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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political ideologies > Marxism & Communism
Investigating 20th century Chinese ideology through the two main
elements of passionate belief and cultivation of rage, this timely
book examines how Maoist thinking has influenced Western politics.
Tracing the origins of Maoist ideas in Western politics, David
Martin Jones and M.L.R. Smith expertly apply the principles of
strategic theory to provide an understanding of how Mao's ideas
made their way from China into Western societies where they exert a
profound and little understood impact on contemporary political
conduct. The book offers critical insights into key theoretical
discourses and their practical applications, including: Maoism,
Orientalism and post-colonial discourse theory, Maoism and the
mind, and Maoism and the politics of passion. Forward-thinking in
its approach, it addresses the important question of where Maoism
will end, analysing the trajectory that Maoism is likely to take
and what the cumulative impact of it upon Western societies may be.
This invigorating read will be a fascinating resource for scholars
of political theory and history wishing to gain an insight into the
impact of Maoist ideas in the West. It will also provide students
of international politics and international studies with a much
greater understanding of China's revolutionary thinking in world
politics. 'This insightful volume exposes the influence of Maoism
on left wing intellectuals in the West. Jones and Smith reveal how
not just Mao's thought but the anti-democratic and often inhumane
practices that came to be associated with China's Cultural
Revolution are today being rehabilitated in woke form. This superb
book is a must-read for anyone wanting to understand what lies
behind today's dominant political trends.' - Joanna Williams,
Founder and Director of Cieo, UK
The foremost collection of essays from one of Britain's most
important 20th century Marxist writers Considered by many to be the
most innovative British Marxist writer of the twentieth century,
Christopher Caudwell was killed in the Spanish Civil War at the age
of 29. Although already a published writer of aeronautic texts and
crime fiction, he was practically unknown to the public until
reviews appeared of Illusion and Reality: A Study of the Sources of
Poetry, which was published just after his death. A strikingly
original study of poetry's role, it explained in clear language how
the organizing of emotion in society plays a part in social change
and development. Caudwell had a powerful interest in how things
worked - aeronautics, physics, human psychology, language, and
society. In the anti-fascist struggles of the 1930s he saw that
capitalism was a system that could not work properly and distorted
the thinking of the age. Self-educated from the age of 15, he wrote
with a directness that is alien to most cultural theory. Culture as
Politics introduces Caudwell's work through his most accessible and
relevant writing. Material will be drawn from Illusion and Reality,
Studies in a Dying Culture and his essay, "Heredity and
Development."
The Grundrisse is widely regarded as one of Marx's most important
texts, with many commentators claiming it is the centrepiece of his
entire oeuvre. It is also, however, a notoriously difficult text to
understand and interpret. In this - the first guide and
introduction to reading the Grundrisse - Simon Choat helps us to
make sense of a text that is both a first draft of Capital and a
major work in its own right. As well as offering a detailed
commentary on the entire text, this guide explains the Grundrisse's
central themes and arguments and highlights its impact and
influence. The Grundrisse's discussions of money, labour, nature,
freedom, the role of machinery, and the development and dynamics of
capitalism have influenced generations of thinkers, from
Anglo-American historians such as Eric Hobsbawm and Robert Brenner
to Continental philosophers like Antonio Negri and Gilles Deleuze,
as well as offering vital insights into Marx's methodology and the
trajectory of his thought. Contemporary examples are used
throughout this guide both to illuminate Marx's terminology and
concepts and to illustrate the continuing relevance of the
Grundrisse. Readers will be offered guidance on: -Philosophical and
Historical Context -Key Themes -Reading the Text -Reception and
Influence
Between 1954 and 1963, President Ngo Dinh Diem, against great odds
but with U.S. assistance, built a functioning South Vietnamese
state. But gravely misled by American journalists in Saigon, the
U.S. embassy, in league with second-tier members of the State
Department, urged certain South Vietnamese generals to stage a coup
against Diem, resulting in his brutal murder. Despite the
instability after Diem's murder, the South Vietnamese Army
performed well during the 1968 Tet Offensive and the 1972 Easter
Offensive. In proportion to population, South Vietnamese Army
losses were much greater than American losses. Nevertheless, the
American media ignored South Vietnamese sacrifices, and completely
misrepresented the consequences of the Tet Offensive. The
disastrous "peace agreement" the U.S. forced on the South
Vietnamese in 1973 made continuing American support vital. But
Congress began to slash aid to South Vietnam, so that its soldiers
had to fight on with dwindling supplies of fuel, ammunition, and
medicine. Under these circumstances, the South Vietnamese attempted
to regroup their army into the provinces around Saigon, an effort
that ended in disaster. The final chapter reflects on the meaning
of the conflict and the tragedy that abandonment by Washington and
conquest by Hanoi brought upon the South Vietnamese people. An
Appendix presents a strategy for preserving a South Vietnamese
state with the commitment of a relatively small number of U.S.
forces.
Most communists, as any plains state patriot would have told you in
the 1950s, lived in Los Angeles or New York City, not Minot, North
Dakota. The Cold War as it played out across the Great Plains was
not the Cold War of the American cities and coasts. Nor was it
tempered much by midwestern isolationism, as common wisdom has it.
In this book, David W. Mills offers an enlightening look at what
most of the heartland was up to while America was united in its war
on Reds. Cold War in a Cold Land adopts a regional perspective to
develop a new understanding of a critical chapter in the nation's
history. Marx himself had no hope that landholding farmers would
rise up as communist revolutionaries. So it should come as no
surprise that in places like South Dakota, where 70 percent of the
population owned land and worked for themselves, people didn't take
the threat of internal subversion very seriously. Mills plumbs the
historical record to show how residents of the plains states -
while deeply patriotic and supportive of the nation's foreign
policy - responded less than enthusiastically to national
anticommunist programs. Only South Dakota, for example, adopted a
loyalty oath, and it was fervently opposed throughout the state.
Only Montana, prodded by one state legislator, formed an
investigation committee - one that never investigated anyone and
was quickly disbanded. Plains state people were, however, ""highly
churched"" and enthusiastically embraced federal attempts to use
religion as a bulwark against atheistic communist ideology. Even
more enthusiastic was the Great Plains response to the military
buildup that accompanied Cold War politics, as the construction of
airbases and missile fields brought untold economic benefits to the
region. A much-needed, nuanced account of how average citizens in
middle America experienced Cold War politics and policies, Cold War
in a Cold Land is a significant addition to the history of both the
Cold War and the Great Plains.
Drawing on archival sources from Czechoslovakia, Poland, East
Germany, Romania and Bulgaria, Perceptions of Society in Communist
Europe considers whether and to what extent communist regimes cared
about popular opinion, how they obtained their information, and how
it helped them implement and maintain their rule. Contrary to
popular belief, communist regimes sought to legitimise their
domination with minimal resort to violence in order to maintain
their everyday power. This entailed a permanent negotiation process
between the rulers and the ruled, with public approval of
governmental policies becoming key to their success. By analysing
topics such as a Stalinist musical in Czechoslovakia, workers'
letters to the leadership in Romania, children's television in
Poland and the figure of the secret agent in contemporary culture,
as well as many more besides, Muriel Blaive and the contributors
demonstrate the potential of social history to deconstruct
parochial national perceptions of communism. This cutting-edge
volume is a vital resource for academics, postgraduates and
advanced undergraduates studying East-Central European history,
Stalinism and comparative communism.
We in the West are living in the midst of a deadly culture war. Our
rival worldviews clash with increasing violence in the public
arena, culminating in deadly riots and mass shootings. A fragmented
left now confronts a resurgent and reactionary right, which
threatens to reverse decades of social progress. Commentators have
declared that we live in a "post-truth world," one dominated by
online trolls and conspiracy theorists. How did we arrive at this
cultural crisis? How do we respond? This book speaks to this
critical moment through a new reading of the thought of Alasdair
MacIntyre. Over thirty years ago, MacIntyre predicted the coming of
a new Dark Ages. The premise of this book is that MacIntyre was
right all along. It presents his diagnosis of our cultural crisis.
It further presents his answer to the challenge of public reasoning
without foundations. Pitting him against John Rawls, Jurgen
Habermas, and Chantal Mouffe, Ethics Under Capital argues that
MacIntyre offers hope for a critical democratic politics in the
face of the culture wars.
This book deals with a central aspect of Marx's critique of society
that is usually not examined further since it is taken as a matter
of course: its scientific claim of being true. But what concept of
truth underlies his way of reasoning which attempts to comprehend
the social and political circumstances in terms of the possibility
of their practical upheaval? In three studies focusing specifically
on the development of Marx's scientific critique of capitalist
society, his journalistic commentaries on European politics, and
his reflections on the organisation of revolutionary subjectivity,
the authors carve out the immanent relation between the
scientifically substantiated claim to truth and the revolutionary
perspective in Marx's writings. They argue that Marx does not grasp
the world 'as it is' but conceives it as an inverted state which
cannot remain what it is but generates the means by which it can
eventually be overcome. This is not something to be taken lightly:
Such a concept has theoretical, political and even violent
consequences-consequences that nevertheless derive neither from a
subjective error nor a contamination of an otherwise 'pure'
science. By analyzing Marx's concept of truth the authors also
attempt to shed light on a pivotal problematique of any modern
critique of society that raises a reasoned claim of being true.
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