In responding to the question as to whether Russia has re-emerged as a great power, the authors trace the major lines of foreign and security policy under Vladimir Putin. The authors argue that Putin and his advisors are committed to re-establishing Russia as a great power and that the existence of nuclear weapons and the revival of the Russian economy have provided the foundations for an expanded Russian role in global affairs.

This is a new and highly accessible rendition of one of the classics of English political writing. Paul Smith presents the text of the first (1867) edition of Bagehot's The English Constitution, together with the original conclusion, as well as Bagehot's long introduction to the second edition of 1872. All the usual student-friendly features of the Cambridge Texts series are present, including a concise explanatory introduction, select bibliography and brief biographies of key figures, as well as annotation designed to explain to modern readers some of Bagehot's more arcane contemporary allusions.

Since the 1950s, the federal government has relied on the peer review system for funding academic science. Peer review, however, is under attack for being a biased system that helps rich research universities get richer. As a remedy for these biases, university presidents and members of Congress have turned to the earmarking of science projects and facilities in the federal budget. Funding Science in America explores both the pros and the cons of the academic earmarking issue and explains why this issue has caused a rift within the nation's science community.

This book surveys the changing role of senior civil servants in Western Europe and explores whether they have kept their central role in government decision-making. Looking at these issues in comparative perspective, the contributors provide an insight into the causes that account for the changing role of officials and the extent to which those changes are a consequence of global or national factors.

With one party controlling the presidency and the opposing party controlling Congress, the veto has inevitably become a critical tool of presidential power. Combining sophisticated game theory with unprecedented data, this book analyzes how divided party presidents use threats and vetoes to wrest policy concessions from a hostile Congress. Case studies of the most important vetoes in recent history add texture to the analysis, detailing how President Clinton altered the course of Newt Gingrich's Republican Revolution. Offering the first book-length analysis to bring rational choice theory to bear on the presidency, Veto Bargaining is a major contribution to our understanding of American politics in an age of divided party government.

Policymakers and public managers around the world have become preoccupied with the question of how their goals can be achieved in a way that rebuilds public confidence in government. Yet because public policies and programs increasingly are being administered through a complicated web of jurisdictions, agencies, and public-private partnerships, evaluating their effectiveness is more difficult than in the past. Though social scientists possess insightful theories and powerful methods for conducting empirical research on governance and public management, their work is too often fragmented and irrelevant to the specific tasks faced by legislators, administrators, and managers. Proposing a framework for research based on the premise that any particular governance arrangement is embedded in a wider social, fiscal, and political context, Laurence E. Lynn, Jr., Carolyn J. Heinrich, and Carolyn J. Hill argue that theory-based empirical research, when well conceived and executed, can be a primary source of fundamental, durable knowledge about governance and policy management. Focusing on complex human services such as public assistance, child protection, and public education, they construct an integrative, multilevel "logic of governance," that can help researchers increase the sophistication, power, and relevance of their work.

A host of promising public sector reform efforts are underway throughout the world. In governments challenged by budget deficits and declining public trust, these reform efforts seek to improve policy decisions and public management. Along the way, program efficiency and effectiveness help rebuild public confidence in government. Whether through regular measurement of program inputs, activities, and outcomes, or through episodic one-shot studies, performance monitoring plays a central role in the most important current reform efforts. "Monitoring Performance in the Public Sector," now available in paperback, is based on experiences derived from comparative analysis in different countries. It explains why there is interest in performance monitoring in a given setting, why it has failed or created uncertainties, and identifies criteria for improving its design and use.

One of the challenges this book offers is the need to consider dimensions of performance beyond the traditional ones of economy, efficiency, and effectiveness. With an increasingly diverse, interdependent, and uncertain public sector environment, for some stakeholders meeting objectives fixed some time ago may not be as important as the capacity to adapt to current and future change. In this vein, the contributors address a number of themes: the critical importance of organizational support for performance monitoring and making it consistent with the organizational culture, the need for active and effective leadership in defining criteria and implementing practical performance monitoring, the value of linking ongoing measurement with more than the traditional, strictly quantitative aspects of public sector performance.

As we gain experience with performance monitoring and its uses, such systems should become more cost effective over time. This book will be of deep interest to public managers, government officials, economists, and organization theorists, and useful in courses on public administration..

The essays in this collection, a special issue of Parliamentary History published to mark the fortieth volume of the journal, examine the different ways in which historians have understood and interpreted the history of parliament since the mid 19th century. Beginning with the work of Bishop William Stubbs, the doyen of modern parliamentary historians, and including such significant figures as A.F. Pollard, Lewis Namier and G.R. Elton, down to the historians of our own time, among whom may be found two practising politicians of very different stripes, Conor Cruise O'Brien and Enoch Powell The intention is not to attempt a comprehensive account of the historiography of British parliamentary institutions, but to focus on particular individuals and particular phases in the development of the subject The 13 contributors take different approaches, some examining the work of a single historian or group of historians, others surveying the historiographical landscape more broadly The essays not only explore the major issues which have exercised the minds of scholars involved in the writing of parliamentary history, but also reappraise important figures and make suggestions as to the directions in which future writing on the history of parliament might develop Topics covered venture beyond Westminster, to include both Scottish and Irish parliamentary history, both of which have always formed an important element in the remit of the journal

In a lucid, concise volume, Jeremy Waldron defends the role of legislation, presenting it as an important mode of governance. Aristotle, Locke and Kant emerge as proponents of the dignity of legislation. Waldron's arguments are of obvious importance and topicality, especially in countries that are considering the introduction of a Bill of Rights. The Dignity of Legislation is original in conception, trenchantly argued and very clearly presented, and will be of interest to a wide range of scholars and thinkers.

In a lucid, concise volume, Jeremy Waldron defends the role of legislation, presenting it as an important mode of governance. Aristotle, Locke and Kant emerge as proponents of the dignity of legislation. Waldron's arguments are of obvious importance and topicality, especially in countries that are considering the introduction of a Bill of Rights. The Dignity of Legislation is original in conception, trenchantly argued and very clearly presented, and will be of interest to a wide range of scholars and thinkers.

Since the 1950s, the federal government has relied on the peer review system for funding academic science. Peer review, however, is under attack for being a biased system that helps rich research universities get richer. As a remedy for these biases, university presidents and members of Congress have turned to the earmarking of science projects and facilities in the federal budget. Funding Science in America explores both the pros and the cons of the academic earmarking issue and explains why this issue has caused a rift within the nation's science community.

Being insulated by two immense oceans makes it hard for Americans to appreciate the concerns of more exposed countries. American democracy's rapid rise also fools many into thinking the same liberal system can flourish anywhere, and having populated a vast continent with relative ease impedes Americans' understanding of conflicts between different peoples over other lands. Paul R. Pillar ties the American public's misconceptions about foreign threats and behaviors to the nation's history and geography, arguing that American success in international relations is achieved often in spite of, rather than because of, the public's worldview. Drawing a fascinating line from colonial events to America's handling of modern international terrorism, Pillar shows how presumption and misperception turned Finlandization into a dirty word in American policy circles, bolstered the "for us or against us" attitude that characterized the policies of the George W. Bush administration, and continue to obscure the reasons behind Iraq's close relationship with Iran. Fundamental misunderstandings have created a cycle in which threats are underestimated before an attack occurs and then are overestimated after they happen. By exposing this longstanding tradition of misperception, Pillar hopes the United States can develop policies that better address international realities rather than biased beliefs.

How has Parliament changed since 1964 and how must it further evolve to meet the challenges of a new century in the light of devolution, a growing European Union and a post-modern culture? This collection of authoritative and lively essays to mark the fortieth anniversary of the Study of Parliament Group covers topics such as scrutinising the Government, making laws, guarding the citizenry, the new media and adapting to the world beyond Westminster.

Bitter Harvest identifies the principles governing Franklin Roosevelt's development and use of a presidential staff system and offers a theory explaining why those principles proved so effective. Dickinson argues that presidents institutionalize staff to acquire the information and expertise necessary to better predict the likely impact their specific bargaining choices will have on the end results they desire. Once institutionalized, however, presidential staff must be managed. Roosevelt's use of competitive administrative techniques minimized his staff management costs, while his institutionalization of nonpartisan staff agencies provided him with needed information. Matthew Dickinson's research suggests that FDR's principles could be used today to manage the White House staff-dominated institutional presidency upon which most of his presidential successors have relied.

The book uses an original language-based bilayer theory to throw light on the secretive structure of power in the Japanese Diet, its national parliament, and relates its findings to Japanese parliamentary democracy in historical perspective. In so doing, the book answers questions about the latent policymaking process of Japanese politics that resulted in a reduction of social alienation and disorganization while Japan industrialized. Industrialization significantly reduced poverty and increased the size of the middle class, enabling the nation to move towards democracy. The reader will see why socialists were so quixotically dogmatic toward conservatives to the point of absurdity during the Cold War period. Yet, they were able to form a coalition government following the end of Cold War era.

This book is an in-depth empirical study of four Asian and African attempts to create democratic, decentralised local governments in the late 1980s and 1990s. The case studies of Ghana, Cote d'Ivoire, Karnataka (India) and Bangladesh focus upon the enhancement of participation; accountability between people, politicians and bureaucrats; and, most importantly, on whether governmental performance actually improved in comparison with previous forms of administration. The book is systematically comparative, and based upon extensive popular surveys and local field work. It makes an important contribution to current debates in the development literature on whether 'good governance' and decentralisation can provide more responsive and effective services for the mass of the population - the poor and disadvantaged who live in the rural areas.

This project pulls together classic and modern readings and essays that explore theories of federalism. Spanning the Seventeenth through Twenty-first-centuries of European, U.S. and Canadian thinkers, this attempts to be a comprehensive reader for students in political theory. The emphasis throughout is on the normative argument, the advantages or disadvantages of federal and confederal arrangements compared to unitary states, and on the relative merits of various proposals to improve particular federations or confederations. These also draw on the full range of political science subfields: from political sociology, political economy and constitutional studies to comparative politics and international relations. There are also readings, both contemporary and historical, that attempt to clarify conceptual issues.

This project pulls together classic and modern readings and essays that explore theories of federalism. Spanning the Seventeenth through Twenty-first-centuries of European, U.S. and Canadian thinkers, this attempts to be a comprehensive reader for students in political theory. The emphasis throughout is on the normative argument, the advantages or disadvantages of federal and confederal arrangements compared to unitary states, and on the relative merits of various proposals to improve particular federations or confederations. These also draw on the full range of political science subfields: from political sociology, political economy and constitutional studies to comparative politics and international relations. There are also readings, both contemporary and historical, that attempt to clarify conceptual issues.

The 104th Congress, the first in four decades to be Republican-controlled, may prove to have ushered in an era of party dominance by congressional Republicans, or to be a transitory aberration. Either way, the 104th is a watershed in congressional history. Using the theatre metaphor to characterize the actions of Congress and to help make the institution more understandable, Congressional life and behaviour is dissected and placed in the broader context of changes in Congress in the 1990s. The contributors evaluate the way members of Congress play to the media and the larger audience, the electorate; analyze leadership roles in a cast of 535 'leading players'; evaluate the committee systems as 'little theatre'; and analyze relations among the various branches of government. Herbert Weisberg and Samuel Patterson conclude the presentation by reminding us that in Congress, 'the play's the thing'.

When Boris Yeltsin calls out the tanks and shells parliament, or when he pins medals on veterans, both acts are called executive decrees, but we do not understand both to be equivalent examples of executive discretion over policymaking. Executives increasingly take (or are given) the authority to act without concurrent legislative action. This book offers a theory of political institutions that predicts when executives should turn to decree and when legislatures should accept--or even prefer--this method of making policy. Extensive case studies demonstrate how decree has been used and abused in widely different political environments.

The 104th Congress, the first in four decades to be Republican-controlled, may prove to have ushered in an era of party dominance by congressional Republicans, or to be a transitory aberration. Either way, the 104th is a watershed in congressional history. Using the theatre metaphor to characterize the actions of Congress and to help make the institution more understandable, Congressional life and behaviour is dissected and placed in the broader context of changes in Congress in the 1990s. The contributors evaluate the way members of Congress play to the media and the larger audience, the electorate; analyze leadership roles in a cast of 535 'leading players'; evaluate the committee systems as 'little theatre'; and analyze relations among the various branches of government. Herbert Weisberg and Samuel Patterson conclude the presentation by reminding us that in Congress, 'the play's the thing'.

Parliament is central to the democratic claims of our system of governance. This book evaluates the role and performance of this centrepiece of Australian government. It explores the institutional design of the parliament, and its principles and practices, presenting a compelling case for reform. Uhr discusses parliament's representative and legislative roles, and the issue of accountability. He looks at the place of representative assemblies in liberal political theory and assesses current institutional performance. He argues that republicanism can be seen as a form of deliberative democracy, examining ways in which such democracy might be made more effective and meaningful in Australia. Combining an authoritative knowledge of political theory with a familiarity with the inner-workings of the Australian parliament, the author makes an important contribution to debates in Australia and internationally.

Libertines seeks to understand why public figures sometimes take extraordinary risks, sullying their good names, humiliating their families, placing themselves in legal jeopardy, and potentially destroying their political careers as they seek to gratify their sexual desires. From Hamilton to Trump and the many in between, each case of sexual misconduct in this book shows the seamy side of political lives, with calculations about covering discretions or portraying them favorably occurring only after the fact.

The European Union is constantly changing, both in the number of countries it embraces and in policy areas where it plays a major role. The new millennium has witnessed two major changes in the EU's scope. On 1 May 2004, it enlarged to include ten new member states; and the new European Constitution defines providing citizens with an 'area of freedom, security and justice' as one of its primary aims. This book is unique in analyzing the interplay of the two spheres.