Neal Riemer presents, analyzes, and criticizes Marx's guiding values, his social scientific criticism of the existing 19th century order, his theory of revolutionary action, and his views of the future of economics, politics, society, and culture.

"Yankee Red" describes a new Marxism. This is not the frozen formula Marxism; the philosophy of the orthodox, disciplined organizations that have failed in America. This book describes an institutionally unfocused Marxism enlivened by the real life experiences of liberal American workers, civil rights activists, feminists, self-governing neighborhood and civic associations and others on the fringes of democracy's socialist mainstream. Robert A. Gorman examines the evolution of Marxian theory and practice in the context of both orthodoxy and U.S. liberalism. Yankee Red, with its analytical and historical framework, its focus on key thinkers, and its attention to evolving left tactics, will appeal to students and scholars of American politics and history, political theory, Marxism, philosophy, civil rights, women's, and religious studies.

Gorman's study begins with a prologue addressing the two cultures of Marxism in America: orthodox Marxism and neo-Marxism. He traces the history of American Marxism, discussing its many setbacks through the years, including government persecution and public apathy. The book highlights the contributions to Marxism by many prominent individuals: key thinkers, home grown radicals, new leftists, feminists, analytical marxists, and many others. In the conclusion to the book, Gorman addresses the problems facing America as its middle class vanishes.

What ought the political role of the intellectual to be? What challenges does the post-structuralist project present for Marxist accounts of the intellectual? What is the relationship between the university and the wider society of which it is part? This text, which includes important contributions from authors such as Warren Montag and Sean Sayers, considers different attempts by Marxist and post-Marxist writers to theorize these and other important related questions.

Progressive theorists and activists insist that contemporary capitalism is deeply flawed from a normative point of view. However, most accept the liberal egalitarian thesis that the serious shortcomings of market societies (financial excess, inequality, and so on) could be overcome with proper political regulation. Building on Marx's legacy, Tony Smith argues in Beyond Liberal Egalitarianism that advocates of this thesis (Rawls, Habermas, Stiglitz, et al.) lack an adequate concept of capital and the state. These theorists also fail to comprehend new developments in world history ensuring that the 'destructive' aspects of capitalism increasingly outweigh whatever 'creative' elements it might continue to possess. Smith concludes that a normative social theory adequate to the twenty-first century must explicitly and unequivocally embrace socialism.

Maurice Thorez (1900-1964) was a major figure in the history of twentieth-century France and European Communism for over three decades. Under his leadership, the French Communist Party (PCF) became France's largest political party and one of the most important communist parties in the West. Born in a mining village, Thorez left school at the age of 12 and would go on to helm the PCF in a rapid rise that paralleled Stalin's consolidation of power in the Soviet Union. After World War II, he became a minister, and briefly deputy prime minister, before the Cold War excluded communists from political power. The PCF became known as 'the party of Maurice Thorez', as a leader cult around Thorez was created that mirrored the cult of personality' around Stalin. This book is based on a wealth of original source material, including Thorez's diaries and notebooks. John Bulaitis outlines how Thorez's political life intersected with and was shaped by key historical events. At its heart, the book explores the paradox of the mass communist movement in France: its ability to fuse attachment to the French nation with fervent loyalty to the Soviet Union and Stalinist practices.

Offering a single, coherent framework of the political, economic, and social phenomena that characterize post-communist regimes, this is the most comprehensive work on the subject to date. Focusing on Central Europe, the post-Soviet countries and China, the study provides a systematic mapping of possible post-communist trajectories. At exploring the structural foundations of post-communist regime development, the work discusses the types of state, with an emphasis on informality and patronalism; the variety of actors in the political, economic, and communal spheres; the ways autocrats neutralize media, elections, etc. The analysis embraces the color revolutions of civil resistance (as in Georgia and in Ukraine) and the defensive mechanisms of democracy and autocracy; the evolution of corruption and the workings of "relational economy"; an analysis of China as "market-exploiting dictatorship"; the sociology of "clientage society"; and the instrumental use of ideology, with an emphasis on populism. Beyond a cataloguing of phenomena-actors, institutions, and dynamics of post-communist democracies, autocracies, and dictatorships-Magyar and Madlovics also conceptualize everything as building blocks to a larger, coherent structure: a new language for post-communist regimes. While being the most definitive book on the topic, the book is nevertheless written in an accessible style suitable for both beginners who wish to understand the logic of post-communism and scholars who are interested in original contributions to comparative regime theory. The book is equipped with QR codes that link to www.postcommunistregimes.com, which contains interactive, 3D supplementary material for teaching.

A focus on the economic and social problems in Ukraine, particularly during the war years, and the collectivization of agriculture in Western Ukraine in the late 1940s. It compares this with the imposition of the Stalinist system in Eastern Ukraine in the 1930s using a wide variety of Soviet archival information and historical works from the 1940s onwards.;The author has also written: "Chernobyl and Nuclear Power in the USSR", "The Soviet Impact of the Chernobyl Disaster", "Ukraine under Perestroika: Ecology, Economics and the Workers' Revolt". He is also the author of articles in Soviet Studies, Current History, Nationalities Papers, Canadian Slavonic Papers and Soviet Economy.

This book focuses on a key aspect of the German question--the problem of German national identity and communist ideology in their historical perspective since 1945 and their immediate clash in the downfall of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in 1989. The book's theme might be summarized as German identity recovered. The book is unique in that it is in part an eyewitness account of one of Europe's most startling transformations.

In the four decades of its existence, the GDR did not succeed in fostering a separate political or social identity, and thus an underlying difficulty of the state was never resolved. The overriding objective of the political socialization process in the GDR was to instill socialist political culture into the citizenry. This political culture had not only to be uniform with ideological imperatives and aspirations, but had to stand on its own because of the absence of a broader-based national culture. Given the newness of the state and its political institutions, and the continual challenge on the national question presented by the mere existence of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), the East German Communist Party (SED) always faced an uphill task. This book should be of interest to students and scholars interested in Germany, in Europe, and in the fate of communism.

Marx and the Moving Image approaches cinema from a Marxist perspective. It argues that the supposed 'end of history', marked by the comprehensive triumph of capitalism and the 'end of cinema', calls for revisiting Marx's writings in order to analyse film theories, histories and practices.

This volume explores current interventions into the digital labour theory of value, proposing theoretical and empirical work that contributes to our understanding of Marx's labour theory of value, proposes how labour and value are transformed under conditions of virtuality, and employ the theory in order to shed light on specific practices.

In Debord, Time and Spectacle Tom Bunyard provides a detailed philosophical study of the theoretical work of Guy Debord and the Situationist International. Drawing on evidence from Debord's books, films, letters and notes, Bunyard reconstructs the Hegelian and Marxian ideas that support Debord's central concept of 'spectacle'. This affords a reconsideration of Debord's theoretical claims, and a reinterpretation of his broader work that foregrounds his concerns with history and lived time. By bringing Situationist theory into dialogue with recent reinterpretations of Marx, this book also identifies problems in Debord's critique of capitalism. It argues, however, that the conceptions of temporality and spectacle that support that critique amount to a philosophy of praxis that remains relevant today.

This book traces the life of Francois Mitterrand from his youth as an ardent Catholic and supporter of Marshal Petain, to his career as a centrist politician of the Fourth Republic, through his capture of the leadership of the Socialist Party, leading to his election as President of France in 1981. During these years the Communist Party of France, influenced by such militants as the poet Louis Aragon, was evolving into a national party eager to participate in a joint effort with the Socialist Party to begin a rupture with capitalism through the election of Mitterrand as President. The reform of the Communist Party and the rise of Mitterrand led to the Union of the Left. In 1981, the Socialist Party had an absolute majority in the French Parliament plus support from the Communist Deputies. President Mitterrand could have implemented his leftist electoral promises and given Western Europe a historical lesson in how to move toward socialism in an advanced industrial country. Instead, he chose to change his program to the development of capitalism on a European scale. The reasons for this turn-around emerge from an examination of his life and career.

This volume takes a completely new look at two controversial topics: American anti-Communism and the Cold War. First, it reveals the little known history of anti-Communism in the US from the point of view of ethnic refugee/emigre groups, and also offers insight into the lives of minority groups that have hitherto not received scholarly attention, often due to their politically controversial position. The book consists of chapters dedicated to particular ethnic groups, as well as an introduction and conclusion. The discussed groups include Latvians, Ukrainians, Albanians, Bulgarians, Slovaks, Vietnamese, Hmong and Cubans, possibly also Hungarians or Romanians. The introduction provides the historical and sociological framework, and the conclusion undertakes a comparative analysis of ethnic anti-Communism and refugee politics.

Laird accomplishes two major goals: he provides an analytical, blow-by-blow description of the collapse of the Soviet Union under Mikhail GorbacheV's leadership, and he explores the legacy left by the experiment in communism by the Soviet Union. Laird concludes that the burden of that legacy is so great that for many years--probably generations--authoritarian systems, perhaps disguised as democracies, will prevail in the newly independent republics, and the economies of the republics will continue to deteriorate before they get better.

The essays in this collection address specific themes in Volume I of Marx's "Capital." Although the essays can be read independently, they present complimentary perspectives on issues at the cutting edge of recent scholarship on Marx's work. Although all Parts of" Capital I "are discussed, the book is not intended to be a textbook. It will be read by specialists in the field as well as graduate students in the history of economic thought, political economy and philosophy.

Using a variety of old and new archival sources to examine the emergence of the Soviet system (1917-1937), this combined approach offers chronologically coherent and original construction of some crucial stages and problems in Soviet history. The past two centuries have produced an extraordinary number of new states--more than 30 in 20th-century Europe alone. It is within this turbulent context that one must analyze the rise of the Soviet state, an entity that would prove fragile in the long run despite its all-powerful facade. An examination of the extreme features and peculiarities of the Soviet variant offers revealing insights into this exceptional historical process and contributes to a wider understanding of the European Forty Year War (1912-1953).

Graziosi devotes particular attention to Soviet solutions to the peasant and nationality problems, as well as to the pre-eminent role of ideology, the rise of personal despotism, and the unusual degree of penetration between state and economy. Using a variety of interpretations, he applies concepts from political, economic, and social history to the Soviet phenomenon without losing sight of its connections with more general European developments. The life of a Bolshevik leader is used to provide an overview of the whole period from six points of view: psychology, ideology, despotism, nationality, relations with the West, and economic building. Also, an analysis of industrialization based on the accounts of foreign workers who often met a tragic fate in the great purges contributes significantly to an assessment of the role that myth building played in the Stalinist repression of the Soviet working class.

Edward J. Krigbaum's Relentless: The Socialist Attack on American Freedom is a clear and easy to understand narration about the current political climate and how to recognize its implications for our future and our freedoms. The communist and socialist movement became a potential threat to the United States as early as the 1920s. The movement has one goal: To drive capitalism (freedom) from the American culture. Krigbaum's extensive research accurately documents the ideals of the founders of the American Revolution and how those founders established what we now enjoy as life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. What if those ideals are tampered with to employ another type of government? Learn how to recognize and identify the proponents of a socialist society. After our country's recent financial meltdown, we must be vigilant about the very real threat of a socialist political environment and how that environment threatens our country, our constitution and our way of life. Edward J. Krigbaum is a writer and insurance broker. Mr. Krigbaum is currently writing a nonfiction book about American's past and future. He lives with his wife in California. Relentless: The Socialist Attack on American Freedom is his first book.

Marxist thinking can offer a critical understanding of education in an international context. Jones tackles these issues from a variety of angles and perspectives, taking advantage of recent theoretical innovations in Marxist analysis as well as the personal experiences of educational practitioners with Marxist commitments. With a specific focus on pedagogical practices as cultural practices, this book combines detailed case studies of local situations with broad, critical overviews of global development and challenges.

Once Upon a Time of Transition is a journey through four decades in the career of a Czech dissident and diplomat reflecting on transitions from the 20th to the 21st century. A meaningful contribution to on-going public debates, and to a better understanding of our current political situation, Ambassador Martin Palous explores the uncertain territory between philosophy and politics. Directly or indirectly, his texts were inspired by three great Central European thinkers of the 20th century, Hannah Arendt, Jan Pato?ka and Eric Voegelin. At stake is the classical Socratic question concerning the "common good" that they all raised in their investigations of the human condition -- the question that Aristotle held to direct all our actions whether we adhere to some form of metaphysics or theology, or subscribe to the post-modern nihilism so fashionable these days.

Student Politics in Communist Poland tackles the topic of student political activity under a communist regime during the Cold War. It discusses both the communist student organizations as well as oppositional, independent, and apolitical student activism during the forty-five-year period of Poland's existence as a Soviet satellite state. The book focuses on consecutive generations of students who felt compelled to act on behalf of their milieu or for what they saw as the greater national good. The dynamics between moderates and radicals, between conformists and non-conformists are analyzed from the points of view of the protagonists themselves. The book traces ideological evolutions, but also counter-cultural trends and transnational influences in Poland's student community as they emerged, developed, and disappeared over more than four decades. It elaborates on the importance of the Catholic Church and its role in politicizing students. The regime's higher education policies are discussed in relation to its attempts to control the student body, which in effect constituted an ever growing group of young people who were destined to become the regime's future elite in the political, economic, social, and cultural spheres and thus provide it with the necessary legitimacy for its survival. The pivotal crises in the history of Communist Poland, those of 1956, 1968, 1980-1981, are treated with a special emphasis on the students and their respective role in these upheavals. The book shows that student activism played its part in the political trajectory of the country, at times challenging the legitimacy of the regime, and contributed in no small degree to the demise of communism in Poland in 1989. Student Politics in Communist Poland not only presents a chronological narrative of student activism, but it sheds light on lesser known aspects of modern Polish history while telling part of the life stories of prominent figures in Poland's communist establishment as well as its dissident and opposition milieux. Ultimately, it also provides insights into modern-day Poland and its elite, many of whose members laid the groundwork for their later careers as student activists during the communist period.