Written by a team of international lawyers from Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Caribbean,this book analyses some of the most significant aspects of the ongoing armed conflictbetween the Russian Federation and Ukraine. As challenging as this conflict is for the international legal order, it also offers lessonsto be learned by the States concerned, and by other States alike. The book analysesthe application of international law in this conflict, and suggests ways for this law'sprogressive development. It will be useful to practitioners of international law working at national Ministriesof Defence, Justice, and Foreign Affairs, as well as in Parliaments, to lawyers ofinternational organizations, and to national and international judges dealing withmatters of public international law, international humanitarian law and criminal law.It will also be of interest to scholars and students of international law, and to historiansof international relations. Sergey Sayapin is Assistant Professor in International and Criminal Law at the Schoolof Law of the KIMEP University in Almaty, Kazakhstan. Evhen Tsybulenko is Professor of Law at the Department of Law of the Tallinn Universityof Technology in Tallinn, Estonia.

Disasters have a devastating effect on the lives of people. The occurrence of a disaster can kill thousands in an instance, injure many others, damage homes and destroy livelihoods. It is of essential importance that the response to a disaster is as effective and adequate as possible to limit and alleviate the suffering of disaster survivors. To this end, affected states can make use of offers of humanitarian assistance made by other states, international (humanitarian) organisations and NGOs. Such international assistance is vital for the effective response to a disaster when the affected state is unable (or unwilling) to respond adequately. When in such cases the affected state refuses to accept international humanitarian assistance, the disaster survivors suffer the consequences.Within public international law there are no legally binding instruments dealing explicitly with the obligations of states in the aftermath of disasters. Rather, a variety of sources can be used as pieces of a puzzle determining to what extent states have an obligation to accept international humanitarian assistance in disaster settings. In the first part of this book, these pieces of the puzzle are put together to create a legal framework explaining the steps an affected state must take in seeking and accepting humanitarian assistance. It becomes clear from the application of this framework that detail is lacking to make the framework of practical use. The needs which disaster survivors are usually deprived of (shelter, food, water and access to basic healthcare) are laid down as human rights in the International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The second part of the book will use this human rights instrument to concretise the legal framework, as such setting standards determining when an affected state must accept international humanitarian assistance in the aftermath of a disaster.

This volume discusses EU criminal justice from three perspectives. The first concerns fundamental rights following the adoption of the directives that have progressively reinforced the cornerstone of procedural rights of suspects and defendants in national criminal proceedings in the EU member states so as to facilitate judicial cooperation. The second perspective relates to transnational criminal investigations and proceedings, which are seen as a cross section of the current state of judicial cooperation in the area of freedom, security and justice, with the related issues of efficiency, coordination, settlement of conflicts of jurisdiction, and guarantees. The third perspective concerns the development of a supranational justice system in the light of the recently established European Public Prosecutor's Office, whose European judicial nature still coexists with strong national components.

Should a politician be free to fiercely attack the religion of a sector of the population? Should he be allowed to strongly reject the culture of a particular minority group? Should religious adherents be allowed to advocate the transition from a democratic to a theocratic state? Should a satirical magazine be free to mock religious figures and practices? These sort of questions concern the place of faith in public debate and continue to dominate public discussion that has been fuelled by a series of events, including the terrorist attacks in New York, Madrid and London; the assassination of Dutch film director Theo van Gogh; the affair of the Danish Cartoons; the prosecution of Dutch politician Geert Wilders for his statements on Islam and Muslims; and the terrorist attack on French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo in Paris.The overarching question triggered by these events concerns the relationship between freedom of expression and the regulation of 'hate speech'; which forms of hate speech should the state prohibit, on what grounds and by which means? Notably, the restriction of hate speech uttered in the context of the public debate about multiculturalism, immigration, integration and Islam, and of religious fundamentalism has become a topic of lively discussion.This research constitutes the first international comparative study that provides a profound analysis of the law on hate speech in France and the Netherlands and under European and international law. It thoroughly examines the national legislation, its drafting history, policy and other legal documents and case law including famous legal cases against Dutch politician Geert Wilders, French politician Jean-Marie Le Pen and le Front National, French comedian Dieudonne and satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo. It also makes reference to the most recent international hate speech literature and discusses its key issues. This book can, thereby, form a source of inspiration for anyone interested or involved in the regulation of hate speech: academics; legislators; judges; prosecutors; politicians; interested citizens; and involved NGOs and can contribute to the 'faith in public debate', by elucidating its possible boundaries.

Traveling alone when she was between 17 and 22, with no institutional affiliation and no financial assistance, the author visited five developing countries and two developed ones on five continents. Her goal was to extend her own experience in an abortion clinic in Portland, Oregon. Lara Knudsen interviewed over 90 women's rights activists, health professionals, NGO workers, and government officials, gaining a sense of both official policies and the actual delivery of services in local clinics. In each setting she asked, ""How much control do women have over their bodies and fertility-related decisions?"" To begin to understand the answer to this vast question, the book examines women's access to sex education, maternity care, family planning, and abortion, and analyzes how much power women in diverse contexts have to negotiate sexual practices. The book places the experiences of women within the global context of how international population control agendas have influenced women's reproductive rights in the past, and how the changing international discourse on reproductive health continues to influence those rights today. This rare comparative policy book written by a single author is a model for how research can be conducted by students and activists. This ""essential primer on the comparative experiences of reproductive rights"" (as Lisa Ann Richey calls this book) is well-suited for courses in women's studies, globalization, public health, and political science.

Through a rigorous critique of the dominant narrative of the Rwandan genocide, Collins provides an alternative argument to the debate situating the killings within a historically-specific context and drawing out a dynamic interplay between national and international actors.

Debates between realists, communitarians, and cosmopolitans about the ethics of intervention in world politics are disciplined by competing models of the public/private distinction. Taking insights and controversies from feminist political theory, Lu focuses on this construct to illuminate alternative images of 'sovereignty as privacy' and 'sovereignty as responsibility', and to identify new ethical challenges arising from the increased agency of private global civil society actors, and their uneasy relationship with the world of states in contexts of 'humanitarian intervention'.

When conflicts arise between claims to human rights for women and claims for religious integrity and authority, which perspective should prevail? The author investigates the criteria for assessing such situations, including family religious ideology and the questions of relativism, privacy, and agency. The study concludes that theological resistance and certain political and social inhibitors sometimes, ironically, render the human rights concept inappropriate for achieving the rights of religious women.

Political sociology has often left the discussion of collective political behavior to those working within a social movement framework. The politics of inequality and social division invoke important questions for political sociology. Many argue that at the heart of political sociology is the study of power differences and social inequality. This volume focuses upon how politics influences the patterns of social stratification and how the various inequalities in society affect politics. Inequalities of race, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation are included at local, regional, national, and transnational levels. Several studies consider "hate groups" and victims of hate.
This collection of research serves as an example of aspects of social status, social class, and ideology connected to contemporary questions about "who wins" in struggles for civic, economic, and individual citizenship. Inequalities of race, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation are studied at local, regional, national and transnational levels. Several articles consider "hate groups" and victims of hate. The politics of inequality are discussed in enduring theoretical frameworks and emerging literatures related to political groups and associations, the order of law and the state, social movements, and terrorism and violence. The authors hope that this volume will stimulate further work in the political sociology of social inequality.

A fascinating account which discusses the indigenous peoples at the Cape at the time of the Dutch colonisers' arrival through to the years of apartheid. This includes the colonial conquest of Zambia expanding upon the role played by venture capital and the demands of manufacturing capitalism in the colonisation of large parts of Africa. The place of women in both colonial settler society and indigenous society is also dealt with. Through all the chapters runs the thread of the lives of the common people, and how their interactions are circumscribed by social conditions.

Privacy. We want lots of it for ourselves. We love to invade the privacy of others. We are willing to trade it for benefits of all kinds, including credit, social services, and friendship. Why is this? Where should we draw a line? How should we handle our ambivalence in an era in which privacy often appears to be under official attack? This book explores such questions by rooting into scarce literature to explain why privacy is such a strong need, reviewing a variety of methods for guarding privacy, and concluding that at one time America was a very fortunate place privacy-wise. McLean examines problem areas in which privacy invasions play, or have played, large roles. Rape and sexual offenses are analyzed; so, too, is news reporting that touches private matters and race relations.

Privacy and its Invasion also has a point to make: that privacy, despite its dark side, is an idea whose time has come, an ancient need that now requires explicit endorsement and protection as a value. A thought-provoking examination of something we have come to regard as a basic right, but a right under assault, this book is for all concerned with contemporary social and legal issues, civil liberties, and communications.

The impact of the European Convention on Human Rights on public and criminal law has been well documented. The common law will be equally revolutionised by the Convention,yet its future is uncharted. This collection of papers, the product of two seminars held jointly with 1 Crown Office Row and the human rights group Justice, offers some navigational aids to those confronted with these deep waters. It contains analyses of current law and predictions for the future from practitioners and experts in a range of common law fields, including clinical negligence, medical law, environmental law, mental health and defamation. In addition to these specific areas, these chapters also explore the relationship between the ECHR principles of proportionality and margin of appreciation and the traditional way of resolving common law disputes. The book also includes a detailed - and controversial - scrutiny of the compatibility of the legal aid and costs proposals with the procedural right to a fair trial guaranteed by the Convention. CONTENTS 1 INTRODUCTION William Edis 2 THE CONVENTION AND THE HUMAN RIGHTS ACT: A NEW WAY OF THINKING Philip Havers QC and Neil Garnham 3 COSTS, CONDITIONAL FEES AND LEGAL AID Guy Mansfield QC 4 HORIZONTALITY: THE APPLICATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS STANDARDS IN PRIVATE DISPUTES Jonathan Cooper 5 REMEDIES Rosalind English 6 GENERAL COMMON LAW CLAIMS AND THE HUMAN RIGHTS ACT Richard Booth 7 BRINGING AND DEFENDING A CONVENTION CLAIM IN DOMESTIC LAW: A PRACTICAL EXERCISE Philippa Whipple 8 THE IMPACT OF THE CONVENTION ON MEDICAL LAW Philip Havers QC and Neil Sheldon 9 CLINICAL NEGLIGENCE AND PERSONAL INJURY LITIGATION Robert Owen QC, Sarah Lambert and Caroline Neenan 10 ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS David Hart 11 CONFIDENTIALITY AND DEFAMATION Rosalind English 12 MENTAL HEALTH Jeremy Hyam 13 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND GUIDE TO Sources Owain Thomas

This book explores the constitutional debates of the Year 3 of the French Revolution (also known as Year 1 of the French Republic) and the drafts for the Declaration and the Constitution of 1793. It presents the revolutionaries' distinct view on human rights and the rights of the peoples, as well as their philosophical underpinnings. After discussing how contemporary legal history and theory, and political philosophy approached the revolutionary period, the book tackles the main topics covered during the debates and proposals. Starting with the issue of external relations and the sovereignty of the people and ending with natural rights and Republicanism, this book shows how apparently technical questions (such as what procedure should be implemented to declare a war) are intertwined with philosophical reflections on rights and with problems that were urgent at the time.

Traveling alone when she was between 17 and 22, with no institutional affiliation and no financial assistance, the author visited five developing countries and two developed ones on five continents. Her goal was to extend her own experience in an abortion clinic in Portland, Oregon. Lara Knudsen interviewed over 90 women's rights activists, health professionals, NGO workers, and government officials, gaining a sense of both official policies and the actual delivery of services in local clinics. In each setting she asked, ""How much control do women have over their bodies and fertility-related decisions?"" To begin to understand the answer to this vast question, the book examines women's access to sex education, maternity care, family planning, and abortion, and analyzes how much power women in diverse contexts have to negotiate sexual practices. The book places the experiences of women within the global context of how international population control agendas have influenced women's reproductive rights in the past, and how the changing international discourse on reproductive health continues to influence those rights today. This rare comparative policy book written by a single author is a model for how research can be conducted by students and activists. This ""essential primer on the comparative experiences of reproductive rights"" (as Lisa Ann Richey calls this book) is well-suited for courses in women's studies, globalization, public health, and political science.

Can human rights really protect people from want? If one is lacking medical care or housing, can one really go to a judge and ask for the provision of such goods and services? These questions have proved divisive for academics, politicians and judges working in the field of human rights. Some consider that there is no real difference between civil and political rights and economic, social and cultural rights. Others think that economic, social and cultural rights have structural features that make their judicial protection unwelcome. This book aims to move this debate forward. It starts by recognizing that while there is no abyss between civil and political rights and economic, social and cultural rights, some perceptible differences between different duties arising out of human rights remain. In particular, duties aiming to provide for basic needs which are significantly costly give rise to problems that deserve special attention. They are structurally disposed to give rise to dilemmas. Under human rights, everybody is entitled to certain goods and services in times of dire need, but in a context of scarcity, there are not enough resources to provide these goods and services to everybody. Under what rule or principle would it be reasonable for judges to intervene in these sorts of situations? What would be the best approach to these problems? How can a judge intervene in these problems while maintaining his commitment to the rights of everyone? The book studies the possibilities of judicial engagement with matters of welfare in situations of scarcity. First, it isolates the real problems that such forms of judicial engagement entail. Afterwards, it presents three distinct strategies for protecting welfare duties judicially: reasonableness, prioritization and deliberative democratic dialogue. Reasonableness is based on the practice of reasonableness review present in the Constitutional Court of South Africa. By contrast, prioritization and deliberative democratic dialogue constitute more novel alternatives to reasonableness that are loosely inspired in various developments in comparative constitutional law. Finally, it discusses the relative merits and demerits of these strategies in an analytical framework based on qualitative comparative analysis.

A gripping history of China's deteriorating relationship with Hong Kong, and its implications for the rest of the world. For the 150 years that Hong Kong was a British colony, people, money and technology flowed freely, while Hong Kong residents enjoyed freedoms that simply did not exist in mainland China. When the territory was handed over to China in 1997, the Communist Party promised that Hong Kong would remain highly autonomous for fifty years. Now, at the halfway mark, it is clear that China has not kept its word. Universal suffrage and free elections have not been instituted and activists have been jailed en masse following the decree of a sweeping national security law by Beijing. As China continues to expand its global influence, Hong Kong serves as a chilling preview of how dissenters could be treated in regions that fall under the emerging superpower's control. A Hong Kong resident from 1992 to 2021, Mark L. Clifford has witnessed this transformation first-hand and has unrivalled access to the full range of the city's society, from student protestors to billionaire businessmen and senior government officials. A powerful and dramatic mix of history and on-the-ground reporting, Today Hong Kong, Tomorrow the World is the definitive account of one of the most important geopolitical standoffs of our time.

Unlike most leading works that focus on a broad spectrum of the woman's rights movement, Israel Kugler's volume provides an in-depth analysis of the drive for equalty for women during a specific, influential era in American history: the pioneering efforts of woman's rights organizations in the post-Civil War period. With the war against slavery at an end, the Reconstruction Era was hailed by women leaders, who had been active in the Union cause, as the time for the establishment of equal rights for all humanity--men and women alike. It was this historic period that saw the creation of permanent woman's rights organizations dedicated to a specific goal--that of woman suffrage.

The book deals with the controversial relationship between African states, represented by the African Union, and the International Criminal Court. This relationship started promisingly but has been in crisis in recent years. The overarching aim of the book is to analyze and discuss the achievements and shortcomings of interventions in Africa by the International Criminal Court as well as to develop proposals for cooperation between international courts, domestic courts outside Africa and courts within Africa. For this purpose, the book compiles contributions by practitioners of the International Criminal Court and by role players of the judiciary of African countries as well as by academic experts.

The essential guide that allows both sides to be heard Rabbi Professor Dan Cohn-Sherbok presents the Israeli perspective, while Dr Dawoud El-Alami presents the Palestinian perspective Updated to cover the most recent events, including the US recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and the May 2021 fighting in Gaza, this bestselling introduction explores the history, motivations and people behind the Palestine-Israel conflict - and assesses the prospects for peace after almost eighty years.

Providing a unique critical perspective to debates on slavery, this book brings the literature on transatlantic slavery into dialogue with research on informal sector labour, child labour, migration, debt, prisoners, and sex work in the contemporary world in order to challenge popular and policy discourse on modern slavery.

- Integrates broad and comprehensive coverage of human rights and social justice challenges for vulnerable and marginalized populations, including refugees and migrants; persons involved in the criminal justice system; older adults; and groups facing oppression because of their race, culture, ethnicity, sexuality, and/or religion. - Leading scholarly experts in their respected areas (e.g., health and mental health; economic justice; etc.) draw valuable connections between theory and practice and provide case studies to illustrate how concepts apply and appear in real-life settings. - Develops an integrated social justice/human rights theoretical model that can be applied across methods, populations, and fields of practice.

This work explains the nature of constitutional rights. It does so by means of an analysis of the nature of law in general, the nature of constitutions, and the nature of rights. It looks in detail at several aspects of constitutional law, rights and institutions, as well as aspects related to public officials, private persons and associations. In addition, the book critically examines a considerable number of debates about whether some actual or proposed constitutional rights ought to be established and maintained in the United States constitution. It then identifies the kinds of reasons that justify or fail to justify constitutional rights. The book advances the debate and makes a contribution to the theory and the practice of constitutional rights.

This book investigates how human rights law can be applied to corporate entities. To date there have been insufficient international legal mechanisms to bring corporations to justice for their misconduct abroad. The book argues that rather than trying to solve the problem locally, an international approach to corporate human rights compliance needs to be sought to prevent future corporate human rights abuses. Implementing effective and enforceable human rights compliance policies at corporate level allows businesses to prevent negative human rights impacts such as loss of revenue, high litigation costs and damage to reputation. By considering human rights to be an inherent part of their business strategy, corporations will be well equipped to meet national and regional business and human rights standards, which will inevitably be implemented in the next few years. This approach, in turn, also furthers the fundamental aim of international human rights law.