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Books > Humanities > History > Asian / Middle Eastern history > From 1900 > Postwar, from 1945 > General
Canada's six-year military mission in Afghanistan's Kandahar province was one of the most intense and challenging moments in Canadian foreign affairs since the Korean War. A complex war fought in an inhospitable environment, the Afghanistan mission tested the mettle not just of Canada's soldiers but also of its politicians, public servants, and policy makers. In Adapting in the Dust, Stephen M. Saideman considers how well the Canadian government, media, and public managed the challenge. Building on interviews with military officers, civilian officials, and politicians, Saideman shows how key actors in Canada's political system, including the prime minister, the political parties, and parliament, responded to the demands of a costly and controversial mission. Some adapted well; others adapted poorly or - worse yet - in ways that protected careers but harmed the mission itself. Adapting in the Dust is a vital evaluation of how well Canada's institutions, parties, and policy makers responded to the need to oversee and sustain a military intervention overseas, and an important guide to what will have to change in order to do better next time.
What were the causes of the Iraq War? Who were the main players?
How was the war sold to the decision makers? Despite all that has
been written on the Iraq war the myriad scholarly, journalistic and
polemical works the answers to these questions remain shrouded in
an ideological mist. TheRoad to Iraq is an empirical investigation
that dispels this fog.
Don't Mention the War examines Australian media coverage of the war in Afghanistan. The book demonstrates how the military's public affairs personnel have taken over many of the roles traditionally performed by reporters and shows the restrictive affect of this on media coverage. This tight media management is contrasted with the more open approach of Dutch and Canadian militaries in Afghanistan, a fact that is explained through reference to the different positions of the military within these different nations. As opposed to the Dutch and the Canadians, who had reputations to rebuild, the almost uniquely exalted position of the military in Australia has enabled and driven a media strategy tailored to defend the Australian military's high social standing. In Australian media coverage, the book goes on to argue, the war in Afghanistan has then functioned as another platform for the celebration of national military virtues. What has been offered is less a representation of action than an affirmation of identity; less a chronicle of unfolding events than a testament to immutable character. *** "Foster argues convincingly that the ADF's determination to keep an iron grip on information, based on an entrenched cultural distain for journalists, a resistance to scrutiny, and an obsession with protecting its reputation, meant that what it was actually doing in Afghanistan remained a mystery. While he attributes authorship of this mystery to the ADF hierarchy, supported at times by politicians, journalists don't escape his censure. His book is an indictment of the lack of commitment by Australian editors to covering the Afghan war." - Tom Hyland, Inside Story, January 2014
This is a study of the Korean War of 1950-1953 from the inside--the nuts and bolts of armed conflict. The perspective is American, with the principal focus on the relationships of the people involved: Koreans versus Koreans, Americans and Koreans, Americans and Chinese, and the U.S. and its allies. The lives of ordinary soldiers are examined--U.S. forces, with attention paid to the other side as well. A major development in American ranks was the effective elimination of racial segregation. At home, there were surveys of Americans' opinions about the war. The book examines such important aspects of military operations as supplies, equipment and weapons, tactics and strategy, intelligence, and psychological warfare. Also studied is the vexing matter of prisoners of war--on both sides. Finally, there is an effort to fit Korea into the generalities of American military experience in Asia, from the war with Japan to Vietnam.
This excellent book is a painfully honest account of successive unwinnable wars. It is the text book Mr. Obama and others will need if Afghanistan is ever to be left to find its own peace and prosperity. --Jon Snow, Channel 4 News (UK) Jonathan Steele, an award-winning journalist and commentator, has covered the country since his first visit there as a reporter in 1981. He tracked the Soviet occupation and the communist regime of Najibullah, which held the Western-backed resistance at bay for three years after the Soviets left. He covered the arrival of the Taliban to power in Kabul in 1996, and their retreat from Kandahar under the weight of U.S. bombing in 2001. Most recently Steele has reported from the epicenter of the Taliban resurgence in Helmand. Ghosts of Afghanistan turns a spotlight on the numerous myths about Afghanistan that have bedeviled foreign policy-makers and driven them to repeat earlier mistakes. Steele has conducted numerous interviews with ordinary Afghans, two of the country's Communist presidents, senior Soviet occupation officials, as well as Taliban leaders, Western diplomats, NATO advisers, and United Nations negotiators. Comparing the challenges facing the Obama administration as it seeks to find an exit strategy with those the Kremlin faced in the 1980s, Steele cautions that military victory will elude the West just as it eluded the Kremlin. Showing how and why Soviet efforts to negotiate an end to the war came to nothing, he explains how negotiations today could put a stop to the tragedies of civil war and foreign intervention that have afflicted Afghanistan for three decades.
The patrol vehicles used by Special Operations Forces in
Afghanistan and Iraq vary quite dramatically between the theaters
as well as amongst the Coalition members, and have been developed
and upgraded to meet the demands of the deployment. Covering all
the major Coalition nations, Leigh Neville continues his look at
the elite forces deployed in Operations Enduring Freedom and Iraqi
Freedom with this analysis of their vehicles.
When George W. Bush campaigned for the White House, he was such a novice in foreign policy that he couldn't name the president of Pakistan and momentarily suggested he thought the Taliban was a rock-and-roll band. But he relied upon a group called the Vulcans--an inner circle of advisers with a long, shared experience in government, dating back to the Nixon, Ford, Reagan and first Bush administrations. After returning to power in 2001, the Vulcans were widely expected to restore U.S. foreign policy to what it had been under George H. W. Bush and previous Republican administrations. Instead, the Vulcans put America on an entirely new and different course, adopting a far-reaching set of ideas that changed the world and America's role in it. Rise of the Vulcans is nothing less than a detailed, incisive thirty-five-year history of the top six members of the Vulcans--Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Colin Powell, Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Armitage, and Condoleezza Rice--and the era of American dominance they represent. It is the story of the lives, ideas and careers of Bush's war cabinet--the group of Washington insiders who took charge of America's response to September 11 and led the nation into its wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Separately, each of these stories sheds astonishing light not
only on the formative influences that brought these nascent leaders
from obscurity to the pinnacle of power, but also on the
experiences, conflicts and competitions that prefigured their
actions on the present world stage. Taken together, the individuals
in this book represent a unique generation in American history--a
generation that might be compared to the "wise men" who shaped
American policy after World War II or the "best and brightest" who
prosecuted the war in Vietnam. Over the past three decades, since
the time of Vietnam, these individuals have gradually led the way
in shaping a new vision of an unchallengeable America seeking to
dominate the globe through its military power.
In this often moving, sometimes wry account of life in Baghdad during the first war on Iraq and in exile in the years following, Iraqi-born, British-educated artist Nuha al-Radi shows us the effects of war on ordinary people. She recounts the day-to-day realities of living in a city under siege, where food has to be consumed or thrown out because there is no way to preserve it, where eventually people cannot sleep until the nightly bombing commences, where packs of stray dogs roam the streets (and provide her own dog Salvi with a harem) and rats invade homes. Through it all, al-Radi works at her art and gathers with neighbors and family for meals and other occasions, happy and sad.
As part of an elite special operations unit at the fighting edge of the Global War on Terrorism, Nicholas Moore spent over a decade with the US Army's 75th Ranger Regiment on the battlefields of Afghanistan and Iraq. In this compelling biography, now available in paperback, a detailed narrative of gruelling life on the ground combines with accounts of some of the most dramatic search and rescue operations of the period to tell the true story of life on the line in the War on Terror. Charting his rise from private to senior non-commissioned officer, this title follows Moore as he embarks on a series of dangerous deployments, engaging in brutal street combat and traversing inhospitable terrain in pursuit of Taliban fighters and Iraq's Most Wanted. Including revelatory first-hand accounts of high-profile special operations missions including the tense rescue of Private First Class Jessica Lynch and the search and rescue mission for US Navy Seal Marcus Luttrell, Moore recounts, in vivid detail, the realities of life on the front line.
Events in this story of the "Mother of All Battles," as Saddam designated the 1991 war, are drawn from primary Iraqi sources, including government documents, video and audiotapes, maps, and photographs captured by U.S. forces in 2003 from the regime's archives and never intended for outsiders' eyes. The book is part of an official U.S. Joint Forces Command research project to examine contemporary warfare from the point of view of the adversary's archives and senior leader interviews. Its purpose is to stimulate thoughtful analyses of currently accepted lessons of the first Gulf War. While not a comprehensive history, the author's balanced Iraqi perspective of events between 1990 and 1991 takes full advantage of his unique access to material. The result is a completely unknown but fully documented view from the other side.
"This is an inspiring story of courage and sacrifice--one hell of
an exciting true war story!"
In its struggle against international terrorism following 9/11, the United States developed rendition - the international transfer of an individual without customary due processes - as an instrument of policy. Rendition became associated with the use of coercive interrogation techniques - techniques often crossing the threshold of torture, in violation of international standards to which successive American administrations committed themselves. To a degree yet to be fully established, Britain was implicated in that policy. Whatever its alleged benefits, rendition's cost is clear - not simply in terms of the human impact of the abuses, but also in terms of the huge damage done to the moral authority of the West. By creating a powerful image of injustice, rendition gives Islamist radicals a recruiting and propaganda tool. Moreover, the policy is a severe setback to efforts to enhance shared international standards in humanitarian and human rights laws. The All-Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition was founded in December 2005, following the emergence of allegations that the United States had been operating a programme of 'ghost flights' and 'black sites'. In the five years since then the Group has contributed to public knowledge and awareness of the debate surrounding rendition and Britain's involvement in it.
As Foreign Policy Adviser to Margaret Thatcher and then John Major from 1984 to 1992, Sir Percy Cradock was at the centre of government for most of the last decade. He was particularly active and influential on China, where he was Charge d'Affaires during the Cultural Revolution and Ambassador from 1978 to 1984. He masterminded the joint Declaration on Hong Kong in 1984 and played a leading role in later negotiations over the colony. In this book he reviews his experiences of China over thirty years, since his first posting there in 1962. It is a chronicle, ranging from the famines after the Great Leap Forward, through the madness of the Cultural Revolution, to the reformist years of Deng Xiaoping, the tragedy of Tiananmen, and finally to present-day China, now with the fastest growing economy in the world. In narrower focus, it is also an authoritative account of Sino-British dealings during that turbulent time, in particular the critical negotiations over Hong Kong. These memoirs offer the inside story, illuminating past crises and present controversies, and making a contribution to the understanding of a coming world power.
This volume reassesses the origins, nature, and aftermath of the war which was fought in the Korean peninsula between 1950 and 1953. Attention is focused particularly on the extraordinary first year of the war, which witnessed profound variations in the fortune of both sides. This included the initial North Korean attack, the counter-offensive launched by the United States Command, China's dramatic entry into the war, the retreat of UN forces, the controversy over the conduct and dismissal of General MacArthur, and the decision to commence armistice negotiations.
What drives neighbouring states to intervene in the Afghan conflict? This book challenges mainstream analyses which place Afghanistan at the centre - the so-called 'heart' - of a large pan- Asian region whose fate is predicated on Afghan stability. Instead Harpviken and Tadjbakhsh situ--ate Afghanistan on the margins of three regional security complexes - those of South Asia, Central Asia, and the Persian Gulf - each characterised by deep security rivalries, which, in turn, informs their engagement in Afghanistan. Within Central Asia, security cooperation is hampered by competition for regional supremacy and great power support, a dynamic reflected in these states' half-hearted role in Afghanistan. In the Persian Gulf, Iran and Saudi Arabia fight for economic and political influence, mirrored in their Afghan engagements; while long-standing Indo-Pakistani ri--valries are perennially played out in Afghanistan. Based on a careful reading of the recent political and economic history of the region, and of Great Power rivalry beyond it, the authors explain why efforts to build a comprehensive Afghanistan-centric regional security order have failed, and what might be done to re-set inter-state relations. |
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