Based on a reconstruction of earlier liberal conceptions of liberty (the political theories of John Locke & J.S. Mill), this book stresses the empowering nature of liberal freedom and explains why such a concept of liberty better addresses two key contemporary challenges in liberal theory and praxis: wealth redistribution and multiculturalism.

In this timely book, leading scholars of neoliberalism, together with emerging researchers from a range of intellectual traditions, reflect upon the nature of neoliberalism in light of the recent and ongoing global financial crisis. What emerges is an enlightening picture of the diversity of neoliberalism. The complex relationships between theory and practice are highlighted as the contributors recognize the need to move beyond the commonplace notion that neoliberalism is simply a system of free markets. Topical chapters examine the implications of the current crisis for neoliberalism, the likelihood of alternatives and how these might arise. Presenting a range of different theoretical approaches to understanding neoliberalism, this book will appeal to academics in the fields of political economy, political science, public policy, human geography, international studies, sociology and regulation studies. Graduate and senior undergraduate students in these fields will also find much to interest them. Contributors: N. Brenner, D. Cahill, L. Chester, M. Dean, G. Dumenil, B. Dunn, L. Edwards, J.E. King, M. Konings, D. Levy, J. Mikler, J. Paton, J. Peck, B. Spies-Butcher, F. Stilwell, N. Theodore, E. Thurbon

This book presents a provocative reinterpretation of recent political history. In this pioneering exploration of the interplay between liberalism and black nationalism, Devin Fergus returns to the tumultuous era of Johnson, Nixon, Carter, and Helms and challenges us to see familiar political developments through a new lens. What if the liberal coalition, instead of being torn apart by the demands of Black Power, actually engaged in a productive relationship with radical upstarts, absorbing black separatists into the political mainstream and keeping them from a more violent path? What if the New Right arose not only in response to Great Society Democrats but, as significantly, in reaction to Republican moderates who sought compromise with black nationalists through conduits like the Blacks for Nixon movement? Focusing especially on North Carolina, a progressive southern state and a national center of Black Power activism, Fergus reveals how liberal engagement helped to bring a radical civic ideology back from the brink of political violence and social nihilism. He covers Malcolm X Liberation University and Soul Town, two largely forgotten, federally funded black nationalist experiments; the political scene in Winston-Salem, where Black Panthers were elected to office in surprising numbers; and the liberal-nationalist coalition that formed in 1974 to defend Joan Little, a black prisoner who killed a guard she accused of raping her. Throughout, Fergus charts new territory in the study of America's recent past, taking up largely unexplored topics such as the expanding political role of institutions like the ACLU and the Ford Foundation and the emergence of sexual violence as a political issue. He also urges American historians to think globally by drawing comparisons between black nationalism in the United States and other separatist movements around the world. By 1980, Fergus writes, black radicals and their offspring were 'more likely to petition Congress than blow it up.' That liberals engaged black radicalism at all, however, was enough for New Right insurgents to paint liberalism as an effete, anti-American ideology - a sentiment that has had lasting appeal to significant numbers of voters.

Written by two long-time scholar/activists, this book is a detailed history of the Trotskyist movement set against the background of the Russian Revolution and the evolution of Soviet society. As the first comprehensive study of the subject in English, Trotskyism and the Dilemma of Socialism traces the ideas and activities of the Trotskyist movement over six decades and five continents. The history is paced within the context of the attempts by Trotsky and the movement to understand the nature of the evolving Soviet society, as in Trotsky's theory of the degenerated workers' state. Particularly valuable is the authors' in-depth analysis of the Soviet economy.

First published in 1921, Gilbert Murray's treatise considers a largely euro-centric foreign policy during the inter-war period. Believing passionately in the prospect of a Liberal England and the hope promised by the League of Nations, with Britain at its centre, Murray argues that a secure future can only be obtained through 'equal law, good government and good faith'. Concentrating on a number of country-based studies, the main focus is on how to avoid the causes of international war; Murray supports the International Financial Commission's recommendation that this could be partly achieved through disarmament and freedom of trade. This is a fascinating title that will be of particular value to history students researching the inter-war period and the League of Nations.

Modern psychological and political theory meet head-on in this powerful re-evaluation of America's contradictory and sometimes dangerous addiction to individualism. Best-selling author Gaylin and co-author Jennings investigate the contentious intersections of interdependence and autonomy, rights and public responsibility. They examine the painful abrasion occurring between America's tradition of personal freedom and privacy, as it rubs against the still valuable if almost vanishing ideals of sacrifice and social order.

Our current culture of autonomy -- championed by both liberals on the left and libertarians on the right -- is based on the idea of rationality as the motivation for human conduct. But, as the authors remind us, people are not simply rational creatures -- appeals to emotions are always far more effective than logical argument in changing our behavior.

This timely edition includes a new preface; updated examples and illustrations throughout; and new coverage of contemporary social critics and their work since the publication of the first edition. Two essential new chapters, one on the movement to forgo life-sustaining treatment and the other on physician-assisted suicide, particularly clarify the authors' arguments. Drawing on these and numerous other illustrations -- with significant emphasis on the state of American health care -- Gaylin and Jennings demonstrate that society has not just the right but the "duty" to occasionally invoke fear, shame, and guilt in order to motivate humane behavior.

As cases of AIDS are once again on the upswing, as the dangerously mentally ill are allowed to wander free and untreated, as starvation and poverty still hold too many in its grip in the richest nation on the planet, this controversial book, considerably revised and expanded, is needed more than ever. If we are to indeed preserve and nurture a genuinely free -- and liberal -- society, the authors suggest that these "coercions" may be essential for the health and the maturity of a nation where we all too often avert our eyes, not seeing that our neighbor is in pain or trouble and needs our help.

Party and Government is an eleven-country study of the relationship between the governments of liberal democracies, mainly from Western Europe, but also including the United States and India, and the parties which support these governments. It examines this relationship at the three levels at which governments and parties connect: appointments, policy-making, and patronage. The emphasis is on a two-way relationship: parties influence governments but governments also influence parties. The extent and the direction of this influence varies from country to country. In some cases, governments and parties are almost autonomous from each other, as in the United States; in other cases, on the contrary, there is considerable power of one over the other: sometimes the party dominates, sometimes the government.

This book explores a series of challenging new perspectives on the origins, development, and legacy of France's 'liberal moment' during the second half of the twentieth century. It surveys a significant shift in interest regarding socio-political philosophy and culture, with the 1970s emergence of a blossoming French curiosity about liberalism and liberal thought. While liberalism had played an important role in French political debate prior to this period, liberal voices were often disregarded. It was not until this newfound fascination with liberalism by French intellectuals-spanning from the second left to the new right-that a French liberal revival truly occurred. In Search of the Liberal Moment addresses this revival, its resultant resuscitation of nineteenth-century authors like Tocqueville and Constant, its relationship with the contemporary rise of neoliberalism in Britain and the US, and how its adherents used liberalism to rethink the past, present, and future of modern democracy.

The Liberal Party of South Africa was founded in 1953 to promote nonracial democratic liberalism in opposition to white supremacist apartheid. Under Alan Paton, it quickly moved into the extra-parliamentary field and won considerable black support, competing with Communism and black nationalism. Growing influence brought heavy government attack, and the 'banning' of nearly 50 of its leaders, black and white. Despite forced dissolution in 1968, the Liberals' ideas have triumphed over those of left and right in the 'new South Africa'.

First published in 1917, Democracy After the War considers the challenges faced in the development of liberal democracy. Hobson emphasises the power of reactionary forces and their ability to hold back progress, reiterating his view that the crux of the problem lies in the inequalities in income and wealth which led to imperialism. Through analysing the economic foundations of imperialist conflicts, Hobson comes to the conclusion that the success of democracy rests on the recognised importance of personal liberty.

In his most explicitly political work to date, Pierre Bourdieu speaks out against the new myths of our time - especially those associated with neo-liberalism - and offers a passionate defence of the public interest. The withdrawal of the state from many areas of social life in recent years - housing, health, social services, etc. - has produced growing despair in the most deprived sections of the population; the dismantling of public welfare in the name of private enterprise, flexible markets and global competitiveness is increasing the misery of those who have suffered most. In this sharp, uncompromising attack on neo-liberalism and those who champion it - from the IMF to the President of the Bundesbank, from politicians to academic commentators - Bourdieu stands up for the interests of the powerless and helps to give a voice to those individuals, groups and social movements whose views are rarely heard in the dominant media.

A powerful plea for a new internationalism which would seek to defend the public interest and the social rights of ordinary people against the new prophets of the marketplace, this important and timely book by one of Europe's most outstanding intellectuals deserves to be widely read.

Scholars within the Hayekian-Austrian tradition of classical liberalism have done virtually no work on the family as an economic and social institution. In addition, there is a real paucity of scholarship on the place of the family within classical liberal and libertarian political philosophy. Hayek's Modern Family offers a classical liberal theory of the family, taking Hayekian social theory as the main analytical framework. Horwitz argues that families are social institutions that perform certain irreplaceable functions in society. These functions change as economic, political, and social circumstances change, and the family form adapts accordingly, kicking off the next wave of developments in the social structure. In Hayekian terms, the family is an evolving and undesigned social institution. Horwitz offers a non-conservative defense of the family as a social institution against the view that either the state or "the village" is able or required to take over its irreplaceable functions.

Can, and should, liberalism make itself hospitable to a politics which does justice to climate change? To what extent are the values, methods, and assumptions of liberalism adaptable to the challenges raised? Liberal thinking - broadly construed - may dominate the Academy and the political landscape. Are the environmental priorities that are thrown into relief by climate change a threat to it, or are they an opportunity for it to show its worth? This book explores fresh arguments by leading scholars, both of whom are sceptical of liberalism's capacity to meet these challenges, and sympathetic to the project of developing liberal values so as to create a liberal approach that can deliver climate change justice. The chapters appeal to new insights and considerations reveal the complexity of the issues at stake in the real world of climate change politics. They make the political theory of climate change justice available to decision-makers whose practice will determine whether we achieve it. This book was previously published as a special issue of Critical Review of International Social and Political Economy.

First published in 1911, this pioneering and ambitious work provides a history of the evolution of republican thought and practice in Europe from the fall of the Roman Empire to the beginning of the twentieth century.

Based a series of lectures delivered by the author at Lowell Institute in 1910, this is a comprehensive treatment of the subject which moves deftly from the political thought of the middle ages through to the rise of Protestantism, the wave of revolution across Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, concluding with an analysis of the republican cause and the permanence of the Republican idea in the consciousness of Europe.

Explores the relationship between sexuality and politics in Britain's recent political past. Includes four case studies to illustrate the arguments made. Important contribution to the understandings of sexuality, identity and inequalities, as well as of crisis and neoliberalism.

How and why democratic governments in Latin America have implemented neoliberal developmental policies such as freeing exchange rates, privatizing state-owned companies, reducing governmental budget deficits through reduction in size of the government, reducing tariffs, and encouraging foreign private investments is discussed in this work. This study follows the ideological progress of some of the populist leaders and parties towards democratic neoliberalism. The work examines the topic on three levels: the national level represented by Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Argentina; the subregional level represented by Mexico and the North American free trade agreements, the Commercial Union of Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay; and the hemispheric level represented by Latin America, the United States, and the IMF.

1. The concept of social harm is gaining in ground in Criminology as an alternative way of reconceptualizing crime within a wider context. This book offers a major intervention in taking stock of the field and suggesting ways forward. 2. This book would certainly be used as supplementary reading across a number of courses in criminological and social theory, as well as upper level courses on social problems and advanced criminological theory. 3. This book is multi-disciplinary, moving beyond criminology to consider liberal political economic theory and moral philosophy.

Liberalisms, a work first published in 1989, provides a coherent and comprehensive analytical guide to liberal thinking over the past century and considers the dominance of liberal thought in Anglo-American political philosophy over the past 20 years. John Gray assesses the work of all the major liberal political philosophers including J. S. Mill, Herbert Spencer, Karl Popper, F. A Hayek, John Rawls and Robert Nozick, and explores their mutual connections and differences.

The concept of the 'smart city' as the confluence of urban planning and technological innovation has become a predominant feature of public policy discourse. Despite its expanding influence, however, there is little consensus on the precise meaning of a 'smart city'. One reason for this ambiguity is that the term means different things to different disciplines. For some, the concept of the 'smart city' refers to advances in sustainability and green technologies. For others, it refers to the deployment of information and communication technologies as next generation infrastructure. This volume focuses on a third strand in this discourse, specifically technology driven changes in democracy and civic engagement. In conjunction with issues related to power grids, transportation networks and urban sustainability, there is a growing need to examine the potential of 'smart cities' as 'democratic ecologies' for citizen empowerment and user-driven innovation. What is the potential of 'smart cities' to become platforms for bottom-up civic engagement in the context of next generation communication, data sharing, and application development? What are the consequences of layering public spaces with computationally mediated technologies? Foucault's notion of the panopticon, a metaphor for a surveillance society, suggests that smart technologies deployed in the design of 'smart cities' should be evaluated in terms of the ways in which they enable, or curtail, new urban literacies and emergent social practices.

No theory is more passionately and widely defined, or decried, than is liberalism in contemporary Anglo-American philosophy. But what is this theory, on which so much ink is spilled? This collection of original essays by leading specialists in political philosophy, legal theory, and economics offers answers to that question, by exploring the theoretical commitments of liberals and some of the practical implications of their view. Among the topics explored is the distinction between liberalism and conservatism, and the degree to which liberals must be committed to neutrality, individualism, equality, freedom, and a contractarian theory of justification. The practical implications of liberalism are further examined by considerations of the proper role of the liberal state in undertaking egalitarian redistribution, the provision of public goods, and retributive punishment. The papers assembled by Narveson and Dimock will be of benefit to anyone working in the areas of political philosophy, political theory, or political economics.

Named moral father of the Internet by Wired Magazine and quoted by President Barack Obama in his historic first inaugural address, Thomas Paine is an American revolutionary figure who continues to intrigue and infuriate. New Directions in Thomas Paine Studies offers an interdisciplinary perspective on Paine's distinctive influence on a number of eighteenth-century discourses, from politics and literature, to human rights and religion. This volume aims to expand the field of study on one of the most important figures not simply in the American, but the global revolutionary period of the late eighteenth-century. Drawing on an international group of scholars who hope to deconstruct the nationalistic boundaries that have hampered Paine studies for decades, the essays offer not only new interpretations of Paine's major works, but new methodologies that reflect the enduring presence of Paine in American cultural discourse.

Citizenship implies exclusion of non-members. Migrations, processes and policies of first admission and incorporation of ethnically and culturally diverse newcomers are among the most hotly contested political issues, especially in a world of gross inequalities. This comparative and interdisciplinary collection sees distinguished moral and political philosophers, historians, sociologists, anthropologists and political scientists from America, Australia and Europe criticize existing institutions and increasingly restrictive policies and look for alternatives more in line with principles and constitutions of liberal democratic welfare states.

Caring for Liberalism brings together chapters that explore how liberal political theory, in its many guises, might be modified or transformed to take the fact of dependency on board. In addressing the place of care in liberalism, this collection advances the idea that care ethics can help respond to legitimate criticisms from feminists who argue that liberalism ignores issues of race, class, and ethnicity. The chapters do not simply add care to existing liberal political frameworks; rather, they explore how integrating dependency might leave core components of the traditional liberal philosophical apparatus intact, while transforming other aspects of it. Additionally, the contributors address the design of social and political institutions through which care is given and received, with special attention paid to non-Western care practices. This book will appeal to scholars working on liberalism in philosophy, political science, law, and public policy, and it is a must-read for feminist political philosophers.

Adapting the green critique of the external costs of economic growth, this volume examines the links between stress, social division and excessive competition that are associated with the neoliberal discourse. Discourse analysis is used in a critical manner to examine the way that environmental issues are shaped. The book challenges established notions of the role of scientists, environmental groups and the widely presumed centrality of rational choice analysis in political science is questioned.

The author's concise and erudite exposition makes the book highly relevant to the study of liberalism and ideologies. Recommended for political scientists, economists, philosophers, and for all levels of students and faculty.' - R.J. Vichot, Florida International University;This book restates and defends the classical liberal case for minimal government, arguing that such government would best advance human well-being in all societies. The classical liberal ideal is defended against its main contemporary opponents, taken to be modern welfare liberals, communitarians, and conservatives. These variously oppose minimum government in the names of equality, community, and the need for states to retain the patriotic allegiance of their citizens which conservatives maintain minimal government is unable to do.