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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Central government > General
This is the first description of the formation of America's nulcear surveillance system. Drawing on interviews with participants and the little documentation available under the Freedom of Information Act, Ziegler and Jacobson tell a story not told before. They shed new light on questions raised in earlier interpretations of the early Cold War years and reveal the origins of a surveillance activity that is implied, but not explained, in today's headlines. This book provides the first documented description of the genesis and institutionalization of America's nuclear surveillance system. It traces the development of covert technical methods for assessing the nuclear capability of foreign powers from the introduction of these techniques in World War II to 1949, when they were successfully employed to detect the test of Russia's first atomic bomb. Ziegler and Jacobson examine the planning for the system as well as the technical and organizational obstacles that had to be overcome before it could be implemented. They describe the government decision-making processes and the ways individuals and groups with different beliefs and interests were mobilized in support of the program. They also explore the relationships between the intelligence and scientific communities that were forged in this process.
American politics today is in an uproar: loud, angry, and bitter, bristling with us-versus-them. This is not exactly new. The history of our political life is teeming with nastiness, violence, intolerance, and cheating. Yet we can sense that there is something genuinely different about the current turmoil. Politics has turned tribal in an unprecedented way. What changed? The answer, according to renowned political scientist James Morone, lies in the way political parties have operated throughout American history. From the beginning, parties sowed division and discord, but the deepest, most contentious issues facing our society -- questions about who we are -- didn't split along partisan lines. So for a time, parties actually assuaged these conflicts. One side defended slavery but welcomed immigrants; the other side called for abolition but harbored deep hostility for Irish, German, and Italian newcomers. Then, as the United States underwent a series of profound societal transformations -- from reconstruction, to the explosion of populism, to the Great Migration, to the Civil Rights movement -- the alignment slowly shifted. African Americans switched sides to support the Democrats, the party that had fought tooth and nail against expanding their rights, while the Republicans turned whiter and more nativist. In this sweeping, revelatory work of political history, Morone shows how these changes upended the role of parties, creating a single division that would consume every debate. Rich with absorbing vignettes, Republic of Wrath explains our current state of unrest with bracing clarity -- and tells the story of American politics as we've never heard it before.
The Labour Government has introduced legislation to place a new duty of Best Value on local authorities, and abolish compulsory competitive tendering. This work identifies the differences between the two systems and evaluates the development of the new regime, using case studies.
Eighteen years of Conservative stewardship ensured that the Labour government's education policy did not begin with a tabula rasa, for its starting point has been defined by the previous government to a greater extent than any other incoming government has found. In this book the practitioners discuss the micro effect of the policies in their schools. This book will make an important contribution to continuing debate about the best way forward for state education in England and Wales.
Responding to volatile criticisms frequently leveled at Leo Strauss and those he influenced, the prominent contributors to this volume demonstrate the profound influence that Strauss and his students have exerted on American liberal democracy and contemporary political thought. By stressing the enduring vitality of classic books and by articulating the theoretical and practical flaws of relativism and historicism, the contributors argue that Strauss and the Straussians have identified fundamental crises of modernity and liberal democracy. This book emphasizes the broad range of Strauss's influence, from literary criticism to constitutional thought, and it denies the existence of a monolithic Straussian political orthodoxy. Both critics and supporters of Strauss' thought are included. All political theorists interested in Strauss's extraordinary impact on political thought will want to read this book.
At a time when the institution of the presidency seems in a state of almost permanent crisis, it is particularly important to understand what sort of an institution the framers of the Constitution thought they were creating. Founding the American Presidency offers a first-hand view of the minds of the founders by bringing together extensive selections from the constitutional convention in Philadelphia as well as representative selections from the subsequent debates over ratification. Organized topically, the book focuses on those issues of executive power that most deeply concerned and often sharply divided the founders, including the electoral college and impeachment, the presidential term and reeligibility, the veto power and war powers, the power of appointment and the power of pardon. EllisO judicious selections mean that teachers and students no longer need to settle for the meager rations of a Federalist paper or two supplemented by a quick summary of the founders' thoughts before being fast-forwarded to the contemporary presidency. Pointed discussion questions provoke students to consider new perspectives on the presidency. Ideal for all courses on the presidency, the book is also important for all citizens who want to understand not only the past but the future of the American presidency.
Tarki-Young Hamm's book is a critical inquiry into the dynamics of the armament of North and South Korea from the Korean War period to the 1990s. The author's findings reveal that North Korean military superiority is a myth, used by South Korean governments to legitimize military expenditure. Moreover, defence spending has been used to consolidate authoritarian regimes and mobilize popular support. This analysis describes and explains the armament processes of the two Korean states from a more objective, critical perspective. Hamm considers defence expenditure as the best indicator of armament, rather than bean counts or firepower scores. Finding most offical sources unstable, inconsistent or biased, this book seeks to generate more valid, credible data; and it re-estimates the North Korean defence budget, taking foreign aid and depreciation into account. From this material, the author argues that, contrary to popular opinion, the South has been superior in military capital since the mid-1980s. "Arming the Two Koreas" provides a holistic, rather than reductionist, explanation of armament. Following the Grasmscian conception of state power as the sum of coercion and hegemony/consent
Confronted with rising citizen discontent, the Reinventing Government movement, and new technological challenges, public organizations everywhere are seeking means of improving their performance. Their quest is not new, rather, the concern with improving the performance of government organizations has existed since the Scientific Management Movement. "Public Sector Performance" brings together in a single volume the classic, enduring principles and processes that have defined the field of public sector performance, as written in the words of leading practitioners and scholars. Taken as a whole, this volume provides a performance compass for today's public managers, helping them to reconstruct the public's confidence in, and support of, government.Defined here as managing public organizations for outcomes, performance is examined in all its varied dimensions: organizing work, managing workers, measuring performance, and overcoming resistance to performance-enhancing innovations. The selected articles are interesting, thought provoking, and instructive. They are classics in that they have been widely cited in the scholarly literature and have enduring value to public managers who seek to understand the many dimensions of performance. The book is organized into three sections: Performance Foundations, Performance Strategies, and Performance Measurement. Excerpts from additional selected articles feature special topics and wisdom from performance experts.
This essay is based on Kenneth Arrow's celebrated impossibility theorem stating that under a few quite reasonable assumptions, collective choice cannot be simultaneously logical and fair. The purpose here is to argue that planning procedures can reduce the likelihood that decision cycles will arise when democracy is pursued. It is examined whether some of Arrow's assumptions can be relaxed under widespread and participatory planning, since planning and public debate may force a minimum of conformity on the stated individual preferences. However, collective choices have to be made in spite of the impossibility theorem. Well-known theories of planning, especially synoptic planning and disjointed incrementalism, are analyzed to assess if they are acceptable ways of organizing decision-making processes in the face of Arrow's impossibilities.
This book offers original economic analyses on the economy-environment relationship in Eastern and Central Europe. Drawing on the Hungarian experience, it provides empirical evidence on the reform of environmental policy which can be applicable to similar problems in other transition economies.The macroeconomic shocks of the transition process in Central and Eastern Europe have been exceptional in both their intensity and speed. The implications of this adjustment process are examined in relation to their effects on environmental policy, with special emphasis on the rethinking of standard environmental policy recommendations for transition economies. The authors focus on a variety of issues including the environmental concerns raised by the privatization process and to what extent the less rigorous environmental regulations in Hungary attract foreign direct investment. There is also a critical overview of the existing literature and an examination of the costs of reducing air pollution and the use of the contingent valuation method to measure the economic benefits of improving air quality in Hungary. In addition the authors assess the effects of industrial restructuring on emissions and analyse incentive-based policy measures including prospects for emission trading. Their conclusions challenge the common perception that energy pricing policy is the most important policy measure to induce structural changes in transition economies that are beneficial to the environment. Economics for Environmental Policy in Transition Economies will be of interest to policymakers, academics and postgraduates working in the fields of transition economics, environmental economics and environmental valuation.
The eight research essays in this volume uncover new perspectives on and critique new democracy sources about the creation, operation, and first major crises of state socialism in China -- from the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949 to the aftermath in the early 1960s of the Great Leap Forward.
The elections of 1998 bear out the thesis of this book: so far, the Republicans in Congress are operating more like an old minority party than the new majority party they've become. Still, Congress has changed under Republican leadership and the Republicans have changed, too. This volume of original essays by leading congressional scholars explores the impact of the Republican majority on Congress with attention to the history of the institution and party characteristics present and future. For students and scholars alike, the new majority of an old minority provides a laboratory for political analysis that demonstrates lasting effects. As Republicans learn to govern, the country will no doubt learn something, too.
Amtrak, the U.S. Postal Service, the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey, the Chicago Housing Authority -- all are examples of a controversial institution, the government corporation. This hybrid organizational form incorporates the best features of public and private management to accomplish tasks that are unsuited for commercialization or ordinary public administration. This comprehensive assessment of government corporations sets aside ideological presuppositions to reexamine the record and identify both the successes and failures of this unique arrangement. By viewing public administration as an experiment, the author challenges readers to think creatively about the government corporation and ways to reinvent it, capitalizing on its strengths and compensating for its shortcomings.
Amtrak, the U.S. Postal Service, the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey, the Chicago Housing Authority -- all are examples of a controversial institution, the government corporation. This hybrid organizational form incorporates the best features of public and private management to accomplish tasks that are unsuited for commercialization or ordinary public administration. This comprehensive assessment of government corporations sets aside ideological presuppositions to reexamine the record and identify both the successes and failures of this unique arrangement. By viewing public administration as an experiment, the author challenges readers to think creatively about the government corporation and ways to reinvent it, capitalizing on its strengths and compensating for its shortcomings.
This text covers integration of the State Department after 1945 and the subsequent appointments of Black ambassadors to Third World and African nations. Other topics include: the setbacks during the Eisenhower years and the gains achieved during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations.
Do American policymakers really know what the American public wants in U.S. foreign policy? Through extensive interviews with members of the policy community, the authors reveal a pervasive belief --especially in Congress --that, in the wake of the cold war, the public is showing a new isolationism: opposition to foreign aid, hostility to the United Nations, and aversion to contributing U.S. troops to peacekeeping operations. This view of the public has in turn had a significant impact on U.S. foreign policy. However, through a comprehensive review of polling data, as well as focus groups, the authors show that all these beliefs about the public are myths. The public does complain that the United States is playing the role of dominant world leader more than it should, but this does not lead to a desire to withdraw. Instead people prefer to share responsibility with other nations, particularly through the UN. The authors offer explanations of how such a misperception can occur and suggest ways to improve communication between the public and policymakers, including better presentation of polling data and more attention by practitioners to a wider public.
Through its budgetary, managerial and regulatory review mandates, the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) in the US can function as an "enforcer" with a significant impact on public policy and its implementation. This is a study of the OMB and its significant role within the American government.
Examines the balance between the market, government and civic sectors and makes comparisons with other postcommunist countries.
A fascinating look at a previously ignored piece of our nation's history, Black Diplomacy covers integration of the State Department after 1945 and the subsequent appointments of Black ambassadors to Third World and African nations. In seven illuminating chapters, Krenn covers the efforts to integrate the State Department; the setbacks during the Eisenhower years; and the gains achieved during the administrations of JFK and LBJ. Not content with simply using traditional sources (federal and other governmental agency records), he gained fresh insights from the papers of the NAACP, African American newspapers, and journals of the period. He also conducted original interviews with Edward Dudley (America's first black ambassador), Richard Fox, Horace Dawson, Ronald Palmer, and Terrence Todman (never before interviewed -- ambassador to six nations beginning in 1952, and an assistant secretary of state). This unique look at the period will be of interest to anyone attempting to understand both the history of the civil rights movement in the U.S. and America's Cold War relations with underdeveloped nations during the quarter century after World War II.
A comprehensive overview of the president's policy-making role and the way this role structures the president's interaction with other institutions of government. The book concludes with a discussion of the issues of accountability and policy leadership. |
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