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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Central government > General
Sander chronicles changes in the Executive Office of the President (EOP) paralleling change and expansion in the federal government, the executive branch, and the office of the president, from its inception to the end of the Truman administration. . . . In his intriguing analysis of the historical dialectic surrounding theoretical questions about EOP Sander shines, showing the multi-colored underwear of a gray-flannel organization. The EOP becomes the playing field of a dynamic contest among differing constitutional and theoretical views. Sander has written a book about what could be a dull and lifeless topic, and made it enjoyable. Choice The creation of a staff to aid the chief executive in his immense management task was a crucial element in the development of the modern presidency. Focusing on the period that witnessed the most extensive changes in the executive branch, this book traces the evolution of the executive office of the President, and looks at the complex ways in which this organization has affected both the president's role and the operation of the federal government. Sander explores the political and administrative issues raised by the creation of a separate corps of careerists serving the president and independent of the departments and concludes with an assessment of various proposals aimed at reorganizing and controlling the appointment and functions of the presidential staff. Following a historical overview of major shifts in the presidential role, the author discusses the gradual increase in presidential staff and institutional support that occurred in the 1920s. Sander next examines the evolution of Roosevelt's executive office and the important precedents that were set during his administration. The primary focus of the book is on the major expansion of the presidential staff that occurred during Truman's tenure. When Truman left office, the basic staff services that enable the president to carry out his duties were in place. These were the Bureau of the Budget, the Council of Economic Advisors, the National Security Resources Board, and the National Security Council. Providing new insights on the forces and events that have shaped the institution of the presidency, this book will be of particular interest to those in the fields of political science, American political history, American public policy and public administration.
How should Israel respond to the changing external threats that confront it? This paper argues that the country's traditional security concept is obsolete and must be reformulated. How this is achieved depends on developments within the Middle East and on the outcome of current shifts in Israel's politics and society.
When Dwight Eisenhower ran for president he was so confident that he could organize the Executive Office more effectively than his predecessor that he made it an issue in the campaign of 1952. When he entered office he found that Congress had given him just two months to reorganize the Council of Economic Advisers or see it dissolved. The changes he made in the Council still form the basis of its organization. This book, based largely on original sources, attempts to analyze what Eisenhower did and did not do, and how well the mechanisms he installed worked.
The Land Reform Deception looks at a particularly contentious period in Zimbabwe's recent history, from 2000-2008, when the government seized commercial farms using illegal and violent methods against an unarmed population of farmers and workers. Robert Mugabe's government began the seizures on a small, targeted scale in an effort to suppress opposition groups, but they soon escalated into an out-of-control frenzy targeting all farms in the country. The state claimed that the seizures were carried out in response to a public cry for land redistribution and to rectify colonial-era injustices, but the move was economically and socially disastrous for the country. Land was distributed to those with little or no farming experience, and, as a result, agricultural output contracted and inflation and unemployment rose dramatically. The basic question Charles Laurie raises is why the state would target its own dominant agricultural industry using such violent and illegal methods. He also seeks to uncover the major actors and their motivations and strategies. Laurie argues that the land seizures were carried out by high-ranking officials, mostly veterans of the national war for independence, for financial and political gain. But he argues that the scale on which they were carried out and the violent methods used were never part of a planned government policy. He also argues that Mugabe initially opposed the seizures, knowing that they would wreck the economy, only to later support them to retain his political power. Incorporating unprecedented empirical evidence gathered from in-depth interviews with senior politicians, members of the secretive Central Intelligence Organization, the military and police, along with farmers and workers who were targeted during the invasions, The Land Reform Deception strips away official explanations and delves into the political and economic drivers that triggered the seizure of commercial farms.
This study analyzes the United States policies regarding China during the administration of President George W. Bush. Chi Wang examines the relationship between the United States and China from its tense origins to its current stability and shows that the China policy of the U.S. is ultimately based on pragmatic national interest that eventually overcomes short-term ideological difficulties or mistakes by inexperienced American administrations. Briefly touching on the China-policy legacy of Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, Wang provides a review of significant developments in U.S.-China policy during President George W. Bush's first term in office. By following with an analysis of the varied agendas of Bush's foreign policy advisors during his second term, readers are able to trace the influence of advisors on the president's China policy. Wang chronicles the reordering of U.S. security priorities after September 11, showing how this prompted Washington to embrace China in a measured partnership and has resulted in the short-term stabilization of U.S.-China relations.
How has Parliament changed since 1964 and how must it further evolve to meet the challenges of a new century in the light of devolution, a growing European Union and a post-modern culture? This collection of authoritative and lively essays to mark the fortieth anniversary of the Study of Parliament Group covers topics such as scrutinising the Government, making laws, guarding the citizenry, the new media and adapting to the world beyond Westminster.
President Bush's number-one management initiative for the federal
government is the Strategic Management of Human Capital. According
to Knowledgeworkers.com, human capital is the accumulated value of
an individual's intellect, knowledge, and experience. In the U.S.
federal government, a human capital crisis exists. The factors
contributing to a human capital dilemma include a knowledge bleed
due to retirement eligibility, changing perspectives on work, and
escalating knowledge loss. According to a Joint Hearing on the
Federal Human Capital, by 2005, more than half of the 1.8 million
non-postal civilian employees will be eligible for early or regular
retirement. An even greater percentage of the Senior Executive
Service, the government's core managers, will be eligible to leave.
In September 2009 Dmitrii Medvedev unveiled the term that was to become the defining objective of his presidency: 'modernization.' The contributors to this book, drawn from the leading scholars in Russian affairs, focus on the contested nature of the concept of modernization and the obstacles that arose in attempting to carry it out.
This volume examines key aspects of the migration process that are particularly relevant in the Asian context. Itlooks into established concepts and theoretical propositions that have found application in other areas, particularly in the West and explores their validity and relevance in understanding the realities of migration in Asia. Theoretical Perspectives on Migration features the perspectives of scholars from Asia and other parts of the world, as well as diverse backgrounds. It presents a variety of forms, directions, policies and institutions, including circular and temporary migration; the management of cultural diversity; the gender perspective on migration in North America, Europe and Asia; returning migrants; migration governance in the ASEAN economic community; and the determinants of migration. In conclusion, the book explores migration transition in Asia and revisits select theories in light of recent evidence. With its dialogic approach to migration in Asia by renowned authors from various regions and disciplines, this book will serve as a valuable resource to policy makers in research and academia, civil society, international organizations and the private sector."
This study is an integrated approach to how the problems of education are related to those of national development in Africa, Japan, the United States, and the former Soviet Union. These four were selected because Africa represents the Third World; Japan the emerging powers, the United States, Western democracy, and the Soviet Union the socialist world. The study is based on the assumption that a detailed study of these four countries will help to establish the relationship that exists between the problems of education and those of national development. Nations are facing problems in their struggle for development because they are unable to resolve problems of education. While socialist nations seem to focus on the development of the state as a condition of seeking the development of the individual, Western nations seek the development of the individual as a condition of national development. That both systems are experiencing serious problems in both education and national development suggests that there must be a reexamination of policy strategies. This book will be of interest to political scientists and students of comparative education.
When delegates to the 1956 Republican Convention sang "Ike for four more years," they were celebrating the President's health as much as his political agenda. Dwight Eisenhower had suffered a heart attack less than a year before, and his decision to seek a second term symbolized for many Americans Ike's victory over a nearly fatal illness. This, it seems, was the intended effect. Previous Eisenhower biographers have touched on his heart condition, but Clarence Lasby is the first to examine the impact of the president's health on the nation. He offers a dramatic revisionist account of the events surrounding the 1955 heart attack and subsequent efforts by the president and his staff to minimize its political impact. Drawing on newly-opened medical records and personal papers of Eisenhower's physicians, Lasby challenges virtually everything we have believed about the president's heart attack. Most disturbingly, he has discovered that the president's personal physician, Dr. Howard Snyder, misdiagnosed the attack as a gastrointestinal problem and waited ten hours before sending Eisenhower to the hosptial. Lasby also sets the record straight on how the president and his aides "managed" the public's understanding of events, and he offers evidence that Eisenhower, Dr. Snyder, and press secretary James Hagerty withheld and recast information to serve the president's political priorities. Equally important, Lasby's book offers a touching portrait of a proud man faced with a debilitating disease. It examines Ike's private struggle to lead a full life despite his condition and analyzes his decision to seek a second term even against the advice of cardiologist Paul Dudley White. It also shows how a man who had always carefully looked after his health now became obsessed with it. "Eisenhower's Heart Attack" is both a remarkable medical case history and an incisive character study of a strong-willed leader. It further illuminates one of our nation's most popular presidents, as it recharges the debate over the relationship between politics and presidential health--and between national security and the public's right to know.
A resource for administrators seeking innovative ideas and supporting precedents in formulating policy, this book also provides a useful textbook for public administration and policy students. It employs a wealth of case studies in budgeting and financial management to demonstrate strategies in system implementation, policy formulation, government accounting, auditing, and financial reporting. With contributions from leading experts, it clarifies procedures to solve cutback and downsizing dilemmas using theoretical models, and provides pragmatic approaches to managing financial activities under budgetary strain. It also covers the evolution of a debt management policy.
The use of information and communication technologies to support public administrations, governments and decision makers has been recorded for more than 20 years and dubbed e-Government. Moving towards open governance roadmaps worldwide, electronic participation and citizen engagement stand out as a new domain, important both for decision makers and citizens; and over the last decade, there have been a variety of related pilot projects and innovative approaches. With contributions from leading researchers, Charalabidis and Koussouris provide the latest research findings such as theoretical foundations, principles, methodologies, architectures, technical frameworks, cases and lessons learnt within the domain of open, collaborative governance and online citizen engagement. The book is divided into three sections: Section one, "Public Policy Debate Foundations," lays the foundations regarding processes and methods for scoping, planning, evaluating and transforming citizen engagement. The second section, "Information and Communication Technologies for Citizen Participation," details practical approaches to designing and creating collaborative governance infrastructures and citizen participation for businesses and administrations. Lastly, the third section on "Future Research Directions of Open, Collaborative ICT-enabled Governance" provides a constructive critique of the developments in the past and presents prospects regarding future challenges and research directions. The book is mainly written for academic researchers and graduate students working in the computer, social, political and management sciences. Its audience includes researchers and practitioners in e-Governance, public administration officials, policy and decision makers at the local, national and international level engaged in the design and creation of policies and services, and ICT professionals engaged in e-Governance and policy modelling projects and solutions.
Kuypers combines rhetorical theory and framing analysis in an examination of the interaction of the press and the president during international crisis situations in the post-Cold War world. Three crises are examined: Bosnia, Haiti, and the North Korean nuclear capability issue. Kuypers effectively demonstrates the changed nature of presidential crisis rhetoric since the end of the Cold War. Kuypers employs a new historical/critical approach to analyze both the press and the Clinton administration's handling of three international crisis situations. Using case studies of Bosnia, Haiti, and the alleged North Korean nuclear buildup in 1993, he examines contemporary presidential crisis communication and the agenda-setting and agenda-extension functions of the press. The importance of this study lies in its timeliness; President Clinton is the first atomic-age president not to have the Cold War meta-narrative to use in legitimating international crises. Prior studies in presidential crisis rhetoric found that the president received broad and consistent support during times of crisis. Kuypers found that the press often advanced an oppositional frame to that used by the Clinton administration. The press frames were found to limit the options of the President, even when the press supported a particular presidential strategy. This is a major study that will be of interest to scholars and researchers of the press, the modern presidency, and American foreign policy.
This book shows that privatization in Britain constitutes a form of state power. After analyzing the historical and ideological background, the study examines how market processes indirectly extend state control by governing participation in state asset sales, regulatory regimes, deregulated policymaking and the marketization of trade unions. Privatizing control remade British democracy. Direct state power has been concentrated and held in reserve, while market processes guide wide areas of routine decision-making. Thus, it is demonstrated that privatization has depoliticized choice and diminished freedom.
By the late 1990s Green parties had entered national governments in five Western European countries - Finland, Italy, Germany, France and Belgium.This book analyzes the performance of Green parties in these five governments by answering the following questions: what are the political conditions under which Green parties have gained effective office? How do Green parties behave in government? What is the impact of Green parties on the policy performance of the national government? What is the effect of government participation on the electoral and organizational stability of the Greens?
Authors Jones and McCaffery provide perspectives on Canadian government actions to manage financial contingency and restraint. Although the primary focus is on provincial government, attention is also paid to the actions of the federal government. The authors begin by presenting a theoretical framework through which government financial restraint management may be evaluated. In the following chapters, criteria derived from this framework are then applied to provincial government financial stress and restraint management actions. They examine the provincial economic base, revenue and expenditure trends, and financial condition. In particular, annual and cumulative budget deficits and debt loads are reviewed as indicators of the degree of financial stress faced by provincial governments. Actions taken by provinces to increase revenues and productivity, and to control expenditures, are reviewed from the early 1970s to 1987, with emphasis on the period 1983-1987. A comparison of financial stress management in the Province of Ontario and the State of California is also presented, and this comparative approach is continued in a chapter on Canadian federal government financial stress management. Finally, Canadian federal efforts to institute budget control under the Policy and Expenditure Management system are compared to budget control approaches utilized by the U.S. federal government. This unique study will improve our understanding of how the Canadian provincial and federal governments manage budgeting and financial stress. Both for the increased knowledge it offers of Canadian fiscal practices and for the insight into our own government's fiscal difficulties, scholars and students of Canadian studies, political science, public policy and administration, and economics will want to read Government Response to Financial Constraints.
"Governance of Public Sector Organizations a"nalyzes recent changes in government administration by focusing on organizational forms and their effects. Contributors to this edited volume demonstrate how generations of reform result in increased complexity of government organizations, and explain this layering process with multiple theories.
An ethics climate of suspicion and concern about conflicts of interest exists in U.S. politics, resulting in efforts to improve ethical conduct for Congress and an infrastructure to enforce them. Herrick examines various effects of the climate and ethics standards on the House of Representatives. The reforms had a positive effect on members' behavior with few costs. The ethics rules addressed behaviors that potentially harm the legislative process and House members altered their behavior to comply with the rules. Members who violate the standards were less likely to leave Congress, although a lack of electoral competition and members' power in the chamber can insolate them from electoral defeat or forced retirement. As Herrick documents, the concern with congressional ethics increased the number of members accused of unethical behavior and consequently modestly decreased the public's approval of Congress. But, by disciplining members, the new ethics increased congressional approval. Other negative effects include encouraging ethical members to retire, modestly decreasing the number of bills passed, and preventing members accused of violating the rules from carrying out their responsibilities. As a way to understand how to further improve members' ethics, Herrick offers a model that predicts which members were likely to violate the ethics standards. Based on the findings, three recommendations are offered to improve the ethics process: improve congressional elections, create an outside commission to investigate ethics violations, and discourge false charges against members.
Amid the turbulent swirl of foreign intrigue, external and internal threats to the young nation’s existence, and the domestic partisan wrangling of the 1790s, the United States Congress solidified its role as the national legislature. The ten essays in The House and Senate in the 1790s demonstrate the mechanisms by which this bicameral legislature developed its institutional identity. The first essay sets the scene for the institutional development of Congress by examining its constitutional origins and the efforts of the Founders to empower the new national legislature. The five following essays focus on two related mechanisms -- petitioning and lobbying -- by which citizens and private interests communicated with national lawmakers. Although scholars tend to see lobbying as a later nineteenth-century development, the papers presented here clearly demonstrate the existence of lobbyists and lobbying in the 1790s. The final four papers examine other aspects of the institutional development of the House and the Senate, including the evolution of political parties and congressional leadership. The essays in this collection, the third volume in the series Perspectives on the History of Congress, 1789-1801, originated in a series of conferences held by the United States Capitol Historical Society from 1994 to 2001.
Unlike texts that overwhelm with irrelevant details, Kollman gives students a simple framework, consistently applied: politics is about collective dilemmas and the institutions that solve them. How can 535 members of Congress get anything done? The committee system. How can the president change immigration policy? Executive orders. How do we get people to the polls? Voter mobilization strategies. Kollman's concise text gets to the conceptual heart of political science.
The best of presidents seem to serve in the worst of times, and Woodrow Wilson is no exception. Like Lincoln, Wilson was charged with leading the United States through a war of unprecedented scale. And like Lincoln, he is considered one of the half-dozen best presidents the country has ever had. From 1913-1921, Wilson grappled with momentous issues: domestic reform, war, and peace. His administration did much to shape twentieth century America--from establishing the U.S. as the preeminent world power to reforming banking practices, from lowering trade barriers to establishing the federal income tax. "The Presidency of Woodrow Wilson" is the best one-volume study available on this very productive presidency. Historian Kendrick Clements analyzes the reasons for Wilson's successes and failures in both domestic and foreign arenas, and investigates representative administrative departments to find out how the Wilson administration actually worked. Drawing upon the latest secondary literature and recently discovered medical records, Clements also reexamines the impact of Wilson's illness on his diplomatic and domestic leadership in the last year and a half of his presidency. |
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