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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Central government > General
The third of four volumes comprising a biographical dictionary of state house speakers from 1911 to 1994, this book covers speakers from Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and West Virginia. Following an insightful analytical introduction, the entries provide biographical and career information on all of the Southern speakers. The volume concludes with valuable statistical appendixes based on an exhaustive database. This book complements volumes on the West and Midwest. A volume on the Northeast is forthcoming.
The book challenges the notion that public relations in Europe is no more than a copy of the Anglo-American approach. It presents a nation-by-nation introduction to historical public relations developments and current topics in European countries, written by noted national experts in public relations research and well-known professionals who are able to oversee the situation in their own countries. The contributions are written from an "inside view" and combine researched facts and figures with qualitative observations and personal reviews. In addition, the book provides conceptual statements that offer an insight into theoretical approaches.
"This work will be valuable both for general readers and students." Library Journal
Mission Statement: The mission of the book series is to be consistent with the mission statement of the International Public Management Network (IPMN) that will sponsor the series. The mission of IPMN and the book series is to provide a forum for sharing ideas, concepts and results of research and practice in the field of public management, and to stimulate critical thinking about alternative approaches to problem solving and decision making in the public sector. The book series editors will seek to facilitate exchange and cooperative work among scholars interested in transformational change in the public sector in individual nations and around the world. Our intent will be to create and sustain a dialogue on emerging management concepts, methods and technology so that readers can learn about innovation and change in public sector organizations throughout the world. IPMN presently includes members representing 70 different countries approximately 600 representatives from these nations. As such, we have a solid base of subscription support for the book series within IPMN. For more information on IPMN see the website at: http://www.willamette.org/ipmn/about.html In addition, we want the series to appeal to members of the Public Sector section of the Academy of Management and to the members of the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management. Both editors belong to and participate actively in AOM and APPAM.
Morcol argues that the objectivist and deterministic assumptions of mainstream policy analysis, which are based on the Newtonian/positivist worldview or mind-set, should be transcended. After demonstrating that the favored methods of mainstream policy analysis are based on Newtonian ontological and positivist epistemological assumptions and that the connections between these two are intimately and historically related, he critically assesses and highlights the contributions of quantum mechanics, complexity theory, and cognitive science to a new mind-set in scientific knowledge, a post-Newtonian and postpositivist mind-set. Newtonian/positivist and post-Newtonian/postpositivist worldviews are conceptualized as fuzzy mind-sets, that is they are not mutually exclusive and that they share assumptions at varying degrees. Cognitive science shows that some of the fundamental concepts and assumptions of the Newtonain/positivist philosopy--such as the concept of causality and the tendency to categorize reality (reductionist thinking)--are the products of the evolutionary adaptation of the human mind and they have become its built-in defaults. As Morcol suggests, we cannot change the biological defaults of our minds, but we can change our way of thinking, to an extent, through a cultural evolution. He argues that conscious efforts can be made in policy analysis education to help move our thinking toward a post-Newtonian and postpositivist policy analysis. Of particular interest to scholars and advanced students dealing with policy analysis, public administration, and political science, especially those concerned with epistemology and methodology.
The role of government in East Asian economic development has been a continuous issue. Two competing views have shaped enquiries into the source of the rapid growth high-performing Asian economies and attempts to derive a general lesson for other developing economies: the market-friendly view, according to which government intervenes little in the market, and the developmental state view, in which it governs the market. What these views share in common is a conception of market and government as alternative mechanisms for resource allocation. They are distinct only in their judgement of the extent to which market failures have been, and ought to be, remedied by direct government intervention. This collection of essays suggests a breakthrough, third view: the market-enhancing view. Instead of viewing government and the market as mutually exclusive substitutes, it examines the capacity of government policy to facilitate or complement private sector co-ordination. The book starts from the premise that private sector institutions have important comparative advantages over government, in particular in their ability to process information available on site. At the same time, it recognizes that the capabilities of the private sector are more limited in developing economies. The market-enhancing view thus stresses the mechanisms whereby government policy is directed at improving the ability of the private sector to solve co-ordination problems and overcome other market imperfections. In presenting the market-enhancing view, the book recognizes the wide diversity of the roles of government across various East Asian economies-including Japan, Korea, Hong Kong, Malaysia, and China-and its path-dependant and developmental stage nature.
Under pressure from the World Bank, the International Monetary Funds and the World Trade Organization governments of both industrialized and less developed nations have undertaken extensive reforms and reorganization to streamline their public sectors. This volume, with chapters written by authorities from around the world, provides information on administrative reform in varied nations. Following an introduction, which sets a theoretical framework, the book contains sections devoted to Asia, the Near/Middle East, Africa, and a comparison of East/South Europe and Asia. Administrative reform has become a widespread challenge to national and sub-national governments around the globe. Under pressure from the World Bank, the International Monetary Funds and the World Trade Organization governments of both industrialized and less developed nations have undertaken extensive reforms and reorganization to streamline their public sectors. This volume, with chapters written by authorities from around the world, provides information on administrative reform in varied nations. Developing nations face acute problems on a daily basis, making administrative reform an essential function of public administration. With chapters devoted to experiences in such nations as Korea, India, Iran, Turkey, the Arab States, Nigeria, and South Africa, this volume sheds valuable light on administrative reform in developing countries and provides lessons for future policy actions.
Orman's Comparing Presidential Power is an important and insightful study of the American Presidency. The macho model of presidential leadership is developed well and supported by both primary and secondary research. In fact, a brief overview of the book cannot do justice to the detailed analysis and support provided in the work. The text is well documented and every assumption is illustrated by several specific examples. The humanistic study is written from an audience perspective providing a socio-psychological orientation of how the public interprets the office. Thus, the lasting value of the book is not so much in the comparison of the Carter and Reagan presidencies or the defense of the Carter administration but in the provision of a complete model or theory of the contemporary institutional presidency. The book is a valuable contribution to the literature and thus a must for scholars and students of the American presidency. Presidential Studies Quarterly The president of the United States may be considered the quintessential symbol of the country, and, as such, a reflection of society's dominent values. His actions and decisions are influenced by a number of factors, including the prevailing environment, bureaucratic policies, and the incumbent's personality. Over and above the abilities and opportunities of the person who holds the office, John Orman argues that success of a president's policy endeavors is ultimately dependent in luck and good timing. His hypothesis is that a president's success depends on the ability to align actions with a society that places a premium on machismo. Using this theory, he analyzes the presidencies of Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan.
This collection assesses the condition of civic dialogue in our avowedly participatory democracy and suggests specific educational, institutional, and individual actions to enhance the contemporary public debate of social and political issues. An interdisciplinary group of distinguished scholars examines current problems and potential improvements in areas such as citizenship education, media literacy, critical viewing skills, civic journalism, the internet and democratic dialogue, media coverage of political campaigns, the recovery of excluded cultural voices, and citizen engagement in media and electoral processes. The book is divided into four parts: the first summarizes many of the predominant criticisms leveled at what passes for democratic debate in America today. Each of the next three parts focuses on specific areas for potential enhancement: public education, the mass media, and citizen awareness. The Public Voice in a Democracy at Risk offers important insights for scholars, students, and citizens interested in fostering participatory democracy.
Climbing the Hill explores the history and current status of women members and staff on Capitol Hill. It traces the difficult history of women in Congress, their slow and painful path to political power, and their hopes and fears of today. It presents a comprehensive analysis of women's success at the polls and within the congressional hierarchy - legislatively, politically, and socially. Through in-depth research and extensive personal interviews, the authors reveal the deep-rooted sexual divisions within the U.S. Congress and the continuing struggle of women to break into the "old boy" network. The book's comprehensive coverage is unique and up-to-date and will be of interest to scholars, students, and interested layreaders.
The book challenges the notion that public relations in Europe is no more than a copy of the Anglo-American approach. It presents a nation-by-nation introduction to historical public relations developments and current topics in European countries, written by noted national experts in public relations research and well-known professionals who are able to oversee the situation in their own countries. The contributions take an "insider" point of view and combine researched facts and figures with qualitative observations and personal reviews. In addition, the book provides conceptual statements that offer an insight into theoretical approaches.
The creation of temporary, independent advisory bodies that give advice to Congress, is an important yet under-investigated area of congressional delegation. With variations to fit the circumstances, lawmakers entrust commissions to accomplish diverse goals, such as coping with increases in the scope and complexity of legislation, forging consensus, drafting legislation, finessing institutional obstacles, coordinating strategy, and promoting party unity. Campbell investigates why and when Congress formulates policy by commissions rather than by the normal legislative process. He shows that many variables go into the decision to entrust those bodies to render non-partisan recommendations. According to lawmakers and their staff, the three primary justifications for choosing to delegate to commission include expertise, workload, and avoidance. Which of these three dominates depends in large part on the politics surrounding a particular issue and the nature of the policy problem. The logic of delegation to each of the three commission types is different. Which reason dominates depends in large part on the politics surrounding the issue and the nature of the legislative policy problem. Scholars, students, and other researchers involved with Congress, American government, and public policy will find the study of particular interest.
This book assesses the state of presidential accountability in the post-Reagan era. It looks at five major areas of concern for students of the presidency. These problem areas concern (1.) presidents, national security, and civil liberties; (2.) controlling the intelligence community; (3.) the politized nature of the Justice Department; (4.) celebrity politics and symbolic manipulation; and (5.) the popularity of the Reagan administration and its implications for accountability. The research concludes that in the post- modern presidency, we have lost the desire and power to keep presidents accountable for their actions. After discussing the problem of presidential accountability in the opening chapter, the book turns to the checkered pasts of American presidents with respect to protecting civil liberties. It then examines the problems of presidential accountability that are posed by the intelligence community. Next, it looks at the exercises of the president's discretionary power in the criminal justice policy arena. The newer phenomenon of "Celebrity Politics" is explored next in terms of the consequences it has on citizens who want to keep the American president in check. Following this, the lessons of the popular Reagan presidency on presidential accountability are outlined. Finally, it concludes by lamenting the loss of presidential accountability in the American political system. This book should appeal to presidential researchers and anyone interested in the American presidency.
Covering key issues ranging from education to political mobilization to racial stratification, this book provides a comprehensive examination of the Obama Presidency. President Barack Obama's election and subsequent reelection represent a critical paradigm shift in American political history. But will there be lasting effects of the election of an African American to the highest office in the land in terms of the United States' economic, educational, political and social realities? A valuable resource for undergraduate and graduate students, researchers, state and federal policymakers, and general readers, this book poses critical questions and offers insightful answers from expert contributors, provides a balanced critique of President Obama's accomplishments and challenges, and considers the national and international impact President Obama's tenure had on politics. The numerous contributors to this book provide a range of perspectives on President Obama's presidency that question conventional thinking, covering key issues that include health care, education, political mobilization, gender, racial stratification, voting patterns, and criminal justice. Readers will come away with a heightened comprehension of the complex relationships between political structures, economic policies, and minority interests; how Congress, traditional and contemporary activists, and domestic and international issues all shaped the Obama Presidency; and how micro and macro issues such as voting rights, voting patterns, and Get Out the Vote (GOTV) initiatives are connected.
The Senate of the mid twentieth century, which was venerated by
journalists, historians, and senators alike, is today but a distant
memory. Electioneering on the Senate floor, playing games with the
legislative process, and questioning your fellow senators' motives
have become commonplace.
Presidents and Place: America's Favorite Sons highlights the interrelationship between America's leading political icons and various facets of space and place, including places of birth and death as well as regional allegiances, among others. Chapters examine the legacy of relationships between presidents and place in a variety of social and cultural forms, ranging from famous political campaigns to television series to developments in tourism. Beginning with the political iconography of New York's Federal Hall in early eighteenth-century America and ending with a focus on the Republican Party's electoral relationship with the South, the interdisciplinary and methodologically diverse nature of the chapters reveals that place has more than a biographical significance in relation to US presidents.
The 'Russiagate' affair is one of the most far-reaching political events of recent years. But what exactly was the nature and extent of Russian interference in the campaign that led to the presidency of Donald J. Trump? Richard Sakwa sets out the dramatic series of events that combined to create Russiagate and examines whether together they form a persuasive account of Russia's role in the extraordinary 2016 American election. Offering a meticulous account of the multiple layers in play, his authoritative analysis challenges the claims of Russian interference and collusion. As we enter into a new cold war, this myth-busting, accessible and balanced account is essential reading to understand contemporary East-West relations.
This original contribution largely based on unpublished material to the biography of an American president and to the diplomatic history of the United States traces Franklin Roosevelt's contacts with the French from his childhood until the end of his life. It necessarily concentrates on the years after he ascended the presidency--the pre-war years of the 1930s and the war years from 1939 to 1944. Especially knotty were the war years when Roosevelt had to deal with two French governments--the Vichy government and the Free French government of Charles de Gaulle--as well as their representatives and supporters. |
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