This volume analyses democratic governance, the rule of law and development in Africa. It is unique and timely. First, the theme and sub-themes were carefully selected to solicit quality chapters from academics, practitioners and graduate students on topical and contemporary issues in constitutional law, human rights, and democratic governance in Africa. The chapters were subjected to a single-blind peer review by experts and scholars in the relevant fields to ensure that high quality submissions are included. Due to the dearth of knowledge and studies on the chosen thematic areas, the publication will remain relevant after several years due to the timeless themes it covers. In this regard, this edited volume audits the progress of democratic consolidation, rule of law and development in Ghana with selected case studies from other African countries. This book is intended for higher education institutions (universities, institutes and centres), public libraries, general academics, practitioners and students of law, democracy, human rights and political science, especially those interested in African affairs.

Based on extensive fieldwork that began in Argentina, this book asks how detained and disappeared persons inhabit the categories that international law has constructed to mark, judge, understand, and repair the horror.

From New York City's Chinatown to urban Indonesia, there are fifty-five million ethnic Chinese living outside of China. Their strong sense of community, along with their considerable economic clout, makes them a compelling group with which to study immigrant political participation.
Amy Freedman's empirical study examines the hows and whys of Chinese overseas political activity in three diverse countries. When, and under what conditions, do immigrants become active in the political process? Does political influence stem from group mobilization? What role do communal organizations and their leaders play in determining participation? In answering these questions, Freedman assesses the goals and objectives of ethnic communities entering the political fray.

This book vividly recreates the lives and identities of the children born of relationships between French men and African women in colonial French West Africa. The book shows how colonial policies and attitudes influenced the lives of this mixed-race population, and analyses their responses to living in a racially divided society.

In this book, Joel Spring offers a powerful and closely reasoned justification and definition for the universal right to education--applicable to all cultures--as provided for in Article 26 of the United Nation's Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
One sixth of the world's population, nearly 855 million people, are functionally illiterate, and 130 million children in developing countries are without access to basic education. Spring argues that in our crowded global economy, educational deprivation has dire consequences for human welfare. Such deprivation diminishes political power. Education is essential for providing citizens with the tools for resisting totalitarian and repressive governments and economic exploitation. What is to be done? The historically grounded, highly original analysis and proposals Spring sets forth in this book go a long way toward answering this urgent question.
Spring first looks at the debates leading up to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, to see how the various writers dealt with the issue of cultural differences. These discussions provide a framework for examining the problem of reconciling cultural differences with universal concepts. He next expands on the issue of education and cultural differences by proposing a justification for education that is applicable to indigenous peoples and minority cultures and languages. This justification is then applied to all people within the current global economy. Acknowledging that the right to an education is inseparable from children's rights, he uses the concept of a universal right to education to justify children's rights, and, in turn, applies his definition of children's liberty rights to the concept of education. His synthesis of cultural, language, and children's rights provides the basis for a universal justification and definition for the right to education -- which, in the concluding chapters, Spring uses to propose universal guidelines for human rights education, and instruction in literacy, numeracy, cultural centeredness, and moral economy.

When should the international community intervene to prevent suffering within sovereign states? This book argues that since Kosovo, the normative thesis has failed to influence international politics, as evidenced by events in Iraq and Darfur. This critique rejects realism and offers a new perspective on this important issue.

The concept of human rights has a long history. Its practical origins, as distinct from its theoretical antecedents, are said to be comparatively recent, going back no further than the American and French Bills of Rights of the eighteenth century. Even those landmarks are seen as little more than the precursors of the twentieth century starting-point - the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which was adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1948. In this unique and stimulating book, Richard Bauman investigates the concept of human rights in the Roman world. He argues that on the theoretical side, ideas were developed by thinkers such as Cicero and Seneca and on the pragmatic side, practical applications were rewarded mainly through the law. He presents a comprehensive analysis of human rights in ancient Rome and offers enlightening comparisons between the Roman and twentieth century understanding of human rights.

eBook available with sample pages: 0203012445

This work examines three advanced Latin American republics with long records of democracy, political stability, and economic prosperity which degenerated into instability and military dictatorship--and issues a warning for other democratic peoples. Although not beset by overpopulation, serious racial diversity, or widespread illiteracy, in recent decades the people of Uruguay, Argentina, and Chile destroyed much of the good life and many of the freedoms they formerly enjoyed. Electing too few statesmen and too many politicians, they demanded more from their governments than they were willing to pay for. Rejecting sound economic policies, they engaged in unrealistic practices which led to exorbitant inflation. In contrast to traditional respect for individual freedoms, the military governments they brought in to solve their problems committed gross violations of human rights. The political and economic blunders and their unfortunate consequences should serve as a warnings to the citizens of all democracies.

This edited volume examines how opportunities to realise children's rights and the experience of childhood itself have been changed by the pandemic. It brings together the voices of leading scholars, policy advisors, psychologists, charities engaged in empowering children, and children and young people themselves. By exposing children's own perspectives and ideas for change, the book aims to suggest ways in which children could be better supported during this crisis. Chapters connect the experiences of under-represented groups, including children with disabilities and housing-distressed children. Authors illuminate ways to see and hear children more clearly and enable children's participation during and beyond COVID-19. This book is part of a mini-series that explores the effects of COVID-19 on children's education, rights and participation. These books will expose and connect the struggles faced by particularly vulnerable children, including children with disabilities, housing-distressed children, and refugee and displaced children. They will explore how best to listen to and support children in diverse situations, in order to enable them to realise their rights more effectively.

According to some sources there are around 5,000 national minority groups living in the contemporary world, and about 3,000 linguistic groups. However, this is probably a discretionary assessment as it seems that there are no exact figures with respect to the number and size of minority groups. The existing estimates are usually based on different and sometimes not very clear criteria and mostly take into account those groups and numbers which are the result of the individual choice of a person and are not based exclusively on the objective differences. Notwithstanding this, a brief calculation would indicate that in Western Europe 14. 7% of the total population belongs to minority groups, and the same percentage exists in the Central and Eastern European region - 14. 7%, whereas in the countries belonging to the Commonwealth of Independent States this percentage is slightly higher - at 18. 9%. Throughout the history of the European continent minorities have had a significant impact on political stability and security. Currently, most of the situations of internal tension as well as conflicts, whether internal or international, involve inter-ethnic relations. Thus the international community at large and - for the European minorities more importantly - the European institutions have placed minority issues high on their 'agenda.

This book analyses the current legal situation and protection of vulnerable groups in Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Poland. In recent decades, national legislation in many European states has especially focused on vulnerable groups with the aim of securing their enhanced protection and social inclusion. This trend is also noticeable in North-Eastern Europe, where the legal frameworks are constantly being revised to address the needs of vulnerable parts of society, including women, children, the elderly, people with disabilities, and minorities, as well as prisoners and victims of crime. But despite these positive changes, many challenges persist. In this book, the authors provide a comprehensive, comparative analysis of legal regulations and practices intended to protect vulnerable groups in Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Poland, and in the process, share insights into the current situation and trends in this often-overlooked region. Part I introduces readers to the topic by defining the concept of vulnerable groups and elaborating on its understanding in the European and national contexts. Part II analyses the legal protection of groups characterised by inherent and/or circumstantial vulnerability, while Part III addresses specific crime-related vulnerability issues in the target region. In closing, Part IV puts the spotlight on three specific vulnerable groups in the discussed countries.

This book offers a comprehensive analysis of the legal questions that arise for the legislative branch when implementing the crime of aggression into domestic law. Despite being the crime that gave birth to international criminal law in Nuremberg, the crime of aggression has been sidelined. It has been incorporated into domestic law by fewer than 20 States since its definition was included in the ICC Statute in 2010. Furthermore, it was omitted in the rich debate held among German scholars in the early 2000s regarding the legislative implementation of other ICC Statute crimes. The current jurisdictional inability of the International Criminal Court to respond to the Russian aggression of Ukraine invites the continuation of these academic debates without neglecting the particularities of the crime of aggression. The volume starts by assessing whether there is an obligation to criminalize aggression domestically. Irrespective of such an obligation, there is a need for implementing the crime, underscored by the book's identified normative gaps under domestic law and jurisdictional gaps under the ICC Statute. To facilitate the operationalization of domestic implementation, the book explores the technical options for incorporating the definition of Article 8bis of the ICC Statute into domestic law. It also questions how to specify the geographical ambit of domestic jurisdiction in compliance with international law, which includes the controversy about universal jurisdiction. Although it primarily deals with prescriptive jurisdiction, the book ends with the discussion of legal challenges, such as immunities, that arise when domestic courts apply the enacted laws against foreign aggressors. The volume is aimed primarily at researchers and States with an interest in the domestic implementation of international criminal law but those already working in the field should also find much of their interest contained within it. Dr. Annegret Hartig is Program Director of the Global Institute for the Prevention of Aggression and worked as a researcher at University of Hamburg where she obtained her doctoral degree in international criminal law.

In referendums on fundamental constitutional issues, do the people come together to make decisions instead of representatives? This book argues no. It offers an alternative theory of referendums whereby they are one of many ordinary ways that voters give direction to their representatives. In this way, the book argues that referendums are better understood as exercises in representative democracy. The book challenges the current treatment of referendums in processes of constitutional change both in the United Kingdom and around the world. It argues that referendums have been increasingly used under the banner of popular sovereignty, in a way that undermines representative institutions. This book makes the case for the use of referendums stronger by showing how they can support, rather than undermine, institutions of representative democracy. The author argues that democratic constitutions are not contracts and that the use of referendums on fundamental constitutional questions may be justified for a wide range of reasons. Rather than see the power to constitute constitutions as something that happens occasionally in constitutional moments through referendums, this book argues instead that voters constantly have the power to constitute and reconstitute their constitutions.

First introduced in the United States, whistleblower laws have become increasingly popular around the world. This book illustrates the regional efforts undertaken by European organizations to promote whistleblower protection in Europe. To provide context, the first part of the book presents an overview of the international best practices for whistleblowing legislation and explores the status of whistleblower under international law. It also assesses the global hot topics regarding whistleblowing, from the cases of Edward Snowden and Julian Assange to the silencing of whistleblowers during the COVID-19 pandemic. The following parts focus on the European approach to whistleblower laws. It illustrates the influence of the Council of Europe in putting whistleblower protection on the European agenda and discusses the European Court of Human Rights' case law on whistleblowing under Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights. In the final part, the author analyzes the evolution of the European Union's approach to whistleblowing and the legal significance of the EU Whistleblower Directive adopted in 2019. In the respective parts, the author also examines the effectiveness of the international organizations' own internal rules on whistleblowing, from the United Nations and the World Bank Group to the Council of Europe and the European Union.

The book "Non-discrimination in Turkey" focuses on issue areas within the broader non-discrimination framework in Turkey. It looks domestic change in Turkey regarding non-discrimination across time. The book unpacks the principle of non-discrimination and provides analysis in many issue areas like LGBTI rights, disability rights or age discrimination that rely under the framework of non-discrimination. Adopting a comprehensive approach including many areas within non-discrimination, the book will be useful for the students, scholars and researchers of international relations, political science, Middle East and Turkish studies and those interested in human rights.

eBook available with sample pages: PB:0415908590

We are Everywhere, uses primary sources to construct a record of the issues, struggles and challenges surrounding gay politics.

This volume examines the origins and development of the pressure group, INQUEST, and its struggle for penal reform, against the backdrop of the intense political and social upheaval that characterized the late 1970s and 1980s.

The authors take a scalpel to South Africa's system of criminal justice during the Apartheid era. They focus on the case of the Sharpeville Six to analyse how criminal justice was used to make convictions easy to secure. Analysing the technicalities of the criminal law, as well as the quality of evidence and judicial reasoning in the case against the Six, Parker and Mokhesi-Parker also convey vividly through letters from death row, the sense these people made of their impending executions and how an international campaign to save their lives succeeded with only 18 hours to spare.

USE THIS FIRST PARAGRAPH ONLY FOR GENERAL CATALOGS... The First Amendment right of free speech is a fragile one. Its fragility is found no less in legal opinions than in other, less specialized forms of public discourse. Both its fragility and its sometimes surprising resiliency are reflected in this book. It provides an examination of how the U.S. Supreme Court has dealt with the problem of restrictions on media coverage of the criminal justice system, as well as how lower courts have interpreted the law created by the Supreme Court. The author explores the degree to which the Court has created a coherent body of law that protects free expression values while permitting reasonable government regulation, and examines the Supreme Court's jurisprudence concerning prior restraints, post-publication sanctions on the press, and their right of access to criminal proceedings.
This is a study of the evolution of constitutional doctrine -- particularly when transported from the rarefied air of the Supreme Court to lower court judges who may not share the values of the jurists above them in the judicial hierarchy. The book's greatest strength lies in its thorough analysis and critique of how judges apply First Amendment doctrine to the complex problem of providing for both a "free press" and "fair trials." Much of the available literature on this topic focuses on legal doctrine, but with attention to the legal rules that emerge from the courts, rather than examining and critiquing the judicial techniques that "produce" those rules. Moreover, although a significant body of scholarship has explored Supreme Court doctrine, this work is one of the few that trace the influence of those doctrines through lower federal court decisions. The hope is to produce a reasonably accurate -- if partial -- picture of how intermediate appellate and trial courts use U.S. Supreme Court doctrine to decide First Amendment cases.
Note: This book is necessarily influenced by the 'round-the-clock' press coverage of the recent O.J. Simpson trial. Although the Simpson case did not make new law, the trial and its outcome seem to be -- at this writing -- an inescapable part of how many people think about these issues. The simple truth, however, is that the Simpson case was an anomaly that has little relation to the everyday concerns of media coverage of the criminal justice system. While the venerable "parade of horribles" can be an effective strategy for the legal advocate, it is not always the ideal way to address larger concerns, particularly when fundamental rights are at stake.

This book demonstrates how human rights obligations of the EU foreign constitution can be operationalized in the realm of international economic regulation. The content is divided into three major parts. The first outlines the legal foundations needed for the EU to become a shaper of international investment law, which include the general principles and objectives of EU external policies, the Charter of Fundamental Rights, international human rights and the international investment competences of the EU. The second part demonstrates the current international investment regime's incompatibility with human rights interests, while the third analyzes two mechanisms stemming from trade Law - ex-ante human rights impact assessments and civil society monitoring bodies - and explores whether they could mitigate the current inequalities in the protection of rights. The potential of these mechanisms, the book argues, lies in their capacity to ensure a comprehensive assessment of all interests at stake, and to empower traditionally marginalized rights-holders to make, shape and contest the international investment regime.

Feminist Political Ecology explores the gendered relations of ecologies, economies and politics in communities as diverse as the rubbertappers in the rainforests of Brazil to activist groups fighting racism in New York City.
developed and the developing worlds. Women are often at the centre of these struggles, struggles which concern local knowledge, everyday practice, rights to resources, sustainable development, environmental quality, and social justice.
The book bridges the gap between the academic and rural orientation of political ecology and the largely activist and urban focus of environmental justice movements. The aim is to bring together the globalising frameworks of feminist analysis with the specificities of women's activism and experiences around the world.

"Suffrage Days" is an account of the British suffrage movement from its inception until its victory in 1918. It is based around the experiences of seven individuals whose participation in the British suffrage movement is little-known: Elizabeth Wolstenholme Elmy, Jessie Craigen, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Hannah Mitchell, Mary Gawthorpe, Laurence Housman, and Alice Clark. Through their stories and perceptions Sandra Stanley Holton addresses issues such as: a previously unacknowledged Radical-Liberal current in the nineteenth century movemen; the transatlantic links between Radical suffragists; the national and international significance of the Women's Franchise League; some nineteenth century origins of suffrage militancy; the relationship between emergent new masculine identities and suffrage politics; and the complex relationship between militant and constitutional suffragists. In a final chapter Holton examines the historiography of the suffrage movement.

Suffrage Days focuses on a number of figures whose role in this agitation has been ignored or neglected. These include the free-thinker Elizabeth Wolstenholme Elmy; the founder of the women's movement in the United States, Elizabeth Cady Stanton; the working class orator, Jessie Craigen and the socialist suffragists, Hannah Mitchell and Mary Gawthorpe. Through the lives of these figures Holton vividly uncovers the complex origins of the movement and associated issues of gender.