The principal criticism of libertarianism is that it would simply damage human welfare. In response, this book considers the extremist libertarian thesis: there is no conceptual or practical clash among the most plausible conceptions of economic rationality, interpersonal liberty, human welfare, and market anarchy. Eschewing moral advocacy as a distraction, it offers a sophisticated, philosophical economic defence of this objective thesis, from the best criticisms in the literature.

This work provides a comprehensive examination of Christian Democracy in Latin America from its nineteenth-century origins to the events of the 1990s. Lynch treats the record of Christian Democratic parties in the most crucial areas of economic concern in Latin America: chapters on land reform, nationalization, and the emergence of free market capitalism point up the relationship between politics and economics. Lynch concludes that had Latin America's Christian Democrats followed their own policy prescriptions, both they and Latin America would be better off. Instead, Christian Democrats abandoned their roots in Catholic social thought, embraced statism, and left their countries completely unprepared for the upsurge in liberal economic reform that swept Latin America in the 1980s.

This work provides a comprehensive examination of Christian Democracy in Latin America from its nineteenth-century origins to the events of the 1990s. The author treats the record of Christian Democratic parties in the most crucial areas of economic concern in Latin America: chapters on land reform, nationalization, and the emergence of free market capitalism point up the relationship between politics and economics. Lynch concludes that had Latin America's Christian Democrats followed their own policy prescriptions, both they and Latin America would be better off. Instead, Christian Democrats abandoned their roots in Catholic social thought, embraced statism, and left their countries completely unprepared for the upsurge in liberal economic reform that swept Latin America in the 1980s.

This work will be of interest to scholars and students in Latin American studies, Third World studies, political economy, comparative politics, and religion and politics.

The Limits of Liberal Multiculturalism provides a timely analysis of some of the weaknesses, as well as the successes, of the liberal multicultural project. It also takes a step forward by developing a pluralist, individual-centred approach to allocating minority rights in practice.

Why were the European middle classes ready to acquiesce in neo-liberalism? This book argues that upward mobility, the growth of individual and family assets, the growing significance of private provision, and processes of individualization contributed to a major transformation of the middle classes, making them more prone to embrace inequality and market principles. It shows how the self-interest of large sections of the middle classes undermined social democracy and paved the way for neo-liberal reforms, making their socio-economic positioning ever more precarious and reducing their political power. Central to the debate is the question of how the middle classes can rebalance the relationship between the Market and state intervention, so as to establish a new social equilibrium.

Political philosophy in the English-speaking world has been dominated for more than two decades by various versions of liberal theory, which holds that political inquiry should proceed without reference to religious view. Although a number of philosophers have contested this stance, no one has succeeded in dislodging liberalism from its position of dominance

The most interesting challenges to liberalism have come from those outside of the discipline of philosophy. Sociologists, legal scholars, and religious ethicists have attacked liberalism's embodiment in practice, arguing that liberal practice -- particularly in the United States -- has produced a culture which trivializes religion. This culture, they argue, is at odds with the beliefs and practices of large numbers of citizens.

In the past, disciplinary barriers have limited scholarly exchange among philosophical liberals and their theological, sociological and legal critics. Religion and Contemporary Liberalism makes an important step towards increased dialogue among these scholars. A collection of original papers by philosophers, sociologists, theologians, and legal theorists, this volume will spark considerable debate in philosophy -- debate which will be significant for all of those concerned with the place of religion within a liberal society.

Approaching the intersection of politics and science from the perspective of political history, this book looks at how nineteenth-century British Whigs used the themes of natural science to signal their identities, and how their devotion to a culture of liberality helped to define them. It offers a fresh take on a central theme in Victorian politics.

The transformation of the Turkish state is examined here in the context of globalized frames of neo-liberal capitalism and contemporary schemas of Islamic politics. It shows how the historical emergence of two distinct yet intertwined imaginaries of state structuring, "laiklik" and Islam, continues to influence Turkish politics today.

This book explores the common thread holding together seemingly diverse tendencies in attacks on liberalism. The author argues that ambivalence about the self and about desire as an expression of the self fosters the intense animosity we observe directed toward the liberal ideal. Ambivalence arises because the self is viewed as the locus of a destructive form of desire, one that must be controlled and repressed. The author argues that speaking of ambivalence toward the self is another way of speaking of ambivalence toward freedom, an ambivalence expressed in the impulse toward coercion that plays such a powerful role in the attack on liberalism.

This volume interrogates the condition of the neoliberal project in the wake of the global crisis and neoliberalism's predicted death in 2007, both in terms of the regulatory structures of finance-led capitalism in Europe and North America, and the impact of new centres of capitalist power on global order.

Written by authorities on the legal systems of France, Britain, Germany, the United States, Israel, and Canada, this book explores the growing confrontation between democracy and racist incitement. The authors consider existing and prospective laws as they trace the efforts to enact and enforce laws that can curb racism in the early stages of its growth without violating democratic freedoms.

Throughout the book, the authors discuss their own legal and political cultures and how the subject countries are affected by historical encounters with racism. Both France and Britain have strong racist political forces and existing laws to combat them. Special attention is given to Le Pen, whose electoral support has been estimated nationally at more than twenty percent, and to the effect Britain's new legislation has had on the country's racist movement. The United States represents a case where strong constitutional guarantees against impingement upon freedom of expression have prevented the passage or juridical validation of laws restricting racist incitement. Israel finds itself struggling to define a legal remedy that can be used against racist incitement by the Kahane movement. Canada, now seeking a legal climate that will foster multiculturalism, strives to define laws against incitement that will be consistent with its newly established Charter of Freedom. And Germany, as it faces the enormous problems resulting from unification, is forced to reflect upon its own past and the challenges that an active racist movement poses for the country's future. Recommended for sociologists, political scientists, and criminal law specialists.

Tuck's work is an attempt at the rehabilitation of Karl Radek, a sidekick of Lenin's who fell victim to Stalin's vengeance in the 1930s. Though not a full-scale academic biography, it is satisfying and fast-moving without being superficial, and offers an intellectually intriguing thesis. . . . Where others have seen betrayal, Tuck sees Radek the mischief maker. Although Radek implicated many guiltless people and testified to lies, Tuck argues Radek's performance was a master stroke of mischief making, turning the tables against Vyshinsky, showing up and revealing the truth about the show trials themselves. Choice The enigmatic Karl Radek, a victim of the Moscow purge trials, was by turns a Pole, a Jew, a West European social democrat, a Soviet official, a Trotskyist, and a Stalinist. A born iconoclast, he began his career by attacking established political orders and ended it by defending one of the world's most blatant tyrannies. Tuck opens this analytical biography with an account of Radek's atypical early adolescence and then traces the evolution of Radek's political thought from Polish nationalism to patriotic and later international socialism. Radek's six years in Germany were marked by his journalistic success and subsequent disgrace as well as his expulsion from the German and Polish social-democratic parties. His fortunes turned when he joined Lenin in Switzerland, and thereafter he established himself as one of the leading rightists in the Communist movement. His romantic liaison with Larissa Reissner, his allegiance to Trotsky and later to Stalin, and his downfall following the publication of his satire on Stalin are treated in subsequent chapters. The work then presents an account of Radek's trial and banishment to the Gulag and an analysis of Radek's ultimate fate. It concludes with an overall assessment that challenges Arthur Koestler's evaluation of the man.

The contributors to this collection approach the confused and paradoxical state of modern liberalism intending to clarify some new tendencies in liberal policy and philosophy. Prominent political scientists and political philosophers reflect on the difficulty of defining liberalism in a complex world for which it has neither lost its relevance nor proven its adequacy. They speculate on religion, family, economics, foreign policy, and other issues in relationship to recent changes in the liberal idea. The contributors do criticze some liberal practices and tendencies, but their basic purpose is to define the new directions in American liberalism, assess liberal programs, and examine the changing bases of the liberal constituency. Each seeks to define the foundations for a renewal of liberalism in America.

Piero Gobetti was an astonishing figure. A radical liberal and fierce critic of Italian politics in the years after World War I, he was fascinated by the workers' struggles in his native Turin and by Gramsci's vision of a factory-based democracy. Gobetti proposed liberalism as an emancipatory theory grounded in social conflicts. "Revolutionary liberalism," as he called it, guided his opposition to Fascism and, following his untimely death at twenty-five, inspired key figures in the Italian Resistance. Accessible but critical, this volume is the first English-language study of Gobetti's political ideas and offers a balanced assessment of his enduring significance.

This volume analyses Kirchnerismo in Argentina and the developmental regime approach in the political economy of development in Latin America. It shows the systematic way in which relationships between state-market, state-society, and national-international dichotomies can be characterised within a developmentalist paradigm.

This book contends that liberalization is troubled in new Europe. It investigates Hungary to depict the disaggregate nature of liberalization due to elitism and the prioritization of economic liberalization. Despite the favorable historical circumstances in Hungary, there was no consensus on the virtues of liberalism after 1989. The proponents of liberalism disengaged the public, lost credibility, and failed to convince the public of the advantages of progressive politics and Europeanization. In reaction, conservative populist politics disparages the achievements of both liberalization and Europeanization. Finally, the global economic crisis demonstrates the demise of economic liberalization and puts political liberalization in peril.

Is it possible, in a modern, pluralistic society, to promote common bonds of citizenship while at the same time accommodating and showing respect for ethnocultural diversity? "Citizenship" and "diversity" have been two of the major topics of debate in both democratic politics and political theory during the 1990s. Much has been written about the importance of citizenship, civic identities and civic virtues for the functioning of liberal democracies, and the need to accommodate the ethnocultural, linguistic and religious pluralism that is a fact of life in most modern states. By and large, however, these two topics have been largely discussed in mutual isolation. Much of the writing on the issues of both citizenship and diversity remains rather abstract and general and disconnected from the specific issues of public policy and institutional design. This work examines the specific points of conflict and convergence between concerns for citizenship and diversity in democratic societies and reassesses and refines existing theories of "diverse citizenship" by examining these theories in the light of actual practices and policies of pluralistic democracies.

The global financial crisis has generated an intense debate in academic, business, journalistic and political circles alike about what went wrong and how to put it right. In this provocative reassessment of the crisis and its implications, Colin Hay argues that it is only by acknowledging the complicity and culpability of an Anglo-liberal model of capitalism in the inflation and then bursting of the bubble that we can begin to see the full extent of what is broken and what now must be fixed. He argues that the crisis is best seen as a crisis of and indeed for growth and not as a crisis of debt. It is, moreover, a crisis of and for an excessively liberalised Anglo-American form of capitalism and the Anglo-liberal growth model to which it gave rise. This is a form of capitalism and a growth model that was inherently unstable and threatened the entire world economy - its excesses cannot be tolerated again.

Alastair Thompson here challenges the view of German Liberalism as the helpless victim of mass mobilization and political polarization in Wilhelmine Germany. He reveals the influence of a party that was the third largest in German politics by 1914 and which effectively wrote the Weimar Constitution. His study is central to understanding increasing Left Liberal support on the eve of war, and why liberal values could not be consolidated after 1918.

The political trajectory of Latin America in the last decade has been remarkable. The left, which had been given up for dead across the region, swept into power in numerous countries: Ecuador, Brazil, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Bolivia, and even Chile. Moreover, the Mexican left, which lost an extremely close (and disputed) election a couple of years ago, may yet come to power in 2012. Once these left governments took the reins of power, though, they acted very differently. Some have been truly radical, while others have been moderate. Gusatvo Flores-Macias' After Neoliberalism? offers the first systemic explanation of why left-wing governments across the region have acted in the way that they have. His theory hinges on party systems. Deeply institutionalized, stable party systems have forestalled radical change regardless of the governing party's philosophy, but states with weakly institutionalized party systems have opened the door for more radical reform. Evo Morales and Hugo Chavez, then, are not simply more radical than Lula and Chile's Michele Bachelet (who left office in March 2010). Rather, weak party systems allowed them to adopt more radical policies. Flores-Macias is careful to add that weak party systems also allow for rightwing radicals to enact policies more easily, but at this historical conjuncture, the left has the upper hand. Utilizing a rich base of empirical evidence drawn from eleven countries, After Neoliberalism? will reshape our understanding of not simply why the left has had such a far-reaching triumph, but how it actually governs.

Taking a chronological approach, this book challenges established economistic and ideologistic narratives of neoliberalism in Britain by charting the gradual diffusion of an increasingly interventionist neoliberal governmental rationality in British politics since the late 1970s, and the various means by which the project has furnished itself with a hegemonic basis for its popular support. Spanning five decades of British political history and drawing on rich empirical evidence to bring conceptual clarity to, and chart the effects of, a style of government bound up with a host of epochal changes, it concludes by considering Brexit and the rise of Corbynism as the final act in the neoliberal saga. It then poses the question, Is British politics on the verge of a major reconstruction representing a decisive rejection of neoliberalism? This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of British politics and neoliberalism, liberalism and, more broadly to political theory, political economy and public policy.

Here is the first book to cover the history of British Liberalism from its founding doctrines in the later eighteenth century to the final dissolution of the Liberal party into the Liberal Democrats in 1988. The Party dominated British politics for much of the later nineteenth-century, most notably under Gladstone, whose premierships spanned 1868-1894, and during the early twentieth, but after the resignation of Lloyd George in 1922 the Liberal Party never held office again. The decline of the Party remains a unique phenomenon in British politics and Alan Sykes illuminates its dramatic and peculiar circumstances in this comprehensive study.

In this study, an international and multidisciplinary team take stock of the promise and shortfalls of 'Social Europe' today, examining the response to the Eurocrisis, the past decade of social policy in the image of the Lisbon Agenda, and the politics that derailed a more Delorsian Europe from ever emerging.

Assuming that liberalism, liberal democracy, and the free market are here to stay, this book asks how sustainability can be interpreted in ways that respect liberal democratic values and institutions. Among the problems addressed are the compatibility of liberal procederalism with substantive "green" ideals, the existence and potential of eco-friendly principles and ideas in clasical liberal political theory, the role of rights and duties and of democracy and deliberation, and the "greening" potential of modern environmentally-focused practices in liberal democracies.

"Votes should be weighed, not counted", nineteenth-century liberals argued. This groundbreaking study analyzes parliamentary suffrage debates in England, France and Germany, showing that liberals throughout Europe used a distinctive political language, 'the discourse of capacity', to limit political participation. This language defined liberals, and they used it to define and limit full citizenship. The rise of consumer culture at the end of the century drove the discourse of capacity from politics, but it survives today in education and the professions.