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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Central government > General
The editors reveal the interconnection between social, cultural and political protest movements, and social and economic changes in a post-communist country like Russia still dominated by bureaucratic rulers and 'oligarchs' controlling all basic industries and mining activities. Those interests are also dominating Russia's foreign policy and explain why Russia did not succeed in becoming an integral part of Europe. The latter is, at least, wished by many Russian citizens.
A penetrating insider's view of the most important relationship in modern politics, the one on which the recent reinvention of Britain is founded: Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. By the celebrated Radio 4 Today Programme presenter James Naughtie. No Prime Minister and Chancellor this century have been bound so closely together, each depending on the other's strengths to repair weaknesses that might otherwise be politically fatal; yet theirs is a bond that crackles with suspicion and misunderstanding, lovers' tiffs that send tremors through the government . The story of the current era can only properly be told through the prism of this strange union, and it has never been told before. James Naughtie is a unique insider. A hugely respected political commentator, he has equal access to both men, to their key courtiers, to the party malcontents and everyone who has ever sat in Cabinet with them. Not since Alan Clark's Diaries has there been such a vivid, human portrait of the agonies and ecstasies of power in action. Even the supporting players are wildly dramatic: the saturnine plotting of Peter Mandelson, the muscled protection of Alistair Campbell, the Scots traditionalists facing down the Number 10 policy wonks. But the real drama is compressed into the central relationship. Here are Othello and Iago, Caesar and Brutus. This is a classic power play of our time, brilliantly, vividly and intimately staged by James Naughtie.
Political elites are a key topic in contemporary China studies, and have been investigated in relation to factional politics, generation politics, technocracy, and crucially, institutionalization. The institutionalization of elite replacement began in China in the 1980s and quickly accelerated after the early 1990s, as mechanisms emerged to regulate political elites' entry and exit, including age limits, term limits, and step-by-step promotion. By examining the various processes of elite selection, this book explores the role played by institutionalization in elite recruitment, promotion and turnover in China. While existing studies have developed our understanding of Chinese elite politics, two key puzzles regarding institutionalisation remain. Although institutionalisation is recognised as an important trend in Chinese politics, there is as yet no theoretical framework to explain the forces that have brought about and sustained this. Further, it is unclear how the process of institutionalisation has impacted on factional politics, and how factions would continue to operate within the parameters of formal politics. Drawing on a wide range of studies, this book looks at Politburo members, senior People's Liberation Army officers, provincial leaders, heads of major central state-owned enterprises, and Youth League affiliates, to provide a comprehensive understanding of elite recruitment and mobility in contemporary China. This book will be of great interests to students and scholars of Chinese politics and government, Chinese studies and Asian politics more broadly.
From a leading constitutional scholar, an important study of a powerful mode of government control: the offer of money and other privileges to secure submission to unconstitutional power. The federal government increasingly regulates by using money and other benefits to induce private parties and states to submit to its conditions. It thereby enjoys a formidable power, which sidesteps a wide range of constitutional and political limits. Conditions are conventionally understood as a somewhat technical problem of "unconstitutional conditions"-those that threaten constitutional rights-but at stake is something much broader and more interesting. With a growing ability to offer vast sums of money and invaluable privileges such as licenses and reduced sentences, the federal government increasingly regulates by placing conditions on its generosity. In this way, it departs not only from the Constitution's rights but also from its avenues of binding power, thereby securing submission to conditions that regulate, that defeat state laws, that commandeer and reconfigure state governments, that extort, and even that turn private and state institutions into regulatory agents. The problem is expansive, including almost the full range of governance. Conditions need to be recognized as a new mode of power-an irregular pathway-by which government induces Americans to submit to a wide range of unconstitutional arrangements. Purchasing Submission is the first book to recognize this problem. It explores the danger in depth and suggests how it can be redressed with familiar and practicable legal tools.
This book explores the development of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) from a liberation movement to a national authority, the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). Based on intensive fieldwork in the West Bank, Gaza and Cairo, Nigel Parsons analyzes Palestinian internal politics and their institutional-building by looking at the development of the PLO. Drawing on interviews with leading figures in the PLO and the Palestinian Authority, delegates to the negotiations with Israel, and the Palestinian political opposition, it is a timely account of the Israel/Palestine conflict from a Palestinian political perspective.
First published in 1975. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.
First published in 1975. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.
Published in the year 1974, Government and Labour in Kenya is a valuable contribution to the field of History.
First published in 1974. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.
First Published in 1973. This is Volume I of a listing of government ministers, that concentrates on major powers in Western Europe from the 1900 to 1971. It includes listings of Head of State, Head of Government, Ministers of Foreign Affairs, War, the Interior and Finance.
This volume seeks to explain the political economy of the Abe government and the so-called 'Abenomics' economic policies. The Abe government represents a major turning point in postwar Japanese political economy. In 2019, Abe became the longest serving Prime Minister in Japanese history. Abe's government stood out not only for its longevity, but also for its policies. Abe came to power promising to reinvigorate Japan's economy under the banner of Abenomics. He pursed a host of structural reforms and industrial promotions to increase Japan's potential growth rate. Abe also achieved important legislative victories in security policy. However, the government also faced significant controversies. The book will hold appeal to scholars and students specializing in the study of Japanese politics, comparative political economy, the politics of contemporary advanced democracies, macroeconomic policy, labor market reforms, corporate governance, gender equality, agricultural reforms, energy and climate change, and East Asian security.
"Every thinking American must read" (The Washington Book Review) this startling and "insightful" (The New York Times) look at how concentrated financial power and consumerism has transformed American politics, and business. Going back to our country's founding, Americans once had a coherent and clear understanding of political tyranny, one crafted by Thomas Jefferson and updated for the industrial age by Louis Brandeis. A concentration of power--whether by government or banks--was understood as autocratic and dangerous to individual liberty and democracy. In the 1930s, people observed that the Great Depression was caused by financial concentration in the hands of a few whose misuse of their power induced a financial collapse. They drew on this tradition to craft the New Deal. In Goliath, Matt Stoller explains how authoritarianism and populism have returned to American politics for the first time in eighty years, as the outcome of the 2016 election shook our faith in democratic institutions. It has brought to the fore dangerous forces that many modern Americans never even knew existed. Today's bitter recriminations and panic represent more than just fear of the future, they reflect a basic confusion about what is happening and the historical backstory that brought us to this moment. The true effects of populism, a shrinking middle class, and concentrated financial wealth are only just beginning to manifest themselves under the current administrations. The lessons of Stoller's study will only grow more relevant as time passes. "An engaging call to arms," (Kirkus Reviews) Stoller illustrates here in rich detail how we arrived at this tenuous moment, and the steps we must take to create a new democracy.
How does authority become power? How does power justify itself to achieve its ends? For over two hundred years, the Valois kings relied on a complex mixture of ideologies, ruling a monarchical commonwealth with a coherent theory of shared governance. Forged in the Hundred Years War, this commonwealth built on the defense of the public good (bien public) came undone both practically and theoretically during the Wars of Religion. Just as certain kings sought to expand the royal prerogative, so, too, elites fought to preserve their control over local government. Using town archives from more than twenty cities to complement traditional sources of political theory, The French Monarchical Commonwealth, 1356-1560 establishes the relationship between seemingly theoretical constructs, like the Salic Law, and the reality of everyday politics.
The International Directory of Government is the definitive guide to people in power in every part of the world. All the top decision-makers are included in this one-volume publication, which brings together government institutions, agencies and personnel from the largest nations (China, India, Russia, etc.) to the smallest overseas dependencies (Guadeloupe, Guernsey and Christmas Island, etc). Institutional entries contain the names and titles of principal officials, postal, e-mail and internet addresses, telephone and fax numbers, and other relevant details. New for 2012 The new 9th edition will reflect changes to government ministers and ministries following twelve months of dramatic political events around the world, from mid-2011 to mid-2012, including:
Users will benefit from:
For a number of countries, information has also been included about provincial government where considerable power is devolved to government at that level.
Americans are living through a social crisis. Populist firebrands - on left and right alike - propose to address the crisis through acts of tearing down. They describe themselves as destroying oppressive establishments, clearing weeds, draining swamps. But, as acclaimed conservative intellectual Yuval Levin argues, this is a misguided prescription, rooted in a defective diagnosis. The social crisis we confront is defined not by an oppressive presence but by a debilitating absence of forces that unite us and militate against alienation. Both Republicans and Democrats overwhelmingly respond to crisis by threatening to dismantle institutions that they perceive as belonging to their political opponents. Both sides have turned "institution" into a pejorative. Levin argues that this is misguided - this is not a time to tear down, he says, but rather to build and rebuild by committing ourselves to the institutions around us and strengthening their capacity to shape and unite us. Institutions - from the military to churches to families and universities - give us the forms we require to be free. They give us a sense of community, shared identity and a sense of belonging to something greater than ourselves. What we perceive as a social crisis, Levin argues, is really an institutional crisis. By rebuilding and restoring collective trust in our institutions, we rebuild and restore trust in society.
The political economy of toxic waste was summed up by Lawrence Summersthen chief economist at the World Bank, later U.S. Treasury Secretaryin his notorious claim that poor people live in environments that are, from an economic point of view, not sufficiently polluted. The toxic waste industry came to prominence in the United States after 1945. In its ceaseless search for profit, it now routinely endangers the health of people around the worlds and the planet itself. Smith and Girdner's Killing Me Softlyexamines the growth of the toxic waste industry and the economic logic behind its expansion. It gives a hard-hitting account of the damage it has done throughout the United States. It focuses in particular on the struggle of the people of Mercer County, Missouri, against the plans of Amoco Waste-Tech to establish a huge toxic waste landfill in the county. It shows how the persistence of ordinary people in a poor and politically marginalized area could prevail against the predations of corporate power. Although race and ethnicity play a crucial role in deciding which communities are targeted for toxic waste dumps, Smith and Girdner argue that the critical cleavage within the United States and globally is that of class. The struggle for environmental justice has an important role to play in empowering poor communities and bringing them into a larger movement for social justice.
The International Directory of Government is the definitive guide to people in power in every part of the world. All the top decision-makers are included in this one-volume publication, which brings together government institutions, agencies and personnel in every country and dependency in the world. Each chapter offers information about: the country's system of government the head of state the legislature government ministers and ministries the election commission the judiciary state-related agencies and other institutions arranged by subject heading. For a number of countries, information has also been included about provincial government where considerable power is devolved to government at that level. Institutional entries contain the names and titles of principal officials, postal, e-mail and internet addresses, telephone, and fax numbers and other relevant details.
This thoughtful, and often amusing, memoir traces the life of James Douglas-Hamilton, which has seen him serve in three different chambers. Following 23 Years as a Conservative MP at Westminster, he became a member of the new Scottish Parliament and now sits in the House of Lords. Through his eyes we gain a fascinating insight into historic events - from his early memories as a pageboy at the Queen's coronation to his time as a Minister for Margaret Thatcher's Government. Previously unpublished correspondences between the author and the Iron Lady shed new light on the controversial decision to introduce the community charge, or poll tax, in Scotland. This memoir also includes new material from recently declassified MI5 papers documenting the mysterious flight to Britain made by Rudolf Hess, the Nazi Deputy Leader, during the Second World War to see the author's father. Douglas-Hamilton's research into this extraordinary episode, and the evidence he has uncovered definitively lay the conspiracy theories to rest. James Douglas-Hamilton has peopled the pages of this book with the colourful characters he encountered during his long years of public service, including Harold Macmillan, Helen Suzman, Jomo Kenyatta and, of course, the indomitable Margaret Thatcher.
British Islam and English Law presents a novel argument about the nature and place of groups in society. The encounter with Islam has led English law to tread a line between two theoretical models, liberal individualism and multiculturalism, competing for dominance over the law of organised religion. This philosophical rivalry has generated a set of seemingly intractable conflicts between individual and community, religion and state, nation and culture. This book resurrects the long-buried theory of classical pluralism to address and resolve these tensions. Applying this to five understudied institutions that give structure and form to British Islam - banks, charities, schools, elections, clans - it outlines and justifies the reforms that would optimise the relationship between law and religion. Unflinching and unorthodox, this book places law and theory in context, employs innovative methods such as nudge theory and applied history, and provides detailed answers to hard questions about British Islam.
British Islam and English Law presents a novel argument about the nature and place of groups in society. The encounter with Islam has led English law to tread a line between two theoretical models, liberal individualism and multiculturalism, competing for dominance over the law of organised religion. This philosophical rivalry has generated a set of seemingly intractable conflicts between individual and community, religion and state, nation and culture. This book resurrects the long-buried theory of classical pluralism to address and resolve these tensions. Applying this to five understudied institutions that give structure and form to British Islam - banks, charities, schools, elections, clans - it outlines and justifies the reforms that would optimise the relationship between law and religion. Unflinching and unorthodox, this book places law and theory in context, employs innovative methods such as nudge theory and applied history, and provides detailed answers to hard questions about British Islam.
Today's MPs are often thought to be trapped in a London-centred view of life and to lack any "hinterland" of life beyond politics, and any fundamental beliefs, but this book looks at political life from a northern perspective. Starting in the Manchester area and following the author's 35 years as MP for England's northernmost constituency and a leading figure in the Liberal Democrats, the book cover key stages in the party's growth, including the 1970s Lib-Lab pact and Paddy Ashdown's leadership, as well as what the philosophy of Liberalism is all about. His experiences overseeing Britain's intelligence and security services over more than a decade are presented and the need to make parliament more effective is outlined.
Placing the development of the Soviet and Russian central governments in theoretical context, this work breaks new ground in the study of contemporary Russian politics. Iulia Shevchenko's creative treatment of the principal-agent model offers fresh insight into the institutional origins of change in government organization in the communist and post-communist period, from President Gorbachev to President Putin. She demonstrates that government organization varies with the extent to which the principal actors - the president and parliament - are prepared to empower the cabinet to actively develop rather than just implement policy. Delegation of broad decision-making powers, which occurs when the policy environment is highly competitive, is a crucial factor explaining the uneven dynamics of government development during this period. The originality of this work, rich with supporting evidence and empirical data, will ensure that it becomes the standard source for students and scholars concerned with this aspect of post-Soviet politics. |
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