This handy guide and supplemental text examines trends in information and communication technology (ICT) that impact the day-to-day operations of federal, state, and local government. It seeks to improve service delivery, human resource administration, political participation, education, and citizen input (e-democracy), while at the same time recognizes that with ICT's great promise comes great peril in the form of erosion of personal privacy (e-surveillance). Through the use of numerous examples and exercises, Robert Cropf helps students and practitioners alike explore the ways technological change shapes public policy, develop useful tools and skills for working in or with e-government, and understand the role that social media plays in helping to spark political, economic, and social change.

Semi-Presidentialism is the term used to describe the constitutional arrangement where there is a directly elected president and a prime-minister who is responsible to parliament. Semi-presidential countries include France, Poland, Russia, and Ukraine. These countries share certain constitutional features, but the exercise of presidential and prime-ministerial power varies greatly from one to another. Semi-Presidentialism in Europe examines the politics of semi-presidentialsim and explores why it is that seemingly similar political systems operate in such different ways.

Cavour was perhaps the key figure in the process of Italian unification. As prime minister of Piedmont, still reeling from military humiliation by Austria, he turned his backward and insignificant home state into the nucleus of the new Italy by his astute manipulation of the European great powers, becoming the united country's first prime minister in the year of his death, 1861. Harry Hearder's incisive study, setting Cavour and the Risorgimento in the full context of international European power-politics, reveals a ruthless, egocentric and far from balanced man - but a politician of genius.

With a public career spanning 62 years, Gladstone dominated the Victorian political arena. Yet he remains an enigmatic figure; a high Anglican, Tory protectionist who became leader of the Liberals, a party associated with free trade and religious Nonconformity. Michael Winstanley examines both Gladstone and the environment in which he operated, concentrating in particular on the political and social composition of the party which he led. He argues that the parliamentary `Gladstonian Liberals' were far from unqualified supporters of Gladstone and that much of his power was derived from his popularity amongst the electorate. He concludes with an assessment of Gladstone's achievements and his political legacy.

This controversial new study, breaks with the tradition of basing political studies on analyses of institutions and political personalities, by likening the Republic of Korea to a laboratory for the clash of political cultures. In the late 1940s, the Americans embarked upon a democratization programme designed to create a Western bulwark against the spread of communism in East Asia. The intervening years have seen the advent and demise of military rule, with South Korea now having a democratically-elected government. Although the US strategy thus seems successful, the political crises of 1995 in fact indicate that many obstacles remain here to the adoption of Western-style democracy. This study argues that socialization in general and political socialization in particular are key factors in any analysis of democracy, be it in Korea or elsewhere. Accordingly, the work draws on moral education textbooks, together with surveys and interviews among members of the urban intellectual elite. In this manner, the psychological roots of power and authority - key concepts to an understanding of 'good government' - are explored.

Bringing together the thoughts of outstanding contributors, Regional Politics presents a comparative study on the emerging regional nature of local and urban politics. Recent studies tend to focus on the politics and power of internal cities or on suburban areas that have gained incredible strength in the past decade. However, this important volume explores how politics work in the extended metropolis or "functional city"--which includes and surrounds the urban core and whose economy, society, and politics are integrally joined. Contributors center on detailed case studies of 10 cities with a look at the development of regional patterns, an analysis of the impact regionalism has on urban politics, and an outline for an overall approach. The comprehensive and state-of-the-art expertise presented in this volume makes Regional Politics ideal for planners, policymakers, academics, researchers, and students in the areas of urban politics, state and local government, and public policy.

India in a Reconnecting Eurasia examines the full scope of Indian national interests in the South Caucasus and Central Asia and analyzes the broad outlines of Indian engagement over the coming years. It is part of a six-part CSIS series, "Eurasia from the Outside In," which includes studies focusing on Turkey, the European Union, Iran, India, Russia, and China.

In the first work of its kind, Brazier successfully tackles the Herculean task of describing and evaluating contemporary Ministerial life and how it is affected by the law, constitutional convention, and political practice. Ministers of the Crown provides a detailed and concise description of the legal and political position of Ministers, and of their work within the contemporary British governmental system. It covers the daily work of Ministers in their departments and collectively in government; their benefits and pay; as well as how politicians prepare themselves for office and the legal and other qualifications which are required for appointment. Detailed coverage is given to Ministers as legislators, how Ministers are required to exercise their legal powers, and the position of Ministers as plaintiffs and defendants. Finally, the loss of office, and its consequences, is considered. As a detailed assessment of Ministerial life this book is invaluable, but Brazier's capacity to bring the Ministerial world to life using a wealth of contemporary and fascinating detail, transforms a potentially dry subject.

Turkey in a Reconnecting Eurasia examines the full scope of Turkish national interests in the South Caucasus and Central Asia and analyzes the broad outlines of Turkish engagement over the coming years. It is part of a six-part CSIS series, "Eurasia from the Outside In," which includes studies focusing on Turkey, the European Union, Iran, India, Russia, and China.

The European Union in a Reconnecting Eurasia examines the full scope of EU interests in the South Caucasus and Central Asia and analyzes the broad outlines of EU engagement over the coming years. It is part of a six-part CSIS series, "Eurasia from the Outside In," which includes studies focusing on Turkey, the European Union, Iran, India, Russia, and China.

Iran in a Reconnecting Eurasia examines the full scope of Iranian national interests in the South Caucasus and Central Asia and analyzes the broad outlines of Iranian engagement over the coming years. It is part of a six-part CSIS series, "Eurasia from the Outside In," which includes studies focusing on Turkey, the European Union, Iran, India, Russia, and China.

The Polarized Congress: The Post-Traditional Procedure of Its Current Struggles argues that the rise of the polarized Congress means a totally different Congressional procedure, especially after 2007, compared to the accustomed "traditional" one. Polarized Congress explores a host of lesser-known, even sometimes below the radar, aspects of the post-traditional or polarized model. These range from "ping-ponging" of major measures between chambers (without conferencing), to the Senate Majority Leader's new "toolkit". They go from the now-crucial "Hastert Rule" in the House, to the astonishment of legislating the Affordable Care Act by singular procedures including budget reconciliation. The book challenges the easy assumption, especially by the non-specialist press, that Congressional procedure is descending into nothing more than chaotic brutishness or eternal stalemate. Instead, it explains the transformation of the traditional model about "how a bill becomes a law" before 2000, into the new current model in which Congress acts very differently.

Presidents are surrounded by political strategists and White House counsel who presumably know enough to avoid making the same mistakes as their predecessors. Why, then, do the same kinds of presidential failures occur over and over again? Why Presidents Fail answers this question by examining presidential fiascos, quagmires, and risky business-the kind of failure that led President Kennedy to groan after the Bay of Pigs invasion, 'How could I have been so stupid?' In this book, Richard M. Pious looks at nine cases that have become defining events in presidencies from Dwight D. Eisenhower and the U-2 Flights to George W. Bush and Iraqi WMDs. He uses these cases to draw generalizations about presidential power, authority, rationality, and legitimacy. And he raises questions about the limits of presidential decision-making, many of which fly in the face of the conventional wisdom about the modern presidency.

Disraeli is a key figure for students of nineteenth-century Britain. He is indelibly identified with the unmaking of Peel's version of the Conservative Party, and with the re-creation of a durable and outstandingly successful new party which retained the loyalty of the squires and the shires while reaching out to newer forms of property ownership and cultivating the attachment of a significant proportion of the urban working class. John K. Walton here examines the major aspects of Disraeli's career and his legacy, asking how far his actions and policies were governed by principles and how far by expediency. He also enquires how far Disraeli set his own agenda and how far he was a rider of currents out of his control. Finally, Walton takes a careful look at his political, institutional and ideological legacy.

In the 1950s, public relations practitioners tried to garner respectability for their fledgling profession, and one international figure helped in that endeavor. President Dwight D. Eisenhower embraced public relations as a necessary component of American democracy, advancing the profession at a key moment in its history. But he did more than believe in public relations-he practiced it. Eisenhower changed how America campaigns by leveraging television and Madison Avenue advertising. Once in the Oval Office, he maximized the potential of a new medium as the first U.S. president to seek training for television and to broadcast news conferences on television. Additionally, Eisenhower managed the news through his press office, molding the role of the modern presidential press secretary. The first president to adopt a policy of full disclosure on health issues, Eisenhower survived (politically as well as medically) three serious illnesses while in office. The Eisenhower Administration was the most forthcoming on the president's health at the time, even though it did not always live up to its own policy. In short, Eisenhower deserves credit as this nation's most innovative public relations president, because he revolutionized America's political communication process, forever changing the president's relationship with the Fourth Estate, Madison Avenue, public relations, and ultimately, the American people.

Presidents and Their Pens: The Story of White House Speechwriters explores 23 presidencies through the detailed analysis of speeches including Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, Teddy Roosevelt's "Big Stick" speech, Eisenhower's farewell to the nation, and Bill Clinton's compassionate words in the wake of tragedy. Confidant and wordsmith to five Republican presidents (Eisenhower, Nixon, Ford, Reagan, and George H.W. Bush), professor of language and noted historian James C. Humes tells how and why presidential speeches have marked milestones in our nation's history, from Washington through Obama. Readers will find out how FDR brought down the house with humor, how "Give 'em hell" Harry Truman planned his Whistle-Stop Tours, and how Ronald Reagan defied his advisors to make history at the Berlin Wall. Presenting stories of greatness as well as tragically unfulfilled promise, Presidents and Their Pens also features an introduction by author and historian Julie Nixon Eisenhower.

The Imperiled Presidency: Presidential Leadership in the 21st Century calls for a dramatic re-evaluation of the American president's role within the separation of powers system. In contrast with claims by academics, pundits, media, and members of Congress, this provocative new book argues that the contemporary American presidency is too weak rather than too strong. Cal Mackenzie offers the contrarian argument that the real constitutional crisis in contemporary American politics is not the centralization and accumulation of power in the presidency, but rather that effective governance is imperiled by the diminished role of the presidency. The product of more than three years of research and writing and nearly four decades of the author's teaching and writing about the American presidency, The Imperiled Presidency is the first book-length treatment of the weaknesses of the modern presidency, written to be accessible to undergraduates and interested citizens alike. It engages with a wide range of literature that relates to the presidency, including electoral politics, budgetary politics, administrative appointments, and the conduct of foreign affairs. It would be a useful complement to courses that rely primarily on a single textbook, as well as courses that are built around more specific readings from a range of books and articles.

The Imperiled Presidency: Presidential Leadership in the 21st Century calls for a dramatic re-evaluation of the American president's role within the separation of powers system. In contrast with claims by academics, pundits, media, and members of Congress, this provocative new book argues that the contemporary American presidency is too weak rather than too strong. Cal Mackenzie offers the contrarian argument that the real constitutional crisis in contemporary American politics is not the centralization and accumulation of power in the presidency, but rather that effective governance is imperiled by the diminished role of the presidency. The product of more than three years of research and writing and nearly four decades of the author's teaching and writing about the American presidency, The Imperiled Presidency is the first book-length treatment of the weaknesses of the modern presidency, written to be accessible to undergraduates and interested citizens alike. It engages with a wide range of literature that relates to the presidency, including electoral politics, budgetary politics, administrative appointments, and the conduct of foreign affairs. It would be a useful complement to courses that rely primarily on a single textbook, as well as courses that are built around more specific readings from a range of books and articles.

From the 1980s onwards, a tide of democratization swept across the Asian region, as the political strongmen who had led since the end of World War II began to fall. Although it is generally assumed that once authoritarian leaders no longer hold power, the political landscape will drastically change and the democratic transition will simply be a matter of time, this book shows that the move towards democracy in Asia has by no means been linear process, and there have been a number of different outcomes that reflect the vastly divergent paths towards liberalization the Asian nations have followed. This book examines seven countries that were previously under authoritarian or semi-authoritarian rule, but then followed very different trajectories towards increasing liberalization after the fall of political strongmen: South Korea, Taiwan, China, the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand. Importantly, the case studies reveal the factors that may enable transition to a more democratic system, and alternatively, the factors that inhibit democratic transition and push countries down a more authoritarian path. In turn, three key models that follow the fall of a political strongman emerge: democratization with substantial political reform and consolidation; democratization with limited political reform, leading to weak democratic institutions and instability; and an alternative political system with sustained authoritarianism. By tracing these very different paths and outcomes in the wake of a strongman's fall, the contributors present valuable information for countries on the course towards democratization, as well as governments and organisations who work to facilitate this process. This book will be welcomed by students and scholars interested in Asian politics, governance and democratization studies.

Focusing on the 17th and 18th centuries, this volume centers around six ideological "isms" that the author seeks to exploit as well as deconstruct. The six "isms" are absolutism, constitutionalism, rationalism, empiricism, liberalism, and conservatism--all of which have long presented problematical "constructs" that the author seeks to "de-construct." The unusually broad range of famous thinkers studied here includes Hobbes, Locke, Richelieu, Bossuet, Rousseau, Montesquieu, Voltaire, Hume, Smith, Burke, and various French revolutionaries. Although the focus here is historical, the contemporary import of the subject is often brought out.

This is the first comprehensive survey of the Irish state, and draws on a range of theoretical approaches to analyse its origins, its evolution, its nature and its role in Ireland's recent economic success. The book begins by outlining the fragmentary way in which the Irish state has been treated to date in the social sciences. Subsequent chapters by distinguished contributors then go on to examine the history of the Irish state from 1922 to 1973, the developmental nature of the Irish state since the 1980s, the Irish state as a partnership state, the gendered nature of the state, the changing nature of the state's autonomy and capacity since independence, whether the Irish state can be described as a competition state, and the activities and policies of the Irish state as a welfare state. The editors examine the lessons learnt from these analyses before detailing a challenging agenda for further research. The book will be of major interest to students of Irish politics and of Ireland's recent economic and social development. Given Ireland's status as a model of success in this globalised era, the book will interest scholars of globalisation and comparative politics, and makes a significant contribution to analyses of the role of the state in this context. -- .

Notwithstanding the fact that among the parliaments of the world, 38 per cent have Second Chambers (67 out of 179), Second Chambers themselves have only rarely been the focus of attention from politicians and have almost totally been ignored by academics. This work sets about examining them.

The 1832 Reform Act was a watershed in the history of modern Britain, profoundly affecting the composition of parliament and the course of all subsequent legislation. This new edition of The Great Reform Act of 1832 extends and updates Eric J. Evans's classic account of the crucial political and economic issues and: * highlights the travails of Toryism at the end of the 1820s * clarifies complex questions of policy * shows the connections between the Reform Act of 1832 and subsequent radical activity and reform legislation * presents revised electoral statistics. An accessible and stimulating guide to the student of modern political history, students of history and political history will find this invaluable to their studies.

A book about how European colonists in Australia represented the Indigenous peoples they found there, and the tasks of governing them within the terms of Western political thought. It emphasises how the framework of ideas drawn from the traditions of Western political thought was employed in the imperial government of Indigenous peoples.