The second of four volumes comprising a biographical dictionary of state house speakers from 1911 to 1994, this book covers speakers from Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Ohio, South Dakota, and Wisconsin. Entries provide basic biographical and career information on more than 1,400 speakers. The book opens with an analytical introduction and includes useful statistical appendixes. The four volumes, covering state speakers in the West, Midwest, Northeast, and South, are designed to complement Charles R. Ritter's and Jon L. Wakelyn's book "American Legislative Leaders, 1850-1910" (1989).

What is the Senate for and what does it do? Everyone knows what the French president, the National Assembly and political parties are for and what they do, but not the upper house. At his inauguration in October 2008, the Senate's new speaker made it his goal to make this commonplace redundant by the end of his term in 2011. It may be the least well known of the institutions of the Fifth Republic, but the Senate is an assembly based on that most particular aspect of French political culture - local government and local elus. As Paul Smith shows here, it is an institution that has evolved with the regime, sometimes in unexpected ways, and finds itself, at the end of the first decade of the 21st century, on the brink of potentially great and certainly unexpected changes in form and content.

This book analyzes Israel's leadership from the rise of the Zionist movement to the present. That leadership, Abadi holds, has been declining since David Ben Gurion, the founder and first prime minister of the state, retired from politics. Not only were the early leaders of Zionism more charismatic, the author argues, but later leaders have faced domestic and external constraints that tied their hands regarding the economy, the need to absorb immigrants, and the demand to expand and modernize the army. Contemporary leaders have proven to be unequal to the task of dealing with these problems. In addition, the book mentions the erosion of the Zionist dream and the inability of native-born Israelis to provide a new ideology. Abadi concludes with possible solutions and prospects for the future.

The third of four volumes comprising a biographical dictionary of state house speakers from 1911 to 1994, this book covers speakers from Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and West Virginia. Following an insightful analytical introduction, the entries provide biographical and career information on all of the Southern speakers. The volume concludes with valuable statistical appendixes based on an exhaustive database. This book complements volumes on the West and Midwest. A volume on the Northeast is forthcoming.

The book challenges the notion that public relations in Europe is no more than a copy of the Anglo-American approach. It presents a nation-by-nation introduction to historical public relations developments and current topics in European countries, written by noted national experts in public relations research and well-known professionals who are able to oversee the situation in their own countries. The contributions are written from an "inside view" and combine researched facts and figures with qualitative observations and personal reviews. In addition, the book provides conceptual statements that offer an insight into theoretical approaches.

A concise, well-written examination by a lawyer-historian of the judicial restraint philosophies of President Truman's four appointees to the Supreme Court: Harold Burton, Fred Vinson, Tom Clark, and Sherman Minton. Rudko's analysis of the four men's opinions in criminal procedure, loyalty-security, racial discrimination, and alien rights cases show that Truman was far more successful than most presidents in choosing justices whose view of the judicial role matched his own. Choice Much of the debate surrounding the Supreme Court can be traced to the notion that the Court is primarily a political rather than a judicial institution. When the Court is viewed from an ideological standpoint, it becomes tempting, for example, to equate judicial restraint with conservatism, and activism with a liberal political perspective. In her study of the Truman Court, Rudko demonstrates the fallacy of the political approach. Focusing of the record of President Truman's four liberal appointees, she looks at the judicial philosophy underlying important decisions involving the rights of individuals and shows how judicial issues--especially the balance between restraint and activism--have determined the decision-making process.

In 1908 Ellen Wilkinson, a fiery adolescent from a working-class family in Manchester, was "the only girl who talks in school debates." By midcentury, Wilkinson had helped found Britain's Communist Party, earned a seat in Parliament, and become a renowned advocate for the poor and dispossessed at home and abroad. She was one of the first female delegates to the United Nations, and she played a central role in Britain's postwar Labour government. In Laura Beers's account of Wilkinson's remarkable life, we have a richly detailed portrait of a time when Left-leaning British men and women from a range of backgrounds sought to reshape domestic, imperial, and international affairs. Wilkinson is best remembered as the leader of the Jarrow Crusade, the 300-mile march of two hundred unemployed shipwrights and steelworkers to petition the British government for assistance. But this was just one small part of Red Ellen's larger transnational fight for social justice. She was involved in a range of campaigns, from the quest for official recognition of the Spanish Republican government, to the fight for Indian independence, to the effort to smuggle Jewish refugees out of Germany. During Wilkinson's lifetime, many British radicals viewed themselves as members of an international socialist community, and some, like her, became involved in socialist, feminist, and pacifist movements that spanned the globe. By focusing on the extent to which Wilkinson's activism transcended Britain's borders, Red Ellen adjusts our perception of the British Left in the early twentieth century.

Morcol argues that the objectivist and deterministic assumptions of mainstream policy analysis, which are based on the Newtonian/positivist worldview or mind-set, should be transcended. After demonstrating that the favored methods of mainstream policy analysis are based on Newtonian ontological and positivist epistemological assumptions and that the connections between these two are intimately and historically related, he critically assesses and highlights the contributions of quantum mechanics, complexity theory, and cognitive science to a new mind-set in scientific knowledge, a post-Newtonian and postpositivist mind-set.

Newtonian/positivist and post-Newtonian/postpositivist worldviews are conceptualized as fuzzy mind-sets, that is they are not mutually exclusive and that they share assumptions at varying degrees. Cognitive science shows that some of the fundamental concepts and assumptions of the Newtonain/positivist philosopy--such as the concept of causality and the tendency to categorize reality (reductionist thinking)--are the products of the evolutionary adaptation of the human mind and they have become its built-in defaults. As Morcol suggests, we cannot change the biological defaults of our minds, but we can change our way of thinking, to an extent, through a cultural evolution. He argues that conscious efforts can be made in policy analysis education to help move our thinking toward a post-Newtonian and postpositivist policy analysis. Of particular interest to scholars and advanced students dealing with policy analysis, public administration, and political science, especially those concerned with epistemology and methodology.

Mission Statement: The mission of the book series is to be consistent with the mission statement of the International Public Management Network (IPMN) that will sponsor the series. The mission of IPMN and the book series is to provide a forum for sharing ideas, concepts and results of research and practice in the field of public management, and to stimulate critical thinking about alternative approaches to problem solving and decision making in the public sector. The book series editors will seek to facilitate exchange and cooperative work among scholars interested in transformational change in the public sector in individual nations and around the world. Our intent will be to create and sustain a dialogue on emerging management concepts, methods and technology so that readers can learn about innovation and change in public sector organizations throughout the world. IPMN presently includes members representing 70 different countries approximately 600 representatives from these nations. As such, we have a solid base of subscription support for the book series within IPMN. For more information on IPMN see the website at: http://www.willamette.org/ipmn/about.html In addition, we want the series to appeal to members of the Public Sector section of the Academy of Management and to the members of the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management. Both editors belong to and participate actively in AOM and APPAM.

Under pressure from the World Bank, the International Monetary Funds and the World Trade Organization governments of both industrialized and less developed nations have undertaken extensive reforms and reorganization to streamline their public sectors. This volume, with chapters written by authorities from around the world, provides information on administrative reform in varied nations. Following an introduction, which sets a theoretical framework, the book contains sections devoted to Asia, the Near/Middle East, Africa, and a comparison of East/South Europe and Asia. Administrative reform has become a widespread challenge to national and sub-national governments around the globe. Under pressure from the World Bank, the International Monetary Funds and the World Trade Organization governments of both industrialized and less developed nations have undertaken extensive reforms and reorganization to streamline their public sectors. This volume, with chapters written by authorities from around the world, provides information on administrative reform in varied nations. Developing nations face acute problems on a daily basis, making administrative reform an essential function of public administration. With chapters devoted to experiences in such nations as Korea, India, Iran, Turkey, the Arab States, Nigeria, and South Africa, this volume sheds valuable light on administrative reform in developing countries and provides lessons for future policy actions.

"This work will be valuable both for general readers and students." Library Journal

In the most devastating political detective story of the century, two "Washington Post" reporters, whose brilliant, Pulitzer Prize-winning investigation smashed the Watergate scandal wide open, tell the behind-the-scenes drama the way it really happened.
Beginning with the story of a simple burglary at Democratic headquarters and then continuing with headline after headline, Bernstein and Woodward kept the tale of conspiracy and the trail of dirty tricks coming -- delivering the stunning revelations and pieces in the Watergate puzzle that brought about Nixon's scandalous downfall. Their explosive reports won a Pulitzer Prize for "The Washington Post" and toppled the President. This is the book that changed America.

This collection assesses the condition of civic dialogue in our avowedly participatory democracy and suggests specific educational, institutional, and individual actions to enhance the contemporary public debate of social and political issues. An interdisciplinary group of distinguished scholars examines current problems and potential improvements in areas such as citizenship education, media literacy, critical viewing skills, civic journalism, the internet and democratic dialogue, media coverage of political campaigns, the recovery of excluded cultural voices, and citizen engagement in media and electoral processes. The book is divided into four parts: the first summarizes many of the predominant criticisms leveled at what passes for democratic debate in America today. Each of the next three parts focuses on specific areas for potential enhancement: public education, the mass media, and citizen awareness. The Public Voice in a Democracy at Risk offers important insights for scholars, students, and citizens interested in fostering participatory democracy.

The role of government in East Asian economic development has been a continuous issue. Two competing views have shaped enquiries into the source of the rapid growth high-performing Asian economies and attempts to derive a general lesson for other developing economies: the market-friendly view, according to which government intervenes little in the market, and the developmental state view, in which it governs the market. What these views share in common is a conception of market and government as alternative mechanisms for resource allocation. They are distinct only in their judgement of the extent to which market failures have been, and ought to be, remedied by direct government intervention. This collection of essays suggests a breakthrough, third view: the market-enhancing view. Instead of viewing government and the market as mutually exclusive substitutes, it examines the capacity of government policy to facilitate or complement private sector co-ordination. The book starts from the premise that private sector institutions have important comparative advantages over government, in particular in their ability to process information available on site. At the same time, it recognizes that the capabilities of the private sector are more limited in developing economies. The market-enhancing view thus stresses the mechanisms whereby government policy is directed at improving the ability of the private sector to solve co-ordination problems and overcome other market imperfections. In presenting the market-enhancing view, the book recognizes the wide diversity of the roles of government across various East Asian economies-including Japan, Korea, Hong Kong, Malaysia, and China-and its path-dependant and developmental stage nature.

Orman's Comparing Presidential Power is an important and insightful study of the American Presidency. The macho model of presidential leadership is developed well and supported by both primary and secondary research. In fact, a brief overview of the book cannot do justice to the detailed analysis and support provided in the work. The text is well documented and every assumption is illustrated by several specific examples. The humanistic study is written from an audience perspective providing a socio-psychological orientation of how the public interprets the office. Thus, the lasting value of the book is not so much in the comparison of the Carter and Reagan presidencies or the defense of the Carter administration but in the provision of a complete model or theory of the contemporary institutional presidency. The book is a valuable contribution to the literature and thus a must for scholars and students of the American presidency. Presidential Studies Quarterly The president of the United States may be considered the quintessential symbol of the country, and, as such, a reflection of society's dominent values. His actions and decisions are influenced by a number of factors, including the prevailing environment, bureaucratic policies, and the incumbent's personality. Over and above the abilities and opportunities of the person who holds the office, John Orman argues that success of a president's policy endeavors is ultimately dependent in luck and good timing. His hypothesis is that a president's success depends on the ability to align actions with a society that places a premium on machismo. Using this theory, he analyzes the presidencies of Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan.

Climbing the Hill explores the history and current status of women members and staff on Capitol Hill. It traces the difficult history of women in Congress, their slow and painful path to political power, and their hopes and fears of today. It presents a comprehensive analysis of women's success at the polls and within the congressional hierarchy - legislatively, politically, and socially. Through in-depth research and extensive personal interviews, the authors reveal the deep-rooted sexual divisions within the U.S. Congress and the continuing struggle of women to break into the "old boy" network. The book's comprehensive coverage is unique and up-to-date and will be of interest to scholars, students, and interested layreaders.

Traditional governance, even when it is functioning effectively and fairly, often produces clear winners and clear losers, leaving smoldering resentments that flare up whenever there is a shift in the balance of power. Over the past two and a half decades, a new style of governance has arisen to disrupt some of that winner-takes-all dynamic, offering parties a means to collectively navigate their interests in a highly focused and democratic way. Collaborative Governance is the first comprehensive practice-based textbook on the topic, presenting a solid grounding in relevant theory while also focusing on case studies, process design, and practical tools. Bringing together theory and tools from the fields of negotiation and mediation, as well as political science and public administration, this book introduces students and practitioners to the theory of collaborative governance in the context of practical applications. Coverage includes: * A connection of the practices of collaborative governance with the field's theoretical underpinnings; * Tools for students and practitioners of collaborative governance-as well as public administrators and other possible participants in collaborative governance processes-to discern when collaborative governance is appropriate in politically complex, real-world settings; * A roadmap for students, practitioners, and process participants to help them design-and effectively participate in-productive, efficient, and fair collaborative governance processes; * An exploration of constitutional democracy and the ways in which collaborative governance can be used as a tool in building a more just, fair, and functional society. Collaborative Governance is an ideal primary textbook in public administration, planning, and political science courses, as well as a jargon-free primer for professionals looking to learn more about the theory and practice of this important field.

The book challenges the notion that public relations in Europe is no more than a copy of the Anglo-American approach. It presents a nation-by-nation introduction to historical public relations developments and current topics in European countries, written by noted national experts in public relations research and well-known professionals who are able to oversee the situation in their own countries. The contributions take an "insider" point of view and combine researched facts and figures with qualitative observations and personal reviews. In addition, the book provides conceptual statements that offer an insight into theoretical approaches.

From the Pulitzer-Prize-winning New York Times reporter who has defined Donald J. Trump’s presidency like no other journalist, the 608-page bestelling Confidence Man is a magnificent and disturbing reckoning that chronicles his life and its meaning from his rise in New York City to his tortured post-presidency.

Few journalists working today have covered Donald Trump more extensively than Maggie Haberman. And few understand him and his motivations better. Now, demonstrating her majestic command of this story, Haberman reveals in full the depth of her understanding of the 45th president himself, and of what the Trump phenomenon means.

Interviews with hundreds of sources and numerous interviews over the years with Trump himself portray a complicated and often contradictory historical figure. Capable of kindness but relying on casual cruelty as it suits his purposes. Pugnacious. Insecure. Lonely. Vindictive. Menacing. Smarter than his critics contend and colder and more calculating than his allies believe. A man who embedded himself in popular culture, galvanizing support for a run for high office that he began preliminary spadework for 30 years ago, to ultimately become a president who pushed American democracy to the brink.

The through-line of Trump’s life and his presidency is the enduring question of what is in it for him or what he needs to say to survive short increments of time in the pursuit of his own interests.

Confidence Man is also, inevitably, about the world that produced such a singular character, giving rise to his career and becoming his first stage. It is also about a series of relentlessly transactional relationships. The ones that shaped him most were with girlfriends and wives, with Roy Cohn, with George Steinbrenner, with Mike Tyson and Don King and Roger Stone, with city and state politicians like Robert Morgenthau and Rudy Giuliani, with business partners, with prosecutors, with the media, and with the employees who toiled inside what they commonly called amongst themselves the “Trump Disorganization.”

That world informed the one that Trump tried to recreate while in the White House. All of Trump’s behavior as President had echoes in what came before. In this revelatory and newsmaking book, Haberman brings together the events of his life into a single mesmerizing work. It is the definitive account of one of the most norms-shattering and consequential eras in American political history.