This study is an integrated approach to how the problems of education are related to those of national development in Africa, Japan, the United States, and the former Soviet Union. These four were selected because Africa represents the Third World; Japan the emerging powers, the United States, Western democracy, and the Soviet Union the socialist world. The study is based on the assumption that a detailed study of these four countries will help to establish the relationship that exists between the problems of education and those of national development.

Nations are facing problems in their struggle for development because they are unable to resolve problems of education. While socialist nations seem to focus on the development of the state as a condition of seeking the development of the individual, Western nations seek the development of the individual as a condition of national development. That both systems are experiencing serious problems in both education and national development suggests that there must be a reexamination of policy strategies. This book will be of interest to political scientists and students of comparative education.

When delegates to the 1956 Republican Convention sang "Ike for four more years," they were celebrating the President's health as much as his political agenda. Dwight Eisenhower had suffered a heart attack less than a year before, and his decision to seek a second term symbolized for many Americans Ike's victory over a nearly fatal illness. This, it seems, was the intended effect.

Previous Eisenhower biographers have touched on his heart condition, but Clarence Lasby is the first to examine the impact of the president's health on the nation. He offers a dramatic revisionist account of the events surrounding the 1955 heart attack and subsequent efforts by the president and his staff to minimize its political impact.

Drawing on newly-opened medical records and personal papers of Eisenhower's physicians, Lasby challenges virtually everything we have believed about the president's heart attack. Most disturbingly, he has discovered that the president's personal physician, Dr. Howard Snyder, misdiagnosed the attack as a gastrointestinal problem and waited ten hours before sending Eisenhower to the hosptial.

Lasby also sets the record straight on how the president and his aides "managed" the public's understanding of events, and he offers evidence that Eisenhower, Dr. Snyder, and press secretary James Hagerty withheld and recast information to serve the president's political priorities.

Equally important, Lasby's book offers a touching portrait of a proud man faced with a debilitating disease. It examines Ike's private struggle to lead a full life despite his condition and analyzes his decision to seek a second term even against the advice of cardiologist Paul Dudley White. It also shows how a man who had always carefully looked after his health now became obsessed with it.

"Eisenhower's Heart Attack" is both a remarkable medical case history and an incisive character study of a strong-willed leader. It further illuminates one of our nation's most popular presidents, as it recharges the debate over the relationship between politics and presidential health--and between national security and the public's right to know.

A resource for administrators seeking innovative ideas and supporting precedents in formulating policy, this book also provides a useful textbook for public administration and policy students. It employs a wealth of case studies in budgeting and financial management to demonstrate strategies in system implementation, policy formulation, government accounting, auditing, and financial reporting. With contributions from leading experts, it clarifies procedures to solve cutback and downsizing dilemmas using theoretical models, and provides pragmatic approaches to managing financial activities under budgetary strain. It also covers the evolution of a debt management policy.

The use of information and communication technologies to support public administrations, governments and decision makers has been recorded for more than 20 years and dubbed e-Government. Moving towards open governance roadmaps worldwide, electronic participation and citizen engagement stand out as a new domain, important both for decision makers and citizens; and over the last decade, there have been a variety of related pilot projects and innovative approaches.

With contributions from leading researchers, Charalabidis and Koussouris provide the latest research findings such as theoretical foundations, principles, methodologies, architectures, technical frameworks, cases and lessons learnt within the domain of open, collaborative governance and online citizen engagement. The book is divided into three sections: Section one, "Public Policy Debate Foundations," lays the foundations regarding processes and methods for scoping, planning, evaluating and transforming citizen engagement. The second section, "Information and Communication Technologies for Citizen Participation," details practical approaches to designing and creating collaborative governance infrastructures and citizen participation for businesses and administrations. Lastly, the third section on "Future Research Directions of Open, Collaborative ICT-enabled Governance" provides a constructive critique of the developments in the past and presents prospects regarding future challenges and research directions.

The book is mainly written for academic researchers and graduate students working in the computer, social, political and management sciences. Its audience includes researchers and practitioners in e-Governance, public administration officials, policy and decision makers at the local, national and international level engaged in the design and creation of policies and services, and ICT professionals engaged in e-Governance and policy modelling projects and solutions.

Following the return of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty, it appears that the 'high degree of autonomy' promised to Hong Kong is limited in many ways. China's reservations about the development of democracy in Hong Kong lies at the heart of the problem. The conceptual inadequacies set out in the Basic Law, Hong Kong's mini-constitution, show a correlation between a lack of democracy and a loss of autonomy. This book argues that genuine autonomy from the central government in Beijing is impossible without a democratic system in Hong Kong. Developments since the handover have, however, demonstrated that democratic trends have been halted and even reversed and that democracy is not likely to be established in Hong Kong in the near future.

eBook available with sample pages: 0203401921

Kuypers combines rhetorical theory and framing analysis in an examination of the interaction of the press and the president during international crisis situations in the post-Cold War world. Three crises are examined: Bosnia, Haiti, and the North Korean nuclear capability issue. Kuypers effectively demonstrates the changed nature of presidential crisis rhetoric since the end of the Cold War. Kuypers employs a new historical/critical approach to analyze both the press and the Clinton administration's handling of three international crisis situations. Using case studies of Bosnia, Haiti, and the alleged North Korean nuclear buildup in 1993, he examines contemporary presidential crisis communication and the agenda-setting and agenda-extension functions of the press. The importance of this study lies in its timeliness; President Clinton is the first atomic-age president not to have the Cold War meta-narrative to use in legitimating international crises. Prior studies in presidential crisis rhetoric found that the president received broad and consistent support during times of crisis. Kuypers found that the press often advanced an oppositional frame to that used by the Clinton administration. The press frames were found to limit the options of the President, even when the press supported a particular presidential strategy. This is a major study that will be of interest to scholars and researchers of the press, the modern presidency, and American foreign policy.

By the late 1990s Green parties had entered national governments in five Western European countries - Finland, Italy, Germany, France and Belgium.This book analyzes the performance of Green parties in these five governments by answering the following questions: what are the political conditions under which Green parties have gained effective office? How do Green parties behave in government? What is the impact of Green parties on the policy performance of the national government? What is the effect of government participation on the electoral and organizational stability of the Greens?

This book shows that privatization in Britain constitutes a form of state power. After analyzing the historical and ideological background, the study examines how market processes indirectly extend state control by governing participation in state asset sales, regulatory regimes, deregulated policymaking and the marketization of trade unions. Privatizing control remade British democracy. Direct state power has been concentrated and held in reserve, while market processes guide wide areas of routine decision-making. Thus, it is demonstrated that privatization has depoliticized choice and diminished freedom.

Authors Jones and McCaffery provide perspectives on Canadian government actions to manage financial contingency and restraint. Although the primary focus is on provincial government, attention is also paid to the actions of the federal government. The authors begin by presenting a theoretical framework through which government financial restraint management may be evaluated. In the following chapters, criteria derived from this framework are then applied to provincial government financial stress and restraint management actions. They examine the provincial economic base, revenue and expenditure trends, and financial condition. In particular, annual and cumulative budget deficits and debt loads are reviewed as indicators of the degree of financial stress faced by provincial governments. Actions taken by provinces to increase revenues and productivity, and to control expenditures, are reviewed from the early 1970s to 1987, with emphasis on the period 1983-1987. A comparison of financial stress management in the Province of Ontario and the State of California is also presented, and this comparative approach is continued in a chapter on Canadian federal government financial stress management. Finally, Canadian federal efforts to institute budget control under the Policy and Expenditure Management system are compared to budget control approaches utilized by the U.S. federal government. This unique study will improve our understanding of how the Canadian provincial and federal governments manage budgeting and financial stress. Both for the increased knowledge it offers of Canadian fiscal practices and for the insight into our own government's fiscal difficulties, scholars and students of Canadian studies, political science, public policy and administration, and economics will want to read Government Response to Financial Constraints.

"Governance of Public Sector Organizations a"nalyzes recent changes in government administration by focusing on organizational forms and their effects. Contributors to this edited volume demonstrate how generations of reform result in increased complexity of government organizations, and explain this layering process with multiple theories.

An ethics climate of suspicion and concern about conflicts of interest exists in U.S. politics, resulting in efforts to improve ethical conduct for Congress and an infrastructure to enforce them. Herrick examines various effects of the climate and ethics standards on the House of Representatives. The reforms had a positive effect on members' behavior with few costs. The ethics rules addressed behaviors that potentially harm the legislative process and House members altered their behavior to comply with the rules. Members who violate the standards were less likely to leave Congress, although a lack of electoral competition and members' power in the chamber can insolate them from electoral defeat or forced retirement. As Herrick documents, the concern with congressional ethics increased the number of members accused of unethical behavior and consequently modestly decreased the public's approval of Congress. But, by disciplining members, the new ethics increased congressional approval. Other negative effects include encouraging ethical members to retire, modestly decreasing the number of bills passed, and preventing members accused of violating the rules from carrying out their responsibilities. As a way to understand how to further improve members' ethics, Herrick offers a model that predicts which members were likely to violate the ethics standards. Based on the findings, three recommendations are offered to improve the ethics process: improve congressional elections, create an outside commission to investigate ethics violations, and discourge false charges against members.

Amid the turbulent swirl of foreign intrigue, external and internal threats to the young nation’s existence, and the domestic partisan wrangling of the 1790s, the United States Congress solidified its role as the national legislature. The ten essays in The House and Senate in the 1790s demonstrate the mechanisms by which this bicameral legislature developed its institutional identity. The first essay sets the scene for the institutional development of Congress by examining its constitutional origins and the efforts of the Founders to empower the new national legislature. The five following essays focus on two related mechanisms -- petitioning and lobbying -- by which citizens and private interests communicated with national lawmakers. Although scholars tend to see lobbying as a later nineteenth-century development, the papers presented here clearly demonstrate the existence of lobbyists and lobbying in the 1790s. The final four papers examine other aspects of the institutional development of the House and the Senate, including the evolution of political parties and congressional leadership. The essays in this collection, the third volume in the series Perspectives on the History of Congress, 1789-1801, originated in a series of conferences held by the United States Capitol Historical Society from 1994 to 2001.

Unlike texts that overwhelm with irrelevant details, Kollman gives students a simple framework, consistently applied: politics is about collective dilemmas and the institutions that solve them. How can 535 members of Congress get anything done? The committee system. How can the president change immigration policy? Executive orders. How do we get people to the polls? Voter mobilization strategies. Kollman's concise text gets to the conceptual heart of political science.

The best of presidents seem to serve in the worst of times, and Woodrow Wilson is no exception. Like Lincoln, Wilson was charged with leading the United States through a war of unprecedented scale. And like Lincoln, he is considered one of the half-dozen best presidents the country has ever had.

From 1913-1921, Wilson grappled with momentous issues: domestic reform, war, and peace. His administration did much to shape twentieth century America--from establishing the U.S. as the preeminent world power to reforming banking practices, from lowering trade barriers to establishing the federal income tax.

"The Presidency of Woodrow Wilson" is the best one-volume study available on this very productive presidency. Historian Kendrick Clements analyzes the reasons for Wilson's successes and failures in both domestic and foreign arenas, and investigates representative administrative departments to find out how the Wilson administration actually worked. Drawing upon the latest secondary literature and recently discovered medical records, Clements also reexamines the impact of Wilson's illness on his diplomatic and domestic leadership in the last year and a half of his presidency.

This new book examines the House of Lords in both its Parliamentary and its judicial capacity. A total of 14 contributors discuss such important topics as the membership of the House,how the House compares with other second chambers in bicameral legislatures elsewhere, the role of the Lord Chancellor, the rules concerning discussion of sub judice matters and the stance taken by the Law Lords towards European Community law. At a time when the future of the House is once again under active consideration, the book serves to remind readers of the significance of the institution to the British constitution. It will be of interest to students of government and law as well as to practitioners in the field, including Parliamentarians and judges. The issues dealt with in this book go to the heart of how democracy manifests itself in the United Kingdom today.'. Contributors: Michael Rush, Nicholas Baldwin, Rodney Brazier, Paul Carmichael, Andrew Baker, Patricia Leopold, Gavin Drewry, Sir Louis Blom-Cooper, Brice Dickson, Barry Fitzpatrick, Anthony Bradney, Patricia Maxwell, Kenny Mullan, Simon Lee.

This book explores how the theories and practices of public management have evolved. It covers themes such as political, judicial, and cultural environments. It reviews the influential theoretical developments that represent the intellectual heritage of public administration from Woodrow Wilson and the classics to current schools such as Total Quality Management (TQM) and the drive for reinventing government. The author identifies and explains critical managerial functions such as decisionmaking, communication, leadership, performance evaluation, and the constant search for reform and improvement in public organizations. This comprehensive, in-depth exploration emphasizes the operational and practical consequences of the subject.

A valuable new reference work for students of the Spanish Empire, this dictionary presents biographies of the 172 men who served on the Council of the Indies--the supreme judicial tribunal for Spain's colonial empire--from the time of Philip V's reforms in 1717 to the French invasion in 1808. Based on the extensive documentation contained in Spanish archives and on various secondary sources, it offers a wealth of historical detail on a period that is important both to Spanish history and to the development of the New World.

The Historian's Wizard of Oz synthesizes four decades of scholarly interpretations of L. Frank Baum's classic children's novel as an allegory of the Gilded Age political economy and a comment on the gold standard. The heart of the book is an annotated version of The Wizard of Oz that highlights the possible political and monetary symbolism in the book by relating characters, settings, and incidents in it to the historical events and figures of the 1890s, the decade in which Baum wrote his story. Dighe simultaneously values the leading political interpretations of Oz as useful and creative teaching tools, and consolidates them in a sympathetic fashion; yet he rejects the commonly held, and by now well-debunked, view that those interpretations reflect Baum's likely motivations in writing the book. The result is a unique way for readers to acquaint themselves with a classic of children's literature that is a bit different and darker than the better-known film version. Students of history and economics will find two great stories: the dramatic rise and fall of monetary populism and William Jennings Bryan and the original rendering of a childhood story that they know and love. This study draws on several worthy versions of the Oz-as-Populist-parable thesis, but it also separates the reading of Baum's book in this manner from Baum's original intentions. Despite an incongruence with Baum's intent, reading the story as a parable continues to provide a remarkable window into the historical events of the 1890s and, thus, constitutes a tremendous teaching tool for historians, economists, and political scientists. Dighe also includes a primer on gold, silver, and the American monetary system, aswell as a brief history of the Populist movement.

Saunders complements an understanding of the origins and evolution of Woodrow Wilson's beliefs, particularly the notion of stewardship, with an appreciation of the strengths and weaknesses of his leadership and the historical context within which he pursued his dreams. Based upon a thorough and systematic analysis of the available primary sources, this work explores Wilson's relationship with his parents, his wives, and his professional and political colleagues. It examines his conduct of domestic and foreign policy from 1913-1921, as well as his inner turmoil over professed beliefs which conflicted with the demands of leadership. This detailed account records the social background, beliefs, and behavior of one of America's most controversial and significant 20th century leaders. Woodrow Wilson is perceived as the epitome of the modern idealist who took the United States into World War I to make the world safe for democracy; however, this book will show that this view of Wilson is fraught with more than the usual distortions. With the end of the Cold War and the publication of the full body of Wilson's papers, it is now possible to examine Wilson in a new and more complete light. The tensions between Wilson's private ambitions and his public role refute the main stereotype of him as an idealist.

The fundamental issue in the controversy over White House efforts to assume more complete control over the federal regulatory bureaucracy is that of administrative accountability in a democratic political system. This work examines the nature and consequences of the shift from political to administrative policy making, with illustrations from the records of the Nixon, Ford, Carter, and Reagan administrations. Ball concludes that all four presidents, despite stylistic differences, viewed regulatory control problems in strikingly similar terms, attempting to oversee federal agency activity through personnel control, deregulation, reorganization efforts, and centralized review.

Little attention has been given to the impact of adopting different governance models on societies and nations unaccustomed to alternative ways of working. This book explores the governance impact on both the structure and performance of organizations, and also examines the reactions and social repercussions of the emerging shareholder value philosophy championed by Anglo-American enterprises on stakeholder societies such as France, Germany, Japan, and the Scandinavian countries.

Since the 1980s, political scientists have developed a renewed interest in the study of political institutions, based on the assumption that "institutions matter" -that is, that formal governmental institutions and constitutional-legal rules (as well as informal institutions like parties and interest groups) are crucial determinants of the shape of politics and policy outcomes. In this respect, the "new institutionalism" resembles the "old institutionalism" of pre-behaviorist days, but the crucial difference between the two is that the new institutionalists are committed to systematic empirical testing of their hypotheses, at least in principle. In practice, however, especially in compara tive analyses, this goal has often been frustrated by the lack of reliable data for a large number of countries. Researchers have therefore usually been limited to testing their hypotheses with modest data sets collected for their own particular purposes. Of all of the political institutions, the executive branch of the government is by far the most important; it can be regarded as the irreducible core of government and the principal embodiment of political authority with specific powers that are not lodged elsewhere in the political system. Almost all countries in the world, and certainly all modem democracies, have an executive body called "government," "cabinet," or "administration" (as in the term "the Clinton administration") that has the main responsibility for running the country's public affairs."

Lentner analyzes four basic components in the formation of states: the capacity to govern, security and freedom of action, economic development strategy, and citizenship and political participation. He focuses on five Central American countries--Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. His conceptual guidelines apply to the worldwide strivings today for autonomy, unity, economic development, and democracy. His extensive research into original and little-known secondary sources from the independence of these states to the present both in the United States and Central America make this an unusually rich text for graduate students and scholars dealing with Latin American studies, Inter-American affairs, and U.S. foreign policy.