This title offers a Marxist take on a selection of artistic and cultural achievements from the rap music of Tupac Shakur to the painting of Van Gogh, from HBO's Breaking Bad to Balzac's Cousin Bette , from the magical realm of Harry Potter to the apocalyptic landscape of The Walking Dead , from The Hunger Games to Game of Thrones .

Wladyslaw Gomulka was a key player within Polish politics for over four decades and one of the most influential of the East European Communist Party leaders. As the architect of the 'Polish road to socialism', he claimed for Poland the right to define its own model of economic and political development, yet he was nevertheless committed to Poland's membership of the Soviet bloc. Anita Prazmowska here traces Gomulka's progression from a poorly educated worker in the Krosno district of Poland, to his election as First Party Secretary in 1956 and finally to his forced resignation in 1970. She considers Gomulka's pivotal role in building a communist-led resistance in occupied Poland during World War II as well as the critical part he played in post-war Polish politics and the 'de-Stalinization' process. Incorporating recently released and previously unpublished sources, this book provides a vivid picture of how Communism functioned in Poland and an original analysis of Poland's international role in the Cold War era.

Since the collapse of the USSR there has been a growing interest in the Stolypin Land Reform as a possible model for post-Communist agrarian development. Using recent theoretical and empirical advances in Anglo-American research, Dr Pallot examines how peasants throughout Russia received, interpreted, and acted upon the government's attempts to persuade them to quit the commune and set up independent farms. She shows how a majority of peasants failed to interpret the Reform in the way its authors had expected, with outcomes that varied both temporally and geographically. The result challenges existing texts which either concentrate on the policy side of the Reform or, if they engage with its results, use aggregated, official statistics which, this text argues, are unreliable indicators of the pre-revolutionary peasants reception of the Reform.

Using Marxist theory, Rikowski and Green examine the dialectic between race and power in education. This book launches their forthcoming series on Marxism and Education which is designed to attract educationists, whether teachers, researchers, policy makers and administrators, as well as activists of various kinds who consider the Marxist tradition still to be a valuable resource and important point of reference.

China's Rise to Power: Conceptions of State Governance examines how a twenty-first century contradiction-the country's combination of authoritarian rule and a market-oriented economy in state-led capitalism-has proven simultaneously appealing and a source of domestic dissatisfaction. Balancing policy analysis with detailed investigation of escalating popular unrest, this essay collection explores the discontent that stems from the Communist leadership's obsession with growth and control, and anticipates new space for alternative governance. As the sixth-generation leaders come of age at this critical juncture, the way out of internal crises will not necessarily be the way of the Chinese Communist Party..

The Silver Treasury of the Ministry of Revenue was the most important central government store in the Qing dynasty. It held all capital funds submitted to Beijing by provinces and was responsible for the release of all central government expenditures. This book is mainly based on Qing archives pertaining to the Silver Treasury, notably the Yellow Register copies of the Treasury, now held by the Institute of Economics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. As it is the first monograph on the subject of the Silver Treasury to be published in English, as well as giving a brief introduction to the history of its successive management systems, it also presents comprehensive tables of monthly revenues/expenditures and yearend inventories for the period 1667 to 1899.

This book re-examines and brings to light the libertarian components of Marx's and Engel's political and economic thought. Central to the book is a discussion of the notion of freedom in Marx and Engel's work. In a post-Soviet world, there is a need to revise Marxism in the search for a libertarian foundation of political economy. The book argues that the libertarian foundations were present in Marx's and Engel's work and utilizes contemporary theory's of freedom to re-interpret and analyse their original work.

What ought the political role of the intellectual to be? What challenges does the post-structuralist project present for Marxist accounts of the intellectual? What is the relationship between the university and the wider society of which it is part? This text, which includes important contributions from authors such as Warren Montag and Sean Sayers, considers different attempts by Marxist and post-Marxist writers to theorize these and other important related questions.

"Yankee Red" describes a new Marxism. This is not the frozen formula Marxism; the philosophy of the orthodox, disciplined organizations that have failed in America. This book describes an institutionally unfocused Marxism enlivened by the real life experiences of liberal American workers, civil rights activists, feminists, self-governing neighborhood and civic associations and others on the fringes of democracy's socialist mainstream. Robert A. Gorman examines the evolution of Marxian theory and practice in the context of both orthodoxy and U.S. liberalism. Yankee Red, with its analytical and historical framework, its focus on key thinkers, and its attention to evolving left tactics, will appeal to students and scholars of American politics and history, political theory, Marxism, philosophy, civil rights, women's, and religious studies.

Gorman's study begins with a prologue addressing the two cultures of Marxism in America: orthodox Marxism and neo-Marxism. He traces the history of American Marxism, discussing its many setbacks through the years, including government persecution and public apathy. The book highlights the contributions to Marxism by many prominent individuals: key thinkers, home grown radicals, new leftists, feminists, analytical marxists, and many others. In the conclusion to the book, Gorman addresses the problems facing America as its middle class vanishes.

Offering a single, coherent framework of the political, economic, and social phenomena that characterize post-communist regimes, this is the most comprehensive work on the subject to date. Focusing on Central Europe, the post-Soviet countries and China, the study provides a systematic mapping of possible post-communist trajectories. At exploring the structural foundations of post-communist regime development, the work discusses the types of state, with an emphasis on informality and patronalism; the variety of actors in the political, economic, and communal spheres; the ways autocrats neutralize media, elections, etc. The analysis embraces the color revolutions of civil resistance (as in Georgia and in Ukraine) and the defensive mechanisms of democracy and autocracy; the evolution of corruption and the workings of "relational economy"; an analysis of China as "market-exploiting dictatorship"; the sociology of "clientage society"; and the instrumental use of ideology, with an emphasis on populism. Beyond a cataloguing of phenomena-actors, institutions, and dynamics of post-communist democracies, autocracies, and dictatorships-Magyar and Madlovics also conceptualize everything as building blocks to a larger, coherent structure: a new language for post-communist regimes. While being the most definitive book on the topic, the book is nevertheless written in an accessible style suitable for both beginners who wish to understand the logic of post-communism and scholars who are interested in original contributions to comparative regime theory. The book is equipped with QR codes that link to www.postcommunistregimes.com, which contains interactive, 3D supplementary material for teaching.

During China's Cultural Revolution, Chairman Mao Zedong's "rustication program" resettled 17 million urban youths, known as "sent downs," to the countryside for manual labor and socialist reeducation. This book, the most comprehensive study of the program to be published in either English or Chinese to date, examines the mechanisms and dynamics of state craft in China, from the rustication program's inception in 1968 to its official termination in 1980 and actual completion in the 1990s. Rustication, in the ideology of Mao's peasant-based revolution, formed a critical component of the Cultural Revolution's larger attack on bureaucrats, capitalists, the intelligentsia, and "degenerative" urban life. This book assesses the program's origins, development, organization, implementation, performance, and public administrative consequences. It was the defining experience for many Chinese born between 1949 and 1962, and many of China's contemporary leaders went through the rustication program. The author explains the lasting impact of the rustication program on China's contemporary administrative culture, for example, showing how and why bureaucracy persisted and even grew stronger during the wrenching chaos of the Cultural Revolution. She also focuses on the special difficulties female sent-downs faced in terms of work, pressures to marry local peasants, and sexual harassment, predation, and violence. The author's parents were both sent downs, and she was able to interview over fifty former sent downs from around the country, something never previously accomplished. China's Sent-Down Generation demonstrates the rustication program's profound long-term consequences for China's bureaucracy, for the spread of corruption, and for the families traumatized by this authoritarian social experiment. The book will appeal to academics, graduate and undergraduate students in public administration and China studies programs, and individuals who are interested in China's Cultural Revolution era.

A focus on the economic and social problems in Ukraine, particularly during the war years, and the collectivization of agriculture in Western Ukraine in the late 1940s. It compares this with the imposition of the Stalinist system in Eastern Ukraine in the 1930s using a wide variety of Soviet archival information and historical works from the 1940s onwards.;The author has also written: "Chernobyl and Nuclear Power in the USSR", "The Soviet Impact of the Chernobyl Disaster", "Ukraine under Perestroika: Ecology, Economics and the Workers' Revolt". He is also the author of articles in Soviet Studies, Current History, Nationalities Papers, Canadian Slavonic Papers and Soviet Economy.

This book focuses on a key aspect of the German question--the problem of German national identity and communist ideology in their historical perspective since 1945 and their immediate clash in the downfall of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in 1989. The book's theme might be summarized as German identity recovered. The book is unique in that it is in part an eyewitness account of one of Europe's most startling transformations.

In the four decades of its existence, the GDR did not succeed in fostering a separate political or social identity, and thus an underlying difficulty of the state was never resolved. The overriding objective of the political socialization process in the GDR was to instill socialist political culture into the citizenry. This political culture had not only to be uniform with ideological imperatives and aspirations, but had to stand on its own because of the absence of a broader-based national culture. Given the newness of the state and its political institutions, and the continual challenge on the national question presented by the mere existence of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), the East German Communist Party (SED) always faced an uphill task. This book should be of interest to students and scholars interested in Germany, in Europe, and in the fate of communism.

Progressive theorists and activists insist that contemporary capitalism is deeply flawed from a normative point of view. However, most accept the liberal egalitarian thesis that the serious shortcomings of market societies (financial excess, inequality, and so on) could be overcome with proper political regulation. Building on Marx's legacy, Tony Smith argues in Beyond Liberal Egalitarianism that advocates of this thesis (Rawls, Habermas, Stiglitz, et al.) lack an adequate concept of capital and the state. These theorists also fail to comprehend new developments in world history ensuring that the 'destructive' aspects of capitalism increasingly outweigh whatever 'creative' elements it might continue to possess. Smith concludes that a normative social theory adequate to the twenty-first century must explicitly and unequivocally embrace socialism.

This volume explores current interventions into the digital labour theory of value, proposing theoretical and empirical work that contributes to our understanding of Marx's labour theory of value, proposes how labour and value are transformed under conditions of virtuality, and employ the theory in order to shed light on specific practices.

Marx and the Moving Image approaches cinema from a Marxist perspective. It argues that the supposed 'end of history', marked by the comprehensive triumph of capitalism and the 'end of cinema', calls for revisiting Marx's writings in order to analyse film theories, histories and practices.

Located in the far-western Tarai region of Nepal, Kailali has been the site of dynamic social and political change in recent history. The Partial Revolution examines Kailali in the aftermath of Nepal's Maoist insurgency, critically examining the ways in which revolutionary political mobilization changes social relations-often unexpectedly clashing with the movement's ideological goals. Focusing primarily on the end of Kailali's feudal system of bonded labor, Hoffmann explores the connection between politics, labor, and Mao's legacy, documenting the impact of changing political contexts on labor relations among former debt-bonded laborers.

Karl Marx is, perhaps, the founding figure of modern social theory. His ideas and writings have been entwined with some of the twentieth century's greatest struggles for justice, and some of its worst repression. He has inspired an equal measure of followers and critics, and entirely diverse lines of research and theory. Each new generation of social thinkers have advanced theories in the wake of Marx, proving his undying contemporary relevance. In this illuminating and concise collection of readings, Karl Marx emerges as the first theorist to give a comprehensive social view of the birth and development of capitalist modernity that began with the Second Industrial Revolution and still exists today.

Organized analytically, each section of readings relates to an enduring facet of Marxist thought. Along with Marx's own writing, there are fifteen contemporary essays on a variety of topics showing the influence of Marx on today's world. Editorial introductions are included at the beginning of the volume and of each section to situate the readings historically and intellectually. Every student and scholar of social theory and Marxism will find this to be the defining collection of Marxist modern thought.

In Debord, Time and Spectacle Tom Bunyard provides a detailed philosophical study of the theoretical work of Guy Debord and the Situationist International. Drawing on evidence from Debord's books, films, letters and notes, Bunyard reconstructs the Hegelian and Marxian ideas that support Debord's central concept of 'spectacle'. This affords a reconsideration of Debord's theoretical claims, and a reinterpretation of his broader work that foregrounds his concerns with history and lived time. By bringing Situationist theory into dialogue with recent reinterpretations of Marx, this book also identifies problems in Debord's critique of capitalism. It argues, however, that the conceptions of temporality and spectacle that support that critique amount to a philosophy of praxis that remains relevant today.

A postcolonial study of Polish literature from Romanticism to the twenty-first century For nearly half a century East-Central Europe was part of the Soviet empire and was subject to its "civilizing" mission. Despite its colonial status, this part of the world has escaped the attention of most postcolonial critics and remains a blank spot in global studies of postcolonialism. Dariusz Skorczewski is among the first scholars to apply postcolonial thought to Polish realities, at the same time modifying the theoretical framework developed by other scholars of postcolonialism. Polish Literature and National Identity reveals how the experiences of foreign domination and the history of empire have shaped contemporary Polish culture and society. The book, newly translated from the Polish, introduces Anglophone audiences to the potential implications of postcolonial studies on an understanding of Poland's unique historical position within Europe. Skorczewski explores transformations of national identity as reflected in Polish literature and critical discourse from Romanticism to the twenty-first century. The narrative thus tackles questions surrounding Poland's postcolonial status in contemporary East-CentralEurope, a region where globalization and cosmopolitanism clash with resurgent national sentiments and where predictions about a speedy transition to a postnational era now seem premature. DARIUSZ SKORCZEWSKI is associate professor of Polish literature at the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin.

Laird accomplishes two major goals: he provides an analytical, blow-by-blow description of the collapse of the Soviet Union under Mikhail GorbacheV's leadership, and he explores the legacy left by the experiment in communism by the Soviet Union. Laird concludes that the burden of that legacy is so great that for many years--probably generations--authoritarian systems, perhaps disguised as democracies, will prevail in the newly independent republics, and the economies of the republics will continue to deteriorate before they get better.