in a dealigned age."
The Rise of Big Government chronicles the phenomenal growth of local, state, and federal government over the last 100 years. The authors explain this growth by arguing that public and social acceptance of government intervention has allowed government to maintain a presence at all levels of the economy. The authors take issue with the opposing argument that government has grown by itself and by the bureaucracy's constant push for its own expansion.
The importance of Lutfi al-Khuli and the intellectual circle associated with the Nasserist regime is examined here. Rami Ginat looks at al-Khuli's contribution to the short-lived yet formidable success of Arab socialism. Using primary sources, such as essays and articles by al-Khuli as well as personal interviews, he sheds light on Egypt's socialist experience in the 1960s. Declassified archival material and literature in Arabic and other languages are used in order to elucidate the Egyptian context and the ideological structure of Nasser's Arab socialism.
The patent disconnection between the institutions of the European Union and the citizens of Europe has been widely attributed by political leaders and scholars to a 'communications gap', that is, to the way EU affairs are mediated by the media, and to the apparent lack of interest by national elites in conveying the importance of Europe. This book challenges this 'mediation theory' and suggests instead a cultural and systemic explanation for the distant and bureaucratic character of the European Union. Apportioning the blame for the communication gap to the media and national politicians neglects two real deficits which prevent Europe from enjoying a vibrant public sphere: a deficit of domesticisation, a popular disconnection with the idea of the EU, and a deficit of politicisation with European politics, it being difficult to categorise as through traditional methods of 'left vs. right'. This book suggests that popular disengagement with the EU is a consequence of the fact that Europe as a cultural community is an interdependent continent rather than a nation and that, as an political institution, the EU is a pseudo-confederation full of anti-publicity bias, elite-driven integration, corporatism and diplomacy. The result is a book that is an essential read for students and scholars of political communication and of the European Union.
New perspectives are presented on an essential issue in CCP historiography: Why when things were working reasonably well by 1956 did the Chinese Communist Party alienate its supporters with radical policies? Placing CCP history firmly in the realm of social history and comparative politics, these enlightening critiques study the roots of the policy failures of the late Maoist period and the remarkable tenacity of the CCP. New insights, surfacing from case studies from the 1990s and recently available documents, address the following: Why is state socialism in China neither the wonder that some hope for nor a total failure? Why has the CCP remained China's only party, while the CPSU in the former Soviet Union -- and particularly the Eastern European socialist regimes that were the same age as China's -- collapsed so quickly? Are there any clues to the CCP's current longevity and radical reforms under party leadership to be found in the formative period of this one-party state?
This contributors provide a range of perspectives on the
increasingly central issues of state reform, European integration
and British regionalism in the 1990s. Using case material, the
contributors examine: the effects of state reform and European
integration on British regionalism and the devolution debate; and
the nature of recent central responses to the re-emergence of
regional and devolution issues, with a particular focus on the
recent policies of the Major governments and the policies of the
Opposition parties.
Hernon's title is a deliberate take-off of Kennedy's Profiles in Courage. Unlike Kennedy's patriotic portrayal of various Senators, Hernon takes the position that the best-known U.S. Senators throughout history don't deserve their renown as much as some lesser-known (or completely unknown) ones who served at the same time. Each chapter of his book pairs a famous Senator with his lesser-known counterpart.
A take-off of Kennedy's Profiles in Courage, which argues that the best-known US senators don't deserve their renown as much as some lesser-known ones. Over the course of ten biographical chapters, this book tells the story of 16 men's lives in the Senate in relation to each other.
Ethnic tensions in Southeast Asia represent a clear threat to the
future stability of the region. David Brown's clear and systematic
study outlines the patterns of ethnic politics in:
Here Graves provides a summary of conflicting interpretations of Elizabethan parliaments and seeks to present a different perspective - striking a balance between business and politics. This revised edition takes account of recent literature - including work on patronage, parliamentary management and the Men of Business. A selection of documents illustrate the political, organizational and functional aspects of parliament.
Only now is it possible to see Edward Heath's controversial administration (1970-1974) in balanced historical perspective - and increasingly it seems a turning-point for postwar Britain. This timely volume explores the agenda of the Heath government in all its aspects (including economy, industrial relations, social policy, immigration, Northern Ireland, British entry into Europe, and foreign relations), assesses how far it achieved its aims, and examines the response to them. The book is based upon much new research, including the archives of the Conservative Party and the TUC, and interviews with many of those involved at the heart of government. The result will be essential reading for anyone interested in modern British history, politics and government. Contributors include PAUL ARTHUR, LEWIS BASTON, VERNON BOGDANOR, ALEC CAIRNCROSS, CHRISTOPHER HILL, DENNIS KAVANAGH, ZIG LAYTON-HENRY, CHRISTOPHER LORD, RODNEY LOWE, JOHN RAMSDEN, ROBERT TAYLOR, KEVIN THEAKSTON, JOHN YOUNG.
This book is your guide to becoming an empowerment leader. Its purpose: to redirect and re-energize leadership in government.
This book by a prize-winning foreign affairs correspondent, tells
the story of a life shaped by Egypt's national struggle and
dominated by the conflict between the Arab world and Israel. It
charts Sadat's progress from fanatical nationalist to Nasser's
successor as President of Egypt, and from world statesman to tragic
hero, who gave his life in the cause of peace. As a highly readable
study of one of the major figures in the struggle for peace in the
Middle East, it is of particular interest in the light of the
ongoing peace process between Israel and the Palestinians.
Outcome in the management of public services refers to the impact of a particular public sector activity. This book provides a critical assessment of the way outcome is measured, exploring the need to balance objective and subjective forms of
Outcome in the management of public services refers to the impact of a particular public sector activity. This book provides a critical assessment of the way outcome is measured, exploring the need to balance objective and subjective forms of
This guide is intended for busy legal practitioners and all other professionals who are involved in the criminal justice system and who require quick reference to the provisions of the 1994 Act.
This guide is intended for busy legal practitioners and all other professionals who are involved in the criminal justice system and who require quick reference to the provisions of the 1994 Act.
Weems helped to fabricate the image of Washington that has since dominated the American historical imagination and which in its time, secured Washington's fame. This edition includes documents that provide an insight into the construction of American national identity.
In this collection, contributors discuss a central theme which is both theoretical and practical - the role of the state in achieving social justice in modern market systems from a socialist perspective. They reject the cult of choice and of rational egoism.
Over the course of more than six decades as an author, journalist, and professor, Max Lerner studied and assessed many presidents, yet Thomas Jefferson received his most sustained attention. To Lerner, Jefferson came closest in the American context to Plato's "philosopher-king," the ideal thinker and leader. Because of his keen sense of Jefferson's virtues and his unique place in United States history, Lerner began work on a book about Jefferson in 1957, rewriting it several times throughout his life, always with the intention of introducing general readers to "a thinker and public figure of enduring pertinence." In this volume, Lerner uses the facts of Jefferson's life and work as the springboard to insightful analysis and informed assessment. In considering Jefferson, Lerner combines biographical information, historical background, and analytical commentary. The result is a biographical-interpretive volume, a primer about Jefferson that not only describes his accomplishments, but discusses his problems and failures. As political figures have declined in esteem in recent decades, the media has probed deeper into previously private lives. Historians, biographers, and others have revealed personal details about deceased prominent figures. Two centuries after he helped create America, Jefferson remains a figure of enduring fascination within academic circles and beyond. Max Lerner helps explain and clarify not only this unending fascination, but the timeless relevance of the nation's devoutly democratic yet singularly authentic "philosopher-king."
Since the 1970s the role of the mass media in the world of politics has become increasingly influential, controversial and disturbing. In an analysis of systems of political communication, the authors trace the origins and development of this "crisis of communication for citizenship". They provide detailed critiques of the relationship between British and American broadcasters and politicians, and of political communication in election campaigns since the late 1960s. They trace the roots of the problem to the contemporary social and political environment, characterized by an increasingly disaffected public whose ability to make sense of civic problems is increasingly confounded and frustrated. Looking to the future, they consider how political communication might be improved within the context of a restructured public sphere.
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