What is the nature and purpose of women's sexuality? How does women's sexuality relate to femininity, masculinity, and violence against women? What effect does sex role socialization have on women's sexual relations? To what extent have sexual behavior, expectations for intimacy, and sex research been shaped by a male-dominant society? These questions and more are addressed in Sexual Salvation, an open-minded and comprehensive celebration of cultural and sexual diversity. Relying on her 21-years' experience as a feminist sex-researcher, clinical psychologist, and college professor, the author illuminates the wide-ranging experiences women have had with sexuality and intimacy. Linking new feminist scholarship with emerging social science and therapist work, she makes contributions to understanding women's sexuality clear, logical, and appealing for a broad group of readers--women and men alike. The Cold War might be over but the Women's Sex and Culture War continues in full force. Women argue with men and each other. Politically conservative individuals argue among themselves and most of all with feminists. But feminists are far from united: one group argues persuasively that women are men's sexual victims and require additional protection; the opposing feminist group argues just as articulately that women deserve sexual autonomy, not increased restrictions under the guise of protection. Sexual Salvation, written by Naomi McCormick, a distinguished feminist sex researcher, offers relief from divisive, extremist rhetoric. In her undogmatic, meticulously researched, and beautifully written book, McCormick acknowledges the contributions of all feminists to the affirmation of women's sexual rights and pleasures. Here for the first time is a book about and for all women, not just the white, middle-class, heterosexual, able-bodied women addressed by most popular authors (including many feminists). This is an inclusive and sensitive book that touches upon the sexuality of all women: women of color, women of all sexual orientations, women of all ages, women who live with disabilities and chronic illness, poor and working class women--as well as women from socially privileged groups. More valuable still, McCormick backs up her ideas with a solid grasp of multidisciplinary scholarship. Scholars and general readers alike will find Sexual Salvation remarkable for its seamless integration of sex research and feminist and psychotherapeutic literature; and--most compelling--for its honesty.

From protest to challenge is a multi-volume chronicle of the struggle to achieve democracy and end racial discrimination in South Africa. Beginning in 1882 during the heyday of European imperialism, these volumes document the history of race conflict, protest, and political mobilisation by South Africa’s black majority. Completely revised and updated, with the inclusion of photographs and with the previous volumes re-formatted to unify the series, this second edition of From protest to challenge revives the classic work of Thomas Karis and Gwendolen Carter and provides an indispensable resource for students and scholars of African history, race and ethnicity, identity politics, democratic transitions and conflict resolution. The authors gratefully acknowledge the assistance and generosity of all those who helped to make this book possible. During two extended periods of pioneering field research by Gwendolen Carter, Thomas Karis, and Sheridan Johns in South Africa in 1963 and 1964 – a period of growing political tension – dozens of South Africans gave them documents or loaned them material to photocopy, often in the hope of preventing irreplaceable records from falling into the hands of the police. In addition, lawyers for the defendants in the 1956–61 treason trial contributed a complete set of the trial transcript and the preliminary examination, as well as a set of virtually all the documents assembled by the defence in preparation for the trial. Added to the materials that the team was able to photocopy from archival collections at several South African universities and at the South African institute of race relations, these months of fieldwork provided the initial foundation for what was to become the first four volumes of From protest to challenge.

Focusing on international social justice drama in its current local, national, and international manifestation, this interdisciplinary approach explores the relationship of contemporary dramatic forms to human rights issues. Over examines the artistic styles, goals, and thematic interests of dramatists and film directors of works of social commitment. He also considers the conditions and economics of wide audience appeal that prevent Hollywood and many independent filmmakers from effectively addressing these politically explosive issues. In contrast, differing cultures and economic concerns result in third world filmmakers and playwrights producing more comprehensive expositions of social issues. Considering a selected group of film and stage movements the author concludes with an optimistic prediction for political drama in the new century. This informed discussion will appeal to film, theatre, and cultural studies scholars.

In modern societies, full criminal trials are avoided on many occasions. This book is concerned with mechanisms that either divert from or speed up the proceedings. Koen Vriend argues that the fair trial rights as established by the European Court of Human Rights under Article 6 ECHR provide a normative framework that does not only apply in a full criminal trial, but that it can also be used for diverted and shortened proceedings. He shows that the concept of fairness-as derived from ECtHR case law-is a fundamental principle that underlies all criminal law enforcement. It provides for the appropriate framework to assess whether diverted or shortened proceedings are fair and legitimate. The book is intended for criminal law scholars and practitioners and human rights scholars. Dr. Koen Vriend is a Lecturer of Criminal Law and Criminal Procedural Law at the University of Amsterdam.

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Published under the auspices of the Consortium on Human Rights Development, this book presents a comparative analysis of two legal instruments: one national--the New Tanzanian Bill of Rights--and the other regional--The African Charter on Human Rights and People's Rights. Both are important for the purposes of protection and promotion of human rights. Human Rights in Africa records the movement towards anarchy and dictatorship in Africa which contributed tremendously to the new thinking and re-thinking about the need to respect human dignity in Africa. In this book, the author poignantly illustrates the national disregard of human rights. Taking the case of Tanzania, Peter shows various incidents of violation of human rights. He then cites examples of violations at different levels in other African and Third World countries. Part One of the book presents an historical examination of the Tanzanian Bill of Rights and the African Charter on Human and People's Rights. Part Two offers a thorough comparison of these two legal instruments. Part Three covers the entire scope of people's rights and Parts Four and Five take a look at the enforcement mechanism of these legal instruments. Part Six presents the author's conclusions and summary statements. Both the New Tanzanian Bill of Rights and the African Charter on Human and People's Rights can be found in their entirety in the Appendix. This book makes informative reading to anyone interested in international law, African history, human rights and related subjects.

Does the lethal use of drones pose any new or difficult moral problems? Or is the controversy over these weapons merely a distraction from deeper questions regarding the justice of war and the United States' bellicose foreign policy? Opposing Perspectives on the Drone Debate pulls no punches in answering these questions as five scholars square off in a lively debate over the ethics of drones and their contentious use in a point-counterpoint debate. The contributing authors are some of the foremost thinkers in international affairs today, spanning the disciplines of philosophy, sociology, political science, and law. Topics debated range from the US's contested policy of so-called "targeted killing" in Pakistan's tribal regions to fears over the damaging effects such weaponry has on our democratic institutions to the more abstract moral questions raised by killing via remote control such as the duty to capture over kill.

Moody presents the thesis that post-Confucian' societies are influenced by the legacy of a strong state ruling over a weak social structure. Ruling and opposition elites thus tend towar factionalism based on personal ties, and also to moralistic' rather than interest-based criticism, which often leads to extreme and irresponsible' political behavior. Moody applies this thesis to all the post-Confucian states of East Asia in uneven chapters on Taiwan, South Korea, South Vietnam, China, North Korea, Vietnam as a whole, and Japan. . . . Moody's witty and cynical style . . . and an elegant thesis make this work suitable for advanced undergraduates and graduate students as well.

No country in the Confucian cultural area has shown great tolerance for competitive politics. China, Taiwan, the two Koreas, and Vietnam are either authoritarian or totalitarian in political structure. Thus Peter R. Moody, Jr., begins his comparative study of the historical backgrounds and contemporary political situations in post-Confucian states. "Political Opposition in Post-Confucian Society" studies the obstacles to democratization in East Asia. Japan, writes Moody, of the only exception to the political structure of this region, has not yet proven itself a competitive democracy and the present democratic system was imposed by foreign occupation. This book demonstrates how a similar logic of politics pervades these societies despite differences in culture and political institutions.

Moody provides an up-to-date analysis of politics in these countries and examines contemporary developments in a historical and cultural context.

Human information and communication technology (ICT) implants have developed for many years in a medical context. Such applications have become increasingly advanced, in some cases modifying fundamental brain function. Today, comparatively low-tech implants are being increasingly employed in non-therapeutic contexts, with applications ranging from the use of ICT implants for VIP entry into nightclubs, automated payments for goods, access to secure facilities and for those with a high risk of being kidnapped. Commercialisation and growing potential of human ICT implants have generated debate over the ethical, legal and social aspects of the technology, its products and application. Despite stakeholders calling for greater policy and legal certainty within this area, gaps have already begun to emerge between the commercial reality of human ICT implants and the current legal frameworks designed to regulate these products. This book focuses on the latest technological developments and on the legal, social and ethical implications of the use and further application of these technologies.

While the crisis in Central America is receiving attention from scholars in a variety of disciplines, few works have focused on the role of nongovernment organizations in reducing levels of violence in that region. This remarkable case study examines the resilient struggle by workers at the Guatemala Coca-Cola bottling plant from 1976-1986, and documents why this union was able to survive within a repressed government to become a key factor in stimulating a larger independent labor movement in the country. Scholars of political sociology, labor studies, and the governments and politics of Central America will do well to read this volume.

Much has been written In English about the experiences and treatment of immigrants from south of the Rio Grande once they have entered the United States. But this account, by the itinerant, effervescent and highly original journalist Belen Fernandez, offers a different and wholly original take. Belen Fernandez shows us what life is like for would-be migrants, not just from the Mexican side of the border but inside Siglo XXI, the notorious migrant detention center in the south of the country. Journalists are prohibited from entering Siglo XXI; Fernandez only gained access because she herself was detained as a result of faulty paperwork when she attempted to return to the US to renew her passport. Once inside the facility, Fernandez was able to speak with detained women from Honduras, Cuba, Haiti, Bangladesh, and beyond. Their stories, detailing the hardships that prompted them to leave their homes, and the dangers they have experienced on an often-tortuous journey north, form the core of this unique book. The companionship and support they offer to Fernandez, whose antipathy to returning to the United States, the country they are desperate to enter, is a source of bemusement and perplexity, demonstrates a spirited generosity that is deeply moving. In the end, the Siglo XXI center emerges as a strikingly precise metaphor for a 21st century in which poor people, effectively imprisoned by American political and economic policies, nevertheless display astonishing resilience.

Over the last few decades national boundaries have become less and less important. "Between Cosmopolitan Ideals and State Sovereignty" explores how philosophers and political theorists have recast principles of justice and human rights in the light of the challenges posed by globalization. It discusses important ethical issues that arise at a global level and addresses such questions as whether human rights and sovereignty can ever be reconciled, how just political institutions can be developed in a world without boundaries and how humanitarian intervention can be justified.

The New Left was founded in 1962, and as a social and political protest movement, it captured the attention of the nation in the Sixties. By 1968, the New Left was marching in unison with hundreds of political action groups to achieve one goal—the end of the war in Vietnam. Under J. Edgar Hoover's direction, the FBI went from an intelligence collection agency during WWII, to an organization that tried to undermine protest movements like the New Left. Hoover viewed the New Left as a threat to the American way of life, so in an enormous effort of questionable legality, the FBI implemented some 285 counter-intelligence (COINTELPRO) actions against the New Left. The purpose of COINTELPRO was to infiltrate, disrupt, and otherwise neutralize the entire movement. In truth, the FBI intended to wage war on the antiwar movement. In this real-life spy story—J. Edgar Hoover and his G-Men, wiretaps, burglaries, misinformation campaigns, informants, and plants—Davis offers a glimpse into the endlessly fascinating world of the Sixties. Kent State, Columbia University, Vietnam Moratorium Day, the 1968 Democratic National Convention, the Cambodian invasion and March Against Death are all examined in this riveting account of the longest youth protest movement in American history. This is the only book devoted entirely to the New Left COINTELPRO, and the first one written after the declassification of more than 6,000 counterintelligence documents that reveal the true nature and extent of the FBI's Assault on the Left.

Water Law and Cooperation in the Euphrates-Tigris Region: A Comparative and Interdisciplinary Approach builds on the increased attention for international water governance questions in the UN International Year of Water Cooperation (2013) to evaluate various management issues related to the Euphrates and Tigris rivers, with particular attention to the legal governing framework. Alongside contributions by legal scholars from the respective riparian countries on the national water law, the book offers a unique interdisciplinary perspective on political, hydrological and environmental aspects of water management in the region. Additionally, the overall legal implications of water sharing and water resource management are addressed analyzed, in a critical overview. Finally, Water Law in the Euphrates-Tigris Region: A Comparative and Interdisciplinary Approach serves as a comprehensive analysis of modern water law in its inclusion of comparative studies of legal and institutional aspects of water management systems in other international river basins. Legal scholars, political scientists, specialists in conflict resolution, economists and policy-makers will find an essential new work in Water Law in the Euphrates-Tigris Region: A Comparative and Interdisciplinary Approach.

Robert Weatherley examines the role of nationalism in Chinese thinking on democracy and human rights spanning four successive periods: the late Qing, the Republic, Mao's China and post-Mao China. During this time, many of the debates in China about democracy and rights have been tied to the question of how to make China strong. The trigger is usually a perceived threat from foreign imperialism. Following the outbreak of the First Opium War in 1839, this imperialism took a military form, leading many Chinese reformers to embrace a system of democracy and rights in order to protect China from further foreign encroachments. In more recent years, the perceived threat has come from cultural imperialism, most apparent, Beijing claims, when the West criticises China for its poor record on democracy and human rights. This has led to the evolution of a distinctively Chinese model of democracy and rights that differs significantly from that deriving from the West.

Command responsibility, or executive accountability, assumes that leaders are responsible for the actions of their subordinates. If subordinates misbehave, violate basic moral laws, transgress international law, or thwart international standards of behavior, their leader may be called before to justice. Standards that set the boundaries of human action have been evolving for many millennia, with some degree of precision arriving after the post-World War II international war crimes prosecutions. The United Nations and other organizations have helped codify the international law under which commanders may be held responsible. This book explores the factor that have moved civilization closer to a standard approach to rule of law and the accountability of leaders for the actions of those they command.

How do memory and remembrance relate to the specific mode of transitional justice that lays emphasis on restoration? What is captured and what is obliterated in individual and collective efforts to come to terms with a violent past? Across this volume consisting of twelve in-depth contributions, the politics of memory in various countries are related to restorative justice under four headings: restoring trust, restoring truth, restoring land and restoring law. While the primary focus is a philosophical one, authors also engage in incisive analyses of historical, political and/or legal developments in their chosen countries. Examples of these include South Africa, Colombia, Rwanda, Israel and the land of Palestine, which they know all too well on a personal basis and from daily experience.

Human Rights and the Third World: Issues and Discourses deals with the controversial questions on the universalistic notions of human rights. It finds Third World perspectives on human rights and seeks to open up a discursive space in the human rights discourse to address unresolved questions, citing issues and problems from different countries in the Third World: 1. Whether alternative perspectives should be taken as the standard for human rights in the Third World countries? 2. Should there be a universalistic notion of rights for Homo sapiens or are we talking about two diametrically opposite trends and standards of human rights for the same species? 3. How far these Third World perspectives of human rights can ensure the protection of the minorities and the vulnerable sections of population, particularly the women and children within the Third World? 4. Can these alternative perspectives help in fighting the Third World problems like poverty, hunger, corruption, despotism, social exclusion like the caste system in India, communalism, and the like? 5. Can there be reconciliation between the Third World perspectives and the Western perspective of human rights?

This book offers the first comprehensive and in-depth analysis of the provisions of the 'Malabo Protocol'-the amendment protocol to the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human and Peoples' Rights-adopted by the African Union at its 2014 Summit in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea. The Annex to the protocol, once it has received the required number of ratifications, will create a new Section in the African Court of Justice and Human and Peoples' Rights with jurisdiction over international and transnational crimes, hence an 'African Criminal Court'. In this book, leading experts in the field of international criminal law analyze the main provisions of the Annex to the Malabo Protocol. The book provides an essential and topical source of information for scholars, practitioners and students in the field of international criminal law, and for all readers with an interest in political science and African studies. Gerhard Werle is Professor of German and Internationa l Crimina l Law, Criminal Procedure and Modern Legal History at Humboldt-Universitat zu Berlin and Director of the South African-German Centre for Transnational Criminal Justice. In addition, he is an Extraordinary Professor at the University of the Western Cape and Honorary Professor at North-West University of Political Science and Law (Xi'an, China). Moritz Vormbaum received his doctoral degree in criminal law from the University of Munster (Germany) and his postdoctoral degree from Humboldt-Universitat zu Berlin. He is a Senior Researcher at Humboldt-Universitat, as well as a coordinator and lecturer at the South African-German Centre for Transnational Criminal Justice.

Since World War II, remarkable progress has been made toward establishing more effective international laws and organizations to reduce opportunities for confrontation and conflict, and to enhance the pursuit of security and well-being. This book offers a detailed record of that progress, as well as its meaning for our times and those ahead. Taking a historical, theoretical, and case-study approach, John Gibson provides the reader with a broad understanding of how international organizations evolved to serve the interests of their member states, how the constitutional charters of organizations provide a coherent statement of goals and means to goals, and how these organizations are assuming increasing authority in the international system.

The work traces the progression of international constitutional and human rights law, with an emphasis on the past 45 years. In the first part, Gibson discusses the historic processes of political relations and mutual reliance; the evolution of these patterns through World War II; the subsequent history of the United Nations; the prime goals of international constitutional law; and the organizations' range of authority--from the high state to the supra-organization level. Part two offers a case study of the progression of international human rights law. Separate chapters trace the history of human rights in religion and philosophy and the role of the state in international law, while the concluding chapter on the United Nations Commission on Human Rights demonstrates how organizations actually function. This book will be a valuable resource for courses in international relations and international law, as well as an important addition to academic and professional libraries.

We Want Land to Live explores the current boundaries of radical approaches to food sovereignty. First coined by La Via Campesina (a global movement whose name means "the peasant's way"), food sovereignty is a concept that expresses the universal right to food. Amy Trauger uses research combining ethnography, participant observation, field notes, and interviews to help us understand the material and definitional struggles surrounding the decommodification of food and the transfor mation of the global food system's political-economic foundations. Trauger's work is the first of its kind to analytically and coherently link a dialogue on food sovereignty with case studies illustrating the spatial and territorial strate gies by which the movement fosters its life in the margins of the corporate food regime. She discusses community gardeners in Portugal; small-scale, independent farmers in Maine; Native American wild rice gatherers in Minnesota; seed library supporters in Pennsylvania; and permaculturists in Georgia. The problem in the food system, as the activists profiled here see it, is not markets or the role of governance but that the right to food is conditioned by what the state and corporations deem to be safe, legal, and profitable-and not by what eaters think is right in terms of their health, the environment, or their communities. Useful for classes on food studies and active food movements alike, We Want Land to Live makes food sovereignty issues real as it illustrates a range of methodological alternatives that are consistent with its discourse: direct action (rather than charity, market creation, or policy changes), civil disobedience (rather than compliance with discriminatory laws), and mutual aid (rather than reliance on top-down aid).

Based on country reports and practical input from researchers and activists in the field, this book is an up-to-date account of the issues surrounding women's reproductive rights across Europe. The contributions provide astute theoretical analysis of existing problems and suggest innovative alternatives. The book brings together authors from academia, policy-making and international institutions to ensure comprehensive representation and thorough commentary of the issues.

The doctrine of universal jurisdiction has evolved throughout modern times in the context of global criminal justice as a paramount agent of combating impunity emanating from international criminality. Sierra Leone, as a member of the international community and the United Nations, has, in recent times, been a pioneer in the progressive application and development of international criminal law in the African region. Despite this role, the country's profile, both in terms of the incorporation and application of the doctrine of universal jurisdiction, is deficient in several major respects falling far short of its dual international obligation not to provide safe havens from justice for perpetrators of international crimes and to combat impunity from such criminogenic acts. Hence, a compelling reason for the author to write this book was to provide a seminal scholarly work on the subject articulating the existing state of the law in Sierra Leone and highlighting the deficiencies in the law and factors inhibiting the exercise of universal jurisdiction in this UN member state. It was also to propose necessary substantive and procedural law reforms in the state's jurisprudence on the subject. The book is recommended reading for practitioners and scholars in international criminal law and related disciplines. Its accessibility is highly enhanced by relevant tables and summaries of each chapter. Justice Rosolu J.B. Thompson is Professor Emeritus of Criminal Justice Studies, Eastern Kentucky University, USA. He was a member of and Presiding Judge in Trial Chamber I of the Special Court for Sierra Leone.

This timely and innovative book delivers a comprehensive analysis of the non-recognition of the right to a family life of migrant live-in domestic and care workers in Argentina, Canada, Germany, Italy, Lebanon, Norway, the Philippines, Slovenia, South Korea, Spain, the United Arab Emirates, the United States of America, and Ukraine.