Suffrage Days focuses on a number of figures whose role in this agitation has been ignored or neglected. These include the free-thinker Elizabeth Wolstenholme Elmy; the founder of the women's movement in the United States, Elizabeth Cady Stanton; the working class orator, Jessie Craigen and the socialist suffragists, Hannah Mitchell and Mary Gawthorpe. Through the lives of these figures Holton vividly uncovers the complex origins of the movement and associated issues of gender.

It is, in some circles, called "No-Touch Torture." Yet it brings pain and damage that can last a lifetime. Psychological torture techniques - which have a history of use by U.S. forces globally trailing far into the past beyond Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib - include a variety of methods from mock executions, severe humiliation, and mind-altering drugs, to forced self-induced pain, sensory disorientation including loud music and light control, and exploitation of personal or cultural phobias. It is no accident, for example, that Private Lynndie England was seen in Abu Ghraib pictures, which shocked the world, with Arab prisoners forced naked into a pile or led like dogs by leash. Arabs have strong spiritual beliefs about the humiliation of public nudity, and also have a strong cultural fear of dogs. These techniques are neither surprising nor particular to England if one has fair knowledge of the U.S. history of sanctioned psychological torture techniques, say the experts behind this book. Having reached a joint crescendo of intolerance and horror, scholars from across the nation met in 2006 for a conference on psychological torture and what can be done to stop the practice. They agree with Alberto Mora, the U.S. Navy's general counsel, who fought to stop the Pentagon-sanctioned psychological torture at Guantanamo. "Cruelty disfigures our national character. Where cruelty exists, law does not," Mora said. This book is the joint effort of those scholars, from the University of California Center for the Study of Human Rights in the Americas, to Harvard Medical School, to paint a clear picture of psychological torture, its longterm affects, and spur action to stop the practice. "The distinctlyAmerican form of psychological torture" has four characteristics that make it attractive to the CIA and other supporters, say the authors. It is elusive - lacks the clear signs of physical abuse so eludes detection and complicates investigation, prosecution, or attempts at prohibition. It is shrouded - in scientific patina that makes it appeal to policy makers and avoids the obvious physical brutality unpalatable to the general public. It is adaptable - as shown by searing innovations by the CIA across 40 years. And it is destructive - can cause psychosis and other psychological disorders or, in more severe cases, death. While, in public, U.S. officials spotlight and support legislation that has banned physical torture, far more clandestine political, military, and CIA activities are refining and increasing the use of psychological torture. This book includes a brief history of sanctioned psychological experiments and actions to torture, as well as CIA research outsourced to leading U.S. universities that produced what the authors call "key findings that led to the first real revolution in the cruel science of pain in centuries." Historical information here includes a summary of a decade of mind-control research by the CIA that in 1963 resulted in the KUBARK Counterintelligence Interrogation manual. This volume represents a striking collaboration of distinguished psychologists, psychiatrists, neurobiologists, lawyers, historians, and a semanticist. The book closes with case studies of the psychological torture of Mohammed al-Qahtani, the alleged 20th hijacker in the 9/11 attacks, and of Salim Hamdan, the alleged driver of Osama bin Laden. This work will be absorbing to any readerinterested in human rights, covert politics now and across history, military science, psychology, or psychiatry.

The idea of human rights is powerful. Deriving in its modern form from the Enlightenment, this doctrine has come to denote individual rights against government oppression, including the right to freedom of thought, religion, speech, assembly, and to a fair system of criminal justice. But even in this basic political sense "human rights" means different things in different historical and cultural contexts and advocacy of such rights has frequently been challenged as subjective. In "Justifying Ethics "Jan Gorecki offers a thoroughgoing critique of the most common attempts to formulate objective standards through appeals to human nature, religion, and reason.

Gorecki opens his inquiry by considering the role of norm-making concepts in the history of ethical thought, how standards of rights were claimed to conform with human nature and reason or have been stipulated by an external authoritative source such as God or social contract. He then shows how such justifications may be discounted on analytical or practical grounds using such instances as divine will, Kantian reason, and the truth value of moral judgments.

With respect to empirically grounded appeals to human nature, Gorecki argues against the notion that the innate plasticity of human behavior and potential for social diversity is sufficient grounds for human rights activity without objective justification. Whatever its difficulties, the search for justification remains essential in enhancing the persuasiveness of ethical action that aims at the moral "contagion" of the people by the human rights experience and the transition from moral acceptance to legal implementation.

Broad in intellectual scope, "Justifying Ethics "draws upon moral and political philosophy, social policy, psychology, history, jurisprudence, and international law to clarify the prerequisites for the success of human rights activity. The book will be of special interest to political theorists, philosophers, sociologists, and human rights activists.

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women is a treaty for all girls and women in this world. After 30 years it is still valid and necessary both in developed and in developing States. This image is clearly conveyed by the authors of this book, who represent a wide variety of national and cultural backgrounds, and who have put the implementation of the provisions in the Convention to the test both in modern and in traditional societies. In addition, some chapters pay attention to issues that are not contained in the treaty itself but that greatly impact the realization of women's human rights, such as gender mainstreaming, gender-based violence, and corruption. The strengths and weaknesses, and the future potential of the Convention as well as the work of its monitoring body are critically analyzed and compared to other human rights treaties and organs. It becomes clear that, irrespective of the existing flaws, the Convention is the best option for achieving women's equality. With contributions by Margreet de Boer, Martine Boersma, Marjolein van den Brink, Fons Coomans, Tilly Draaisma, Cees Flinterman, Gerard-Rene de Groot, Sille Jansen, Menno T. Kamminga, Jasper Krommendijk, Pauline Kruiniger, Fleur van Leeuwen, Phyllis Livaha, Zoe Luca, Nishara Mendis, Jule Mulder, Rolanda Oostland, Kate Rose-Sender, Samira Sakhi, Dagmar Schiek, Jennifer Sellin, Laura Visser, Lisa Waddington, Antonia Waltermann, Ingrid Westendorp, Anja Wiesbrock, Marjan Wijers.

In September 2001, the world witnessed the horrific events of 9/11. A great deal has happened on the counterterrorist front in the 20 years since. While the terrorist threat has greatly diminished in Northern Ireland, the events of 9/11 and their aftermath have ushered in a new phase for the rest of the UK with some familiar, but also many novel, characteristics. This ambitious study takes stock of counterterrorism in Britain in this anniversary year. Assessing current challenges, and closely mirroring the 'four Ps' of the official CONTEST counterterrorist strategy - Protect, Prepare, Prevent, and Pursue - it seeks to summarize and grasp the essence of domestic law and policy, without being burdened by excessive technical detail. It also provides a rigorous, context-aware, illuminating, yet concise, accessible, and policy-relevant analysis of this important and controversial subject, grounded in relevant social science, policy studies, and legal scholarship. This book will be an important resource for students and scholars in law and social science, as well as human rights, terrorism, counterterrorism, security, and conflict studies.

This edited volume analyzes participatory practices in art and cultural heritage in order to determine what can be learned through and from collaboration across disciplinary borders. Following recent developments in museology, museum policies and practices have tended to prioritize community engagement over a traditional focus on collecting and preserving museal objects. At many museal institutions, a shift from a focus on objects to a focus on audiences has taken place. Artistic practices in the visual arts, music, and theater are also increasingly taking on participatory forms. The world of cultural heritage has seen an upsurge in participatory governance models favoring the expertise of local communities over that of trained professionals. While museal institutions, artists, and policy makers consider participation as a tool for implementing diversity policy, a solution to social disjunction, and a form of cultural activism, such participation has also sparked a debate on definitions, and on issues concerning the distribution of authority, power, expertise, agency, and representation. While new forms of audience and community engagement and corresponding models for "co-creation" are flourishing, fundamental but paralyzing critique abounds and the formulation of ethical frameworks and practical guidelines, not to mention theoretical reflection and critical assessment of practices, are lagging. This book offers a space for critically reflecting on participatory practices with the aim of asking and answering the question: How can we learn to better participate? To do so, it focuses on the emergence of new norms and forms of collaboration as participation, and on actual lessons learned from participatory practices. If collaboration is the interdependent formulation of problems and entails the common definition of a shared problem space, how can we best learn to collaborate across disciplinary borders and what exactly can be learned from such collaboration?

This second volume covers the relationship between socialist currents and the national liberation movement from the 1940s through decades of increasing repression and illegality, culminating in the transition to armed struggle in the early 1960s.

The range of global human rights institutions which have been created over the past half century is a remarkable achievement. Yet, their establishment and proliferation raises important questions. Why do states create such institutions and what do they want them to achieve? Does this differ from what the institutions themselves seek to accomplish? Are global human rights institutions effective remedies for violations of human dignity or temples for the performance of stale bureaucratic rituals? What happens to human rights when they are being framed in global institutions?
This book is an introduction to global human rights institutions and to the challenges and paradoxes of institutionalizing human rights. Drawing on international legal scholarship and international relations literature, it examines UN institutions with a human rights mandate, the process of mainstreaming human rights, international courts which adjudicate human rights, and non-governmental human rights organizations.
In mapping the ever more complex network of global human rights institutions it asks what these institutions are and what they are for. It critically assesses and appraises the ways in which global institutions bureaucratize human rights, and reflects on how this process is changing our perception of human rights.

In order for free expression to be meaningful, there must be forums available for individuals wishing to express themselves. Despite an increasing number of broadcast stations, there are still far more people wishing to speak than there are licenses. This book examines the marketplaces for free speech and proposes means by which speaking opportunities can be increased. The author even proposes the creation of broadcast access channels. Unlike access proposals of the past, these channels would respect the rights of broadcasters and cable operators by not requiring them to accomodate speakers, but, rather, by establishing electronic soapboxes, open to speakers on a first-come basis, reflecting the traditional speech making in parks and on street corners.

Caristi begins his work by examining the various freedom of expression theories. He asserts that of all the values protected, free expression as self-fulfillment is the most expansive and should be the approach adopted whenever possible. Through legal history and analysis, the book examines the cases and commentary relevant to public forum and broadcast cases. Red Lion, Tornillo, and their progeny are examined for rationale in regulating media. Despite claims to the contrary, scarcity is seen as an appropriate regulatory approach for broadcasting. This book is a valuable contribution to the discussion of first amendment and communication policy, and it should be of interest to students in communication, law, and public policy.

This text is concerned with social issues and problems that affect women throughout the world, the policies and practices that impinge on their human rights, and the programmes around the globe that are successfully changing their conditions. The book links discrimination and violence against women to family law, sex roles to sex industries, and sexual oppression to politics, education, employment, health and mental health.

This volume deals with challenges to the maintenance of minority (or community) languages in this era of globalization and increasing transnational movements of people. The contributors, experts in language policy, language maintenance and multilingualism offer complementary perspectives drawn from Australia and Europe on the maintenance of linguistic diversity.

A growing number of Americans want to tear down what it's taken us 250 years to build--and they'll start by canceling our shared history, ideals, and culture. Traditional areas of civic agreement are vanishing. We can't agree on what makes America special. We can't even agree that America is special. We're coming to the point that we can't even agree what the word America itself means. "Disintegrationists" say we're stronger together, but their assault on America's history, philosophy, and culture will only tear us apart. Who are the disintegrationists? From Howard Zinn's A People's History of the United States to the New York Times' 1619 project, many modern analyses view American history through the lens of competing oppressions, a racist and corrupt experiment from the very beginning. They see American philosophy as a lie - beautiful words pasted over a thoroughly rotted system. They see America's culture of rights as a facade that merely reinforces traditional hierarchies of power, instead of being the only culture that guarantees freedom for individuals. Disintegrationist attacks on the values that built our nation are insidious because they replace each foundational belief, from the rights to free speech and self-defense to the importance of marriage and faith communities, with nothing more than an increased reliance on the government. This twisted disintegrationist vision replaces the traditional "unionist" understanding that all Americans are united in a shared striving toward the perfection of universal ideals. How to Destroy America in Three Easy Steps shows that to be a cohesive nation we have to uphold foundational truths about ourselves, our history, and reality itself--to be unionists instead of disintegrationists. Shapiro offers a vital warning that if we don't recover these shared truths, our future--our union--as a great country is threatened with destruction.

The book is a call for change in the present world-order which is dominated by free market consumer culture, military industrial interests and control and manipulation of freedom of people by using media and modern technology. It explains the history of development of democracy and its crisis in the framework of the present global-order, and takes a penetrating look into the issues of human rights which are being distorted by the economic interests of monopoly capitalism, or the authoritarian rulers. The book describes how we may replace the present system, which has been shaped mostly by the actions, will and freedom nurtured by the instinct-bound man, by an enlightened order, which would project the higher realm of consciousness of the human mind. Instead of building a society, which inspires man to grab, compete, dominate and exploit the weaker fellow beings by using the existing economic and military disparities in the world, it dreams about creating an enlightened-society where human beings may find meaning of life in sharing ones knowledge, innovation and creative abilities for the benefit of the mankind as a whole. It wishes to inspire the readers to pave the path of fulfilling the meaning of human existence as the bearer of a great cosmic mind and envisions a world of loving and compassionate human beings, who wish to empower, guide and teach the fellow human beings suffering around them. Without sinking in the belief that what are happening in the world today represent the true nature of the human behaviour, the book seeks to bring the changes in the "reality of history" by empowering, guiding and teaching the fellow human beings about the "higher-nature" of man which resides in us all.

Based on the celebrated five-volume set published in 2005, this updated one-volume edition offers readers a concise yet complete understanding of the interplay between the major religions and human rights. In a world where religious beliefs have become inseparable from the events of the day, ranging from the ongoing strife in the Middle East to cases of sexual abuse by clergy and controversy over circumcision laws in Europe, this is an invaluable work. It offers readers a comprehensive examination of the way the world's five major faiths-Judaism, Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism-view and have viewed human rights from ancient times to the present. An overview of each tradition is provided, followed by chapters that show how human rights have been shaped and understood in the tradition from the earliest textual evidence to the contemporary era. Considering the differences among religious traditions globally, the book shows how each faith advanced the cause of human rights in unique ways. Contributors track the development of ideas, opinions, and issues, documenting both the advancement and violation of human rights in the name of religion. Demonstrating that human rights discourse cannot be divorced from religious history and experience, the book covers such issues as the right to life, the rights of women, punishment for crimes, war and peace, slavery, and violence.

Privacy today is much debated as an individual's right against real or feared intrusions by the state, as exemplified by proposed identity cards and surveillance measures in the United Kingdom. In contrast, invasions of privacy by private individuals or bodies tend to arouse less concern. This book attempts to fill the gap by looking at the horizontal application of human rights after Douglas v Hello, Campbell v MGN and Caroline von Hannover v Germany. It provides a conceptual and theoretical framework and also considers specific particularly sensitive areas of law relating to privacy protection, such as intellectual property, employment and media law. It provides comparative perspectives by relating Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which serves as a focal point, to UK, Dutch, German and European Communities law. Several common threads are revealed running across jurisdictions and different areas of law and aspects of privacy. The most notable is the definition of privacy in terms of the autonomy of the individual, a notion associated with the liberal state in the classic sense but now acquiring more content as a human right also linked to ideas of social justice.

Cultural heritage law and its response to human rights principles and practice has gained renewed prominence on the international agenda. The recent conflicts in Syria and Mali, China's use of shipwreck sites and underwater cultural heritage to make territorial claims, and the cultural identities of nations post-conflict highlight this field as an emerging global focus. In addition, it has become a forum for the configuration and contestation of cultural heritage, rights and the broader politics of international law. The manifestation of tensions between heritage and human rights are explored in this volume, in particular in relation to heritage and rights in collaboration and in conflict, and heritage as a tool for rights advocacy. This volume also explores these issues from a distinctively legal standpoint, considering the extent to which the legal tools of international human rights law facilitate or hinder heritage protection. Covering a range of issues across Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America and Australia, this volume will be of interest to people working in human rights, heritage studies, cultural heritage management and identity politics around the world. 'This book fills an important gap in the literature on heritage and rights and, in particular, human rights law. With articles from leading experts addressing the legal human rights dimensions of cultural heritage protection, it makes a significant contribution to debates over issues such as 'Why should we safeguard heritage and for whom?' and 'What is the relationship between heritage safeguarding and protecting human rights?'. These are deep questions of profound significance to individuals, communities and even nations around the world and are of increasing urgency today. It critically analyses the relationship between heritage and human rights that can be potentially pernicious as well as mutually reinforcing, placing this analysis within the wider context and with a broad geographical scope with examinations of the heritage/rights relationship in Southeast Asia (Cambodia), China and sub-Saharan Africa.' Dr Janet Blake, Associate Professor in Law, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran 'Traversing the destruction of mausoleums in Timbuktu to war crimes trial by the International Criminal Court, Heritage, Culture and Rights explores the crucial links between human rights and the protection of cultural heritage. The essays are accessible to all viewing the destruction of cultural heritage as a breach of human dignity and identity. Unputdownable.' Professor Gillian Triggs, President of the Australian Human Rights Commission 'This collection of essays by leading scholars, though primarily Australian in origin, is universal in orientation. Ranging from a broad survey of the applicable laws of armed conflict to a detailed consideration of urban design in Southeast Asia, the essays offer significant insights into the relationship between the protection and use of cultural heritage, on one hand, and fundamental human rights, on the other. Ultimately, the mutual reinforcement of the two disciplines of law prevails over carefully-acknowledged tensions between them. Readers at all levels of expertise will find the book of great interest.' Professor James Nafziger,Thomas B Stoel Professor of Law and Director of International Programs at the Willamette University College of Law

In Apartheid Israel: The Politics of an Analogy, 18 scholars of Africa and its diaspora reflect on the similarities and differences between apartheid-era South Africa and contemporary Israel, with an eye to strengthening and broadening today's movement for justice in Palestine.

This book offers an in-depth analysis of the relationship between EU citizenship, the European arrest warrant (EAW), and the legality principle. It focuses on the role of the EAW in relation to two foreseeability problems with which EU citizens - especially those who exercise free movement rights - could be confronted. These problems concern the foreseeability of specific national criminal laws at the time of the offense on the one hand and forum decisions on the other. The first part of the book addresses the extent to which these foreseeability problems and the role of the EAW therein are viewed as legality problems at the EU level and in three national legal orders (the Netherlands, Germany, and England and Wales). In turn, the second part of the book critically examines the current scope and content of the legality principle in light of the EU's objective to offer its citizens an Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) in which both safety and free movement are guaranteed. As EU citizens often encounter foreseeability problems when exercising their free movement rights, it is argued that they should be protected by a transnational framework of fundamental rights. The book subsequently makes recommendations for a transnational interpretation of the legality principle, one which fits the normative context of the AFSJ as described in Article 3(2) TEU. On the basis of the evolution of EU citizenship over time, the book also develops two EU citizenship narratives and explains how they could contribute to transnational fundamental rights protection and a solution to foreseeability problems. With regard to arriving at concrete solutions, the book offers recommendations for EU legislation that could adequately remedy foreseeability problems and the role of the EAW therein.

This book addresses sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) against women from an international law point of view. It identifies the reasons behind SGBV against women with a specific focus on cultural practices that try to justify it and highlights the legal challenges related to the topic for both national and international justice systems. The seven chapters of the book are: i) Introduction ii) SGBV a global concern; iii) International legal protection; iv) Role of international institutions; v) Role of cultural factors and vi) Challenges vii) Conclusions. In the light of concerted global efforts to bring to an end, or at least severely contain SGBV against women, the book provides a future roadmap to the United Nations system, States, international institutions, multidisciplinary scholars, civil society organizations and other global actors. The book contains a Foreword by Peter Maurer, President of International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).

Currently, there are over 15 million legally designated refugees all over the world and it is documented that 75 percent of those refugees are women, yet most of the existent literature does not focus on this group as women. Most of the literature focuses on political, economic, and social issues with very little reference to the mental health implications of the refugees'experiences as women. Refugee Women and Their Mental Health begins to fill this paucity of information on female refugees'experiences. A book of immediate interest, Refugee Women and Their Mental Health focuses on understanding the plight of women refugees around the world, with an emphasis on mental health. The book adds successful and innovative treatment and recovery models for these women survivors.Some of the chapters are written by women who are therapists/psychologists now and who have been refugees themselves. This adds additional insight into the plight and resulting mental health problems of refugee women. The chapters cover a vast range of topics: torture and sexual abuse as refugees/victims of state violence elderly women refugees immigration law and women refugees first-person narratives the transformation of identity successful creative treatment programsIt becomes clear that women refugees from all over the world under different political events and circumstances share common values and have similar mental health needs. Refugee Women and Their Mental Health explores processes of recovery from the traumas experienced by these women and offers a variety of models for the application of feminist theory to the plight of women refugees. Experienced therapists of women and those in training to be therapists will want to read this book. The topics of refugee women rarely comes up in training programs, so the information in this book is vital for therapists, policy makers, and other service providers and professors of psychology of women, immigration and social work issues, and women and mental health issues.

There is undeniable evidence of powerful emotions at work in the political and social life of even the most advanced countries of the modern world. The aim of this book is to understand this emotional involvement, not directly, but imaginatively, through fiction. Nevertheless, critical situations - in economy, politics and society - determine whether emotionally charged social change is constructive or destructive. This is an entirely new approach to world problems: global capitalism, neo-imperialism and modernization, environmental degradation, the struggle for women's rights and use and abuse of science.

With an overview essay, timeline, reference entries, and annotated bibliography, this resource is a concise, one-stop reference on antisemitism in today's society. Stretching back to biblical times, antisemitism is perhaps the world's oldest hatred of a group. It has manifested itself around the world, sometimes taking the form of superficially innocent jokes and at other times promoting such tragedies as the Holocaust. Far from disappeared, its continued existence in today's society is evidenced by vandalism of Jewish cemeteries and shootings at synagogues. This book explores the causes and consequences of contemporary antisemitism, placing this form of hatred in its historical, political, and social contexts. An overview essay surveys the background and significance of antisemitism and provides historical context for discussions of contemporary topics. A timeline highlights key events related to antisemitism. Some 50 alphabetically arranged reference entries provide objective, fundamental information about people, events, and other topics related to antisemitism. These entries cite works for further reading and provide cross-references to related topics. An annotated bibliography cites and evaluates some of the most important resources on antisemitism suitable for student research. An overview essay places antisemitism in its historical context and discusses its contemporary significance A timeline identifies key developments related to antisemitism Roughly 50 alphabetically arranged reference entries provide objective, fundamental information about topics related to antisemitism, with an emphasis on modern society Entry bibliographies direct users to specific sources of additional information An annotated bibliography lists and evaluates some of the most important broad works on antisemitism

An "Indispensable" Book of The Black World Today website

"In broad strokes, Bush takes readers from the early challenges to the accommodationism of Booker T. Washington through the tumultuous years of the 1960s."
"--Choice"

"This story of Black social movements in the U.S., as seen from the inside by a theoretically sophisticated and committed analyst, is mandatory reading for those who don't knowthis story, which is most of us."
"--Immanuel Wallerstein"

"A crucially important and incisive work on the Black Power movement, its aftermath and its antecedents. By not treating race and class as an 'either/or' proposition . . . Bush has given us one of the most comprehensive analyses of the current crisis of Black leadership that I've read in a very long time, on par with Harold Cruse's classic Crisis of the Negro Intellectual and Cedric Robinson's Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition."
"--Robin D. G. Kelley"

"Rod Bush's We Are Not What We Seem is a wonderfully idiosyncratic tour through a plethora of twentieth-century African American movements."--"The Journal of American History"

"Fascinating . . . A must read for students of politics and social movements and a basic text for Black militants and students in Black Studies."
"--Abdul Alkalimat, The University of Toledo"

Much has been written about the Black Power movement in the United States. Most of this work, however, tends to focus on the personalities of the movement. In We Are Not What We Seem, Roderick D. Bush takes a fresh look at Black Power and other African American social movements with a specific emphasis on the role of the urban poor in the struggle for Black rights.

Bushtraces the trajectory of African American social movements from the time Booker T. Washington to the present, providing an integrated discussion of class. He addresses questions crucial to any understanding of Black politics: Is the Black Power movement simply another version of the traditional American ethnic politics, or does it have wider social import? What role has the federal government played in implicitly grooming social conservatives like Louis Farrakhan to assume leadership positions as opposed to leftist, grassroots, class-oriented leaders? Bush avoids the traditional liberal and social democratic approaches in favor of a more universalistic perspective that offers new insights into the history of Black movements in the U.S.