Jacoby provides a comprehensive social history of the abortion abolition campaign from its beginnings following "Roe v. Wade" through the 1996 elections. She explores the abortion abolition effort historically, sociologically, theologically, and politically, arguing for a deepened understanding of American abortion opponents.

The history of the abortion abolition effort in America is examined through three different approaches to the understanding of collective behavior. Beginning with the immediate post-"Roe" period, the movement is explored as a Catholic moral crusade, and Jacoby analyzes why Catholic Americans were particularly prone to such activity as well as why otherwise theologically compatible Protestants were not. She then examines the effort as a major social movement beginning around 1980. Finally, the late-1980s development of direct action activity, most notably in the form of Operation Rescue, is viewed in light of its connection to the theology and expectations of religious revivalism. In her conclusions, Jacoby provides a new model for understanding faith-based political action. Students, teachers, and the general public will find this book a thorough, comprehensive, and accessible examination of the movement.

Is everything good in Christianity plagiarized from traditional African religions? What about criticisms of Christianity made by the Nation of Islam? Craig S. Keener and Glenn Usry answer these and other hard questions put to the black church. Craig Keener and Glenn Usry's highly acclaimed Black Man's Religion showed in impressive detail that Christianity and Afrocentricity can go together. Now they turn to specific, nitty-gritty questions put to the black church by non-Christians: Is everything good in Christianity plagiarized from traditional African religions? Isn't it intolerant to say Christ is the only way to God? Is the Bible reliable? What about criticisms of Christianity made by the Nation of Islam? Keener and Usry meet these and other important questions head-on, providing responses relevant to and especially for black men and women.

Privacy is a puzzling concept. From the backyard to the bedroom, everyday life gives rise to an abundance of privacy claims. In the legal sphere, privacy is invoked with respect to issues including abortion, marriage, and homosexuality. Yet privacy is surrounded by a mire of theoretical debate. Certain philosophers argue that privacy is neither conceptually nor morally distinct from other interests, while numerous legal scholars argue that constitutional and tort privacy law protect merely a disparate melange of interests. Inness offers an escape from this mire. She suggests that intimacy is the core of privacy, including privacy appeals in tort and constitutional law. Conceptually, privacy's protection of intimate decisions distinguishes it from other legal interests, such as liberty from undue state intervention. Intimacy is also the source of privacy's distinctive value. Privacy embodies our respect for people as creators of their own plans of intimacy and of their own emotional destinies. By arguing that intimacy is the core of privacy, Inness undermines privacy skepticism, while also providing a new account of privacy that explains our everyday and legal privacy disagreements, including the controversial constitutional right to privacy.

Tom Bingham (1933-2010) was the 'greatest judge of our time' (The Guardian), a towering figure in modern British public life who championed the rule of law and human rights inside and outside the courtroom. Lives of the Law collects Bingham's most important later writings, in which he brings his distinctive, engaging style to tell the story of the diverse lives of the law: its life in government, in business, and in human wrongdoing.
Following on from The Business of Judging (2000), the papers collected here tackle some of the major debates in British public life over the last decade, from reforming the constitution to the growth of human rights law. They offer Bingham's distinctive insight on issues such as the role of the judiciary in a democracy, the implementation of the Human Rights Act, and the development of the rule of law, in the UK and internationally.
Written in the accessible style that made The Rule of Law (2010) a popular success, the book will be essential reading for all those working in law, and an engaging inroad to understanding modern constitutional and legal debates for the general reader.

Known terrorists are often targeted for death by the governments of Israel and the United States. Several thousand have been killed by drones or by operatives on the ground in the last twenty years. Is this form of killing justified, when hundreds or thousands of lives are possibly at risk at the hands of a known terrorist? Is there anything about it that should disturb us? Ethically-sound and practical answers to these questions are more difficult to come by than it might seem. Renowned political theorists Jeremy Waldron and Tamar Meisels here defend two competing positions on the legitimacy of targeted killing as used in counterterrorism strategy in this riveting and essential for-and-against book. The volume begins with a joint introduction, briefly setting out the terms of discussion, and presenting a short historical overview of the practice: what targeted killing is, and how it has been used in which conflicts and by whom. It then hones in on killings themselves and the element of targeting. The authors tackle difficult and infinitely complex subjects, for example the similarities and differences between targeted killing of terrorists and ordinary killings in combat, and they ask whether targeted killing can be regarded as a law enforcement strategy, or as a hybrid between combat and law enforcement. They compare the practice of targeted killing with assassination and the use of death squads. And they consider the likelihood that targeted killing has been or will be abused against insurgents, criminals, or political opponents. Meisels analyzes the assassination by Israeli operatives of nuclear scientists working for regimes hostile to Israel. Meisels and Waldron carefully consider whether this sort of killing can ever be justified in terms of the danger it, in theory, averts. The conclusions drawn are at once as surprising as they are insightful, cautioning us against a world in which targeted killing is the norm as it proliferates rapidly. This is essential reading not only for students of political and war theory and military personnel, but for anyone interested in or concerned by the future of targeted killing.

This text examines the political importance of moral opposition to authoritarian rule in Chile, 1973-90, as a challenge to the government's systematic human rights' violations. It was initially led by the Catholic Church, whose primate founded an organization to defend human rights: the Vicariate of Solidarity (1976-92). The book assesses the impact of moral opposition as a force for redemocratization by tracing the history and achievements of the Vicariate. It also argues that such moral matters are often underestimated in regime transition analysis.

Human rights is often claimed as the 'idea' of our time. However, although considerable time, energy and resources have been invested in the idea, and extravagant claims are often made about progress in providing machinery for the protection of human rights, there are few signs that violations are any less common than in the past. This book argues that while the USA was instrumental in establishing the 'idea' of human rights as a dominant theme in the day-to-day rhetoric of international relations, powerful economic and political interests succeeded in ensuring that a strong international regime for the protection of human rights did not emerge.

Republicans have a lot more in common with the ACLU than they think! For decades conservative Republicans have railed against the 'liberal' American Civil Liberties Union and its state affiliates for defending unpopular causes from the rights of 'criminals' to flag burning, pornography, and Nazi marches down Main Street. So what possessed the Indiana CLU to put a card-carrying Republican at its helm? How could anyone who supported George Bush be a civil libertarian? In this fascinating first-hand account, Sheila S. Kennedy explains her amazement at stalwart conservatives who seem to think that being a Republican is utterly incompatible with a firm devotion to civil liberties. In perceptive, humorous, and easy-to-understand anecdotes, Kennedy, a self-described Goldwater Republican, skewers the rampant misrepresentations about civil libertarians, the ACLU, and those who have abandoned the libertarian heart of the GOP. With robust enthusiasm and a fervent conviction that the nation needs a 'Liberty's Lawyer', Kennedy offers her thoughts on: The Great Prayer Wars; The Criminal's Lobby versus Tax and Spend Conservatives; The Gay Nineties and Family Values; Purveyors of Filth at the Local Library; A Day at the Legislature, or Can These People Really Be Representative?; and more.

""Agents of Atrocity" provides an incisive and elegant treatment of the problem of the all too common horrors of mass murder, rape and plunder in military conflict. Using compelling theory combined with careful historical assessments of three civil conflicts (in Israel, Russia and England), Neil Mitchell places the focus squarely on the role of leaders in amplifying or moderating atrocities in armed conflicts. While the richness of the cases themselves is sufficient reason to read this book, the implications for anticipating atrocities and reducing their occurrence make it essential for those who seek to study or practice human rights and security policy."-- Hans Jenkins-Smith, Professor of Public Policy, Texas A&M University
""Agents of Atrocity" is an excellent and important book filling a void in contemporary human rights research. By focusing not only on the decision-makers who are at the head of abusive governments, but also on the agents who physically commit those abuses and the relationship between the two, Mitchell enhances our understanding of the dynamics of carnage. This book should be read by all who wish to understand how and why governments commit such horrific crimes, and steps that can be taken to prevent them."-- Steven C. Poe, University of North Texas
"This is an erudite, literate, fascinating volume. Mitchell explains why political leaders sometimes prevent, sometimes ignore, and sometimes encourage violence, while followers, if not properly controlled, are frequently motivated by rape, loot, and sadism. Mitchell brings the individual back into the study of human rights and shows how in practice, as well as in law, international standards of accountabilitycan moderate political violence. The book is a pleasure to read, and hard to put down." --Rhoda Howard-Hassmann Wilfrid Laurier University

El presente trabajo representa una critica a la postura del Poder Judicial Federal, respecto a la manera en que se ha integrado la jurisprudencia en materia de derecho familiar, al no considerar aspectos trascendentales para decidir la filiacion en un caso controvertido, donde se invoca la utilizacion de la prueba genetica de ADN. Lo anterior, se ha hecho por medio de la comparacion de la jurisprudencia federal y la jurisprudencia de los Estados Unidos de America.

This book considers the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on a communication procedure as a key contributor to the realization of children's Article 12 Convention on the Rights of the Child participation rights. Weaknesses in the current formulation of the CRC communication procedure (its first iteration since entry into force 14 April, 2014) are examined and suggestions for strengthening of the mechanism in various respects considered. Actual cases concerning children's fundamental human rights in various domains and brought under various international human rights mechanisms are considered as hypothetical OP3-CRC communications/complaints. In addition certain domestic cases brought to the highest State Court are considered as hypothetical OP3-CRC communications brought after exhaustion of domestic remedies. In this way various significant weaknesses of the OP3-CRC are illustrated in a compelling meaningful case context and needed amendments highlighted.

Although international human rights law establishes the individual right to receive reparations, collective reparations have been considered a common response from judicial and non-judicial bodies to reparations for victims of gross violations of human rights. As such, collective reparations have been awarded within the field of international human rights law, international criminal law and transitional justice. Yet the concept, content and scope of collective reparations are rather unspecified. To date, neither the judicial nor the non-judicial bodies that have granted this kind of reparations have ever defined them.This book presents the first study on collective reparations. It aims to shed light on the legal framework, content and scope of collective reparations, and to the relationship between collective reparations and the individual right to reparations. In order to do so, the book analyses specific case law from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the International Criminal Court and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia. Additionally, the practices of non-judicial mechanisms were examined, specifically those of the Peruvian and Moroccan Truth Commissions and of two mass claims compensation commissions (the United Nations Compensation Commission and the Eritrea-Ethiopia Claims Commission). Finally, it provides an overview of the challenges that collective reparations present to the fields of international human rights law and international criminal law, including in their implementation.

Mary Wollstonecraft (1759-1797), author and pioneering feminist, answers Edmund Burke's "Reflections on the Revolution in France" in this, her first stirring political pamphlet. In "A Vindication of the Rights of Men" (1790), Wollstonecraft refutes Burke's assertions that human liberties are an "entailed inheritance," that the alliance between church and state is necessary for civil order, and that civil authority should be restricted to men "of permanent property." Rather, liberties are rights which all human beings "inherit at their birth, as rational creatures".

Studies the nature and development of Dr. King's political ideas and his contributions to modern political thought.

Customers based in the US and Canada, please order from: https://www.sas.ac.uk/envisionthisAmerica Envisioning Global LGBT Human Rights: (Neo)colonialism, Neoliberalism, Resistance and Hope is an outcome of a five-year international collaboration among partners that share a common legacy of British colonial laws that criminalise same-sex intimacy and gender identity/expression. The project sought to facilitate learning from each other and to create outcomes that would advance knowledge and social justice. The project was unique, combining research and writing with participatory documentary filmmaking. This visionary politics infuses the pages of the anthology. The chapters are bursting with invaluable first hand insights from leading activists at the forefront of some of the most fiercely fought battlegrounds of contemporary sexual politics in India, the Caribbean and Africa. As well, authors from Canada, Botswana and Kenya examine key turning points in the advancement of SOGI issues at the United Nations, and provide critical insights on LGBT asylum in Canada. Authors also speak to a need to reorient and decolonise queer studies, and turn a critical gaze northwards from the Global South. It is a book for activists and academics in a range of disciplines from postcolonial and sexualities studies to filmmaking, as well as for policy-makers and practitioners committed to envisioning, and working for, a better future. Customers in the USA and Canada can purchase the book from here: https://bit.ly/2KBk0V2

The globalization of trade, investment, and finance continues apace. Many have benefited from this, but deep inequalities persist. This book argues that the interconnections established by globalization make possible a critique of its inequality. For those who take seriously human dignity, equality is a basic presumption of social institutions.

"Models of Charitable Care" analyses the practice of Catholic nuns in Amsterdam in the 19th and 20th century. Attention is paid to the ambiguous ascetic spiritual discourse that underpinned their work: it encouraged charity as solidarity with strangers, but caused intense emotional distance too. Historiography is mainly manufactured by religious and lay academics who shared the congregational perspective and presented fairly positive evaluations. Criticism from within, however, is voiced by care leavers who grew up in homes ran by religious. Some are grateful, others bitter. The sisters were living models who combined an anti-worldly outlook with a practical concern for vulnerable creatures. Relating various theoretical interpretations, a typology of three models is developed with 'agency' as the differentiating criterion.

The two volumes edited by Dr Wilson, Director of the John Memorial Foundation, make an important body of Johnson's writings more readily available to scholars in African-American studies. Volume II comprises literary essays, political essays, and song lyrics. The critical introduction places Johnson in relation to other black artists, the development of African-American literature and early integrationist movements.

This book examines the contribution social theory can make to understanding different human rights which operate in a variety of settings. Including an introduction to the theoretical issues raised by the study of rights, it covers a range of individual and collective rights, illuminating the relationship between social theory and human rights.

Paradoxically, many governments that persistently violate human rights have also ratified international human rights treaties that empower their citizens to file grievances against them at the United Nations. Therefore, citizens in rights-repressing regimes find themselves with the potentially invaluable opportunity to challenge their government's abuses. Why would rights-violating governments ratify these treaties and thus afford their citizens this right? Can the mechanisms provided in these treaties actually help promote positive changes in human rights? "Insincere Commitments" uses both quantitative and qualitative analysis to examine the factors contributing to commitment and compliance among post-Soviet states such as Slovakia, Hungary, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. Heather Smith-Cannoy argues that governments ratify these treaties insincerely in response to domestic economic pressures. Signing the treaties is a way to at least temporarily keep critics of their human rights record at bay while they secure international economic assistance or more favorable trade terms. However, she finds that through the specific protocols in the treaties that grant individuals the right to petition the UN, even the most insincere state commitments to human rights can give previously powerless individuals - and the nongovernmental and intergovernmental organizations that partner with them - an important opportunity that they would otherwise not have to challenge patterns of government repression on the global stage. This insightful book will be of interest to human rights scholars, students, and practitioners, as well as anyone interested in the UN, international relations, treaties, and governance.

Today Russia and human rights are both high on the international agenda. Since Putin returned to the presidency in 2012, domestic developments--from the prosecution of Pussy Riot to the release of Khodorkovsky--and Russia's global role, especially in relation to Ukraine, have captured the attention of the world. The role of human rights activism inside Russia is, therefore, coming under ever greater international scrutiny. Since 1991, when the Russian Federation became an independent state, hundreds of organisations have been created to champion human rights causes, with varying strategies, and successes. The response of the authorities has ranged from being supportive, or indifferent, to openly hostile. Based on archival research and practical experience working in the community, Mark McAuley here provides a clear and comprehensive analysis of the progress made by human rights organisations in Russia--and the challenges which will confront them in the future.

This critique of the securitization and criminalization of asylum seeking challenges the claim that asylum seekers 'threaten' receiving states. It analyzes recent policy developments in relation to their wider historical, political and European contexts and argues that the UK response effectively renders asylum seekers as scapegoats.

What are the consequences of European integration on social movements? Who are the "winners" and the "losers" of Europe's organized civil society? This book explores the Europeanization of contention through an in-depth, comparative analysis of French and German pro-asylum movements since the end of the 1990s. Through an examination of their networks, discourses, and collective actions, it shows that the groups composing these movements display different degrees and forms of Europeanization, reflected in different fields of protest. More generally, it shows the multiple strategies implemented by activists to Europeanize their scope of mobilization and by doing so participate in the construction of a European public sphere.