Originally published in 1938, this book presents the diary of John Milward (1599-1670), Member of Parliament for Derbyshire from 1665 to 1670. Covering the period September 1666 to May 1668, the diary is reproduced as close to its manuscript form as possible, with a few changes made in order to render spelling consistent. A bibliography, appendices and detailed editorial introduction are also incorporated. This book will be of value to anyone with an interest in British political history and parliamentary diaries.

Parliamentary debate is a fundamental aspect of democratic law-making. While law makers everywhere seek to express their views in parliament, there are large discrepancies in who has access to the floor across political systems. This book explains how parties and their members of parliament (MPs) structure parliamentary debate. Parties may actively seek to prevent some members from taking the floor while promoting opportunities for others. In doing so, they attempt to control the message that their partisans convey in parliament. The authors provide a theoretical model to explain the design of procedural rules in parliament, how the party leadership interacts with rebel backbenchers, and how MPs represent voters. The book explores political institutions, intra-party politics, electoral politics and legislative behavior. It develops and tests a new theory of parliamentary debate, using data from the UK, Germany, New Zealand and the European Parliament.

This book addresses the multiple dimensions of the limited reach, or breakdown, of central authority in border regions of Arab states, and their implications for state sovereignty and modes of governance. These include the emergence of illicit networks of exchange, the rise of new nonstate actors in border regions, including paramilitary or jihadi groups, and the transformation of border areas into areas of regional conflict. Collectively, the essays in this volume address such processes, which have been observable in conflict-stricken countries such as Syria, Iraq, and Yemen, and in fragile political or economic contexts, like the ones in Lebanon, Tunisia, and Algeria, as well as in relatively stable Emirates such as Kuwait. The contributions also shed light on how border peripheries in the Arab world have impacted the center of political and economic power in their states.

Why does policy succeed or fail? Nick Raynsford, a former MP, Minister and campaigner, tells us how it looks from the front line of policymaking. Based on his vast personal experience at the very heart of government and the voluntary sector, Raynsford explores what works and what doesn't in making and implementing policy and legislation. He gives an 'insider's view' on a range of events. some not previously made public, including the botched 1980s reform of Housing Benefit, the vacuum left by the 1986 abolition of the Greater London Council, the ill-fated 2002 Fire Service strike and subsequent reform programme, and fitful regeneration in the Thames Gateway in the 2000s. Bringing it right up-to-date, he explores various devolution plans leading up to the so-called 'Northern Powerhouse'. Offering solutions as to how obstacles in policymaking and implementation can be overcome which will help to restore trust and much-needed confidence in government and the political process, this is a fascinating bridge across the policy and practice divide.

As the holders of the only office elected by the entire nation, presidents have long claimed to be sole stewards of the interests of all Americans. Scholars have largely agreed, positing the president as an important counterbalance to the parochial impulses of members of Congress. This supposed fact is often invoked in arguments for concentrating greater power in the executive branch. Douglas L. Kriner and Andrew Reeves challenge this notion and, through an examination of a diverse range of policies from disaster declarations, to base closings, to the allocation of federal spending, show that presidents, like members of Congress, are particularistic. Presidents routinely pursue policies that allocate federal resources in a way that disproportionately benefits their more narrow partisan and electoral constituencies. Though presidents publicly don the mantle of a national representative, in reality they are particularistic politicians who prioritize the needs of certain constituents over others.

Why are some states able to deliver public services to their citizens while others cannot? Why are some states beset by internal conflict that leaves many impoverished? Much of what has become known as the failed states literature attempts to engage with these questions, but does so in way that betrays a particular bias, engaging in advocacy for intervention rather than analysis. The Idea of Failed States directly challenges existing thinking about conventional state strength as it finds that institutional approaches to state strength obscure as much as they reveal. The question of why some states are strong and others weak has traditionally been addressed using measures of economic growth, resources, and quality of life. This book compares the dimensions of state strength characterised by community, society, and nation and uses social capital concepts to further illuminate them. Applying this approach across forty-two countries shows 'weak' states exhibiting a consistent and unique patterns of relationships between community, society, and nation as well as equally consistent and unique relationships in strong states. A blend of theory and empirics, The Idea of Failed States present a new way to think about the state - one that applies to both strong and weak alike. This work should be of interest to students and scholars researching social capital, public policy, international development and security studies.

The 1990s were marked by democratic reforms throughout Africa, which went in tandem with decentralization reforms. The chapters of the volume all highlight the gradual changes that have taken place since. Long-term structural uncodified factors - be it societal, economic, geographic, demographic - seem to have interacted with the constitutional clauses introduced during the reforms. Some chapters look at how decentralization slowly gave way to recentralization because none of the new subnational entities were politically and economically strong enough to balance off the center; some look at how inherent deficiencies in infrastructure and personnel at the subnational level brought the central government back in; some look at how different subnational units ended up working differently due to differences in demographic and social factors; some look at how uncodified factors came to determine how national politics functioned; some look at how decentralization created new conflicts between ethnic groups competing for the control of the new entities; some look at how decentralization blew new life into traditional authorities. This book was original published as a special issue of Regional and Federal Studies.

This book develops a new theoretical perspective on bureaucratic influence and congressional agenda setting based on limited attention and government information processing. Using a comprehensive new data set on regulatory policymaking across the entire federal bureaucracy, Samuel Workman develops the theory of the dual dynamics of congressional agenda setting and bureaucratic problem solving as a way to understand how the US government generates information about, and addresses, important policy problems. Key to the perspective is a communications framework for understanding the nature of information and signaling between the bureaucracy and Congress concerning the nature of policy problems. Workman finds that congressional influence is innate to the process of issue shuffling, issue bundling, and the fostering of bureaucratic competition. In turn, bureaucracy influences the congressional agenda through problem monitoring, problem definition, and providing information that serves as important feedback in the development of an agenda.

Though any psychoactive substance can be revered or reviled as a drug, as people's cultural norms shift, ultimately its status is determined in law by the state. This publication explores the regulation of drugs - alcohol and cannabis to heroin and cocaine - and practices such as social drinking and public injecting under political regimes. Drugs are discussed in their geographical contexts: the colonial legacy of cannabis prohibition for bioprospecting in Africa; the veracity of the persistent notion of the narco-state; Turkey's governance of drinking amid civil unrest; and alcohol's place in the neoliberal political economy of Ireland. In addition, drug policies are examined: from problems in managing drug-related litter in the UK to supervised injecting facility provision in Australia; harm reduction in Canada; and the global network of drug policy activists. Place is significant, but porous borders, territorial overlaps and multi-scalar linkages are influential in remaking the world through current challenges to the 'war on drugs'. This book was originally published as a special issue of Space & Polity.

A military is the most significant tool of a nation's foreign policy, and (hopefully) the tool of last resort. Yet the control a civilian leader has over the military is, in many respects, an encumbered and fractured control. The military's organizational culture, role in society, size, and considerable autonomy are potential obstacles to true civilian control over the military even in peacetime. A brief but historically informed text intended for students of the presidency or national security, Governing the Military addresses the gamut of challenges a new U.S. President faces as commander-in-chief.

'Jill Lepore is that rare combination in modern life of intellect, originality and style' Amanda Foreman 'A thoughtful and passionate defence of her vision of American patriotism' New York Times From the acclaimed New York Times bestselling historian, Jill Lepore, comes a bold new history of nationalism, and a plan for hope in the twenty-first century. With dangerous forms of nationalism on the rise, at a time of much despair over the future of liberal democracy, Harvard historian and New Yorker writer Jill Lepore makes a stirring case for the nation - and repudiates nationalism by explaining its long history. In part a primer on the origins of nations, The Case for the Nation explains how much of American history has been a battle between nationalism, liberal and illiberal, all the way down to the nation's latest, bitter struggles over immigration. Defending liberalism, as The Case for the Nation demonstrates, requires making the case for the nation. But American historians largely abandoned that defense in the 1960s when they stopped writing national history. By the 1980s they'd stopped studying the nation-state altogether and embraced globalism instead. When serious historians abandon the study of the nation, nationalism doesn't die. Instead, it eats liberalism. But liberalism is still in there, and The Case for the Nation is an attempt to pull it out. A manifesto for a better world, and a call for a new engagement with national narratives, The Case for the Nation reclaims the future by acknowledging the past.

This book explores the attempts of South Korea in its to achieve the UN's Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030. It addresses 6 of the 17 goals - clean water, affordable and clean energy, decent work and economic growth, sustainable cities and communities, climate action, and partnership - and defines specific national strategies. For each strategy, the contributors define the research indicators they selected, then analyze and examine the extent to which South Korea has met the SDG concerned. They draw these conclusions from national and international reports, government documents and policy papers on SDGs. South Korea's experience in sustainable development and green programs will contribute to the planning of long-term development strategies for developing countries.

This book explores why some members of Congress are more effective than others at navigating the legislative process and what this means for how Congress is organized and what policies it produces. Craig Volden and Alan E. Wiseman develop a new metric of individual legislator effectiveness (the Legislative Effectiveness Score) that will be of interest to scholars, voters, and politicians alike. They use these scores to study party influence in Congress, the successes or failures of women and African Americans in Congress, policy gridlock, and the specific strategies that lawmakers employ to advance their agendas.

This book explores why some members of Congress are more effective than others at navigating the legislative process and what this means for how Congress is organized and what policies it produces. Craig Volden and Alan E. Wiseman develop a new metric of individual legislator effectiveness (the Legislative Effectiveness Score) that will be of interest to scholars, voters, and politicians alike. They use these scores to study party influence in Congress, the successes or failures of women and African Americans in Congress, policy gridlock, and the specific strategies that lawmakers employ to advance their agendas.

Originally published in 1903, this two-volume work examines the changes in Parliamentary representation in England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland from the time that the House of Commons in England began to have a continuous existence until the Reform Act of 1832. Volume One focuses on the representation of England and Wales and the history of the relationship between Members of Parliament and their constituents, as well as the relationship the House of Commons had with, among others, the monarchy and the press. This book will be of value to anyone with an interest in the history of British government and popular representation.

Originally published in 1903, this two-volume work examines the changes in Parliamentary representation in England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland from the time that the House of Commons in England began to have a continuous existence until the Reform Act of 1832. Volume Two focuses on the representation of Scotland and Ireland and issues such as the disenfranchisement and re-enfranchisement of the Roman Catholic population. This book will be of value to anyone with an interest in the history of British government and popular representation.

First published in 1993, this book presents a biography of a central figure in the development of both the labour movement and British politics in the first half of the twentieth century. This highly accessible account of Bevin's life and career was the first to make use of documents pertaining to his activities during the Second World War and bring together numerous secondary studies to posit an alternative interpretation. The book is split into chronological sections dealing with his early years, his time a trade union leader from 1911 to 1929, the beginnings of his involvement in the labour party during 1929-1939, and his time in office as Minister of Labour and then Foreign Secretary.

First published in 1925, as the English translation of a 1914 French original, this book presents a detailed discussion regarding the medieval beginnings of the House of Commons. The text shows how 'during the thirteenth century there arose the practice of summoning to parliament not only the bishops, abbots, earls and barons, but also those representatives of the communities of the shires and of the communities of the towns, whose meetings in the fourteenth century formed the House of Commons'. Detailed notes are included throughout. This book will be of value to anyone with an interest in the development of the British political system and medieval history.

A surprise win for the Conservatives as the voters decisively reject a Labour leader deemed 'not Prime Minister material'? A Tory Party ripped apart by European civil war? A country rebounding from one of the worst recessions in living memory?Check, check, check.One of the winners in an election victory nobody had predicted, back in 1992, Gyles Brandreth is no stranger to a poll-confounding, knife-edge Tory majority. Controversially, his gloriously indiscreet diaries revealed for the first time the secret world of the Government Whips' Office and its struggles to control a party riven by in-fighting over Europe.Now, as history looks set to repeat itself, comes the definitive edition of this widely acclaimed classic, featuring material originally excised for legal reasons, as well as additional diaries taking the story on another ten years.With candid descriptions of the key figures of the era, from the leading players to the ministers who fell from grace - and a bright young hopeful by the name of David Cameron - Breaking the Code paints an extraordinary portrait of Whitehall and Westminster in our time - warts and all.

Between one election and the next, members of Congress introduce thousands of bills. What determines which become law? Is it the public? Do we have government 'of the people, by the people, for the people?' Or is it those who have the resources to organize and pressure government who get what they want? In the first study ever of a random sample of policy proposals, Paul Burstein finds that the public can get what it wants - but mainly on the few issues that attract its attention. Does this mean organized interests get what they want? Not necessarily - on most issues there is so little political activity that it hardly matters. Politics may be less of a battle between the public and organized interests than a struggle for attention. American society is so much more complex than it was when the Constitution was written that we may need to reconsider what it means, in fact, to be a democracy.

Between one election and the next, members of Congress introduce thousands of bills. What determines which become law? Is it the public? Do we have government 'of the people, by the people, for the people?' Or is it those who have the resources to organize and pressure government who get what they want? In the first study ever of a random sample of policy proposals, Paul Burstein finds that the public can get what it wants - but mainly on the few issues that attract its attention. Does this mean organized interests get what they want? Not necessarily - on most issues there is so little political activity that it hardly matters. Politics may be less of a battle between the public and organized interests than a struggle for attention. American society is so much more complex than it was when the Constitution was written that we may need to reconsider what it means, in fact, to be a democracy.

HIST 98 short blurb This text examines all the major themes, personalities and issues of this important period in a clear and digestible form. Illustrated with with helpful maps, charts and diagrams. "Aspects of British Political History 1914-1995" examines all the major themes, personalities and issues of this important period in a clear and digestible form. It: introduces fresh angles to long-studied topics; consolidates a great body of recent research; analyzes views of different historians; offers an interpretive rather than narrative approach; gives concise treatment to complex issues; is directly relevant to student questions and courses; is carefully organised to reflect the way teachers tackle these courses; and is illustrated with helpful maps, charts, illustrations and photographs.

This book demonstrates the consequences of legislators' strategic communication for representation in American politics. Representational Style in Congress shows how legislators present their work to cultivate constituent support. Using a massive new data set of texts from legislators and new statistical techniques to analyze the texts, this book provides comprehensive measures of what legislators say to constituents and explains why legislators adopt these styles. Using the new measures, Justin Grimmer shows how legislators affect how constituents evaluate their representatives and the consequences of strategic statements for political discourse. The introduction of new statistical techniques for political texts allows a more comprehensive and systematic analysis of what legislators say and why it matters than was previously possible. Using these new techniques, the book makes the compelling case that to understand political representation, we must understand what legislators say to constituents.

This riveting and enlightening narrative unfolds on the night of August 16, 1996, with the brutal and senseless murder of Eric Nesbitt, a young man stationed at Langley Air Force Base, at the hands of 18-year-old Daryl Atkins. Over the course of more than a decade, Atkins's case has bounced between the lowest and the highest levels of the judicial system. Found guilty and then sentenced to death in 1998 for Nesbitt's murder, the Atkins case was then taken up in 2002 by the U.S. Supreme Court. The issue before the justices: given Daryl Atkins's mental retardation, would his execution constitute cruel and unusual punishment, in violation of the Eighth Amendment? A 6-3 vote said yes. Daryl Atkins's situation was far from being resolved though. Prosecutors claimed that Atkins failed to meet the statutory definition of mental retardation and reinstituted procedures to carry out his death sentence. Back in circuit court, the jury returned its verdict: Daryl Atkins was not retarded. Atkins's attorneys promptly filed a notice of appeal, and the case continues today. Drawing on interviews with key participants; direct observation of the hearings; and close examination of court documents, transcripts, and press accounts, Thomas G. Walker provides readers with a rare view of the entire judicial process. Never losing sight of the stakes in a death penalty case, he explains each step in Atkins's legal journey from the interactions of local law enforcement, to the decision-making process of the state prosecutor, to the Supreme Court's ruling, and beyond. Walker sheds light on how legal institutions and procedures work in real life-and how they are all interrelated-to help students better understand constitutional issues, the courts, and the criminal justice system. Throughout, Walker also addresses how disability, race, and other key demographic and social issues affect the case and society's views on the death penalty.