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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political ideologies > Marxism & Communism
This is the first account of sexual liberation in Eastern Europe
during the Cold War. Katerina Liskova reveals how, in the case of
Czechoslovakia, important aspects of sexuality were already
liberated during the 1950s - abortion was legalized, homosexuality
decriminalized, the female orgasm came into experts' focus - and
all that was underscored by an emphasis on gender equality.
However, with the coming of Normalization, gender discourses
reversed and women were to aspire to be caring mothers and docile
wives. Good sex was to cement a lasting marriage and family. In
contrast to the usual Western accounts highlighting the importance
of social movements to sexual and gender freedom, here we discover,
through the analysis of rich archival sources covering forty years
of state socialism in Czechoslovakia, how experts, including
sexologists, demographers, and psychologists, advised the state on
population development, marriage and the family to shape the most
intimate aspects of people's lives.
Since the 1920s, Socialist and Communist parties in Europe and
elsewhere have engaged in episodes of both rivalry and cooperation,
with each seeking to dominate the European Left. Enemy Brothers
analyzes how this relationship has developed over the past century,
focusing on France, Italy, and Spain, where Socialists and
Communists have been politically important. Drawing on fieldwork
and interviews in all three nations, W. Rand Smith identifies the
critical junctures that these parties faced and the strategic
choices they made, especially regarding alliance partners. In
explaining the parties' diverse alliance strategies, Enemy Brothers
stresses the impact of institutional arrangements, party culture,
and leadership.
Essays by Ian Andrews, Roland Boer, Heidi Brush, Angela Hubler,
Cynthia Anne McLeod, Carl F. Miller, Jana Mikota, Mervyn Nicholson,
Jane Rosen, Sharon Smulders, Justyna Deszcz-Tryhubczak, Anastasia
Ulanowicz, Naomi Wood A significant body of scholarship examines
the production of children's literature by women and minorities, as
well as the representation of gender, race, and sexuality. But few
scholars have previously analyzed class in children's literature.
This definitive collection remedies that by defining and
exemplifying historical materialist approaches to children's
literature. The introduction of Little Red Readings lucidly
discusses characteristics of historical materialism, the
methodological approach to the study of literature and culture
first outlined by Karl Marx, defining key concepts and analyzing
factors that have marginalized this tradition, particularly in the
United States. The thirteen essays here analyze a wide range of
texts--from children's bibles to Mary Poppins to The Hunger
Games--using concepts in historical materialism from class struggle
to the commodity. Essayists apply the work of Marxist theorists
such as Ernst Bloch and Fredric Jameson to children's literature
and film. Others examine the work of leftist writers in India,
Germany, England, and the United States. The authors argue that
historical materialist methodology is critical to the study of
children's literature, as children often suffer most from
inequality. Some of the critics in this collection reveal the ways
that literature for children often functions to naturalize
capitalist economic and social relations. Other critics champion
literature that reveals to readers the construction of social
reality and point to texts that enable an understanding of the role
ordinary people might play in creating a more just future. The
collection adds substantially to our understanding of the political
and class character of children's literature worldwide, and
contributes to the development of a radical history of children's
literature.
Why has the European Left become so antagonistic towards Israel? To
answer this question, Colin Shindler looks at the struggle between
Marxism-Leninism and Zionism from the October Revolution to today.
Is such antagonism in opposition to the policies of successive
Israeli governments? Or, is it due to a resurgence of
anti-Semitism? The answer is far more complex. Shindler argues that
the new generation of the European Left was more influenced by the
decolonization movement than by wartime experiences, which led it
to favor the Palestinian cause in the post 1967 period. Thus the
Israeli drive to settle the West Bank after the Six Day war
enhanced an already existing attitude, but did not cause it.
Written by a respected scholar, this accessible and balanced work
provides a novel account and analytical approach to this important
subject. Israel and the European Left will interest students in
international politics, Middle Eastern studies, as well as anyone
who seeks to understand issues related to today's Left and the
Arab-Israeli conflict.>
This is a concise introduction to the life and work of the Italian
militant and political thinker, Antonio Gramsci. As head of the
Italian Communist Party in the 1920s, Gramsci was arrested and
condemned to 20 years' imprisonment by Mussolini's fascist regime.
It was during this imprisonment that Gramsci wrote his famous
Prison Notebooks - over 2,000 pages of profound and influential
reflections on history, culture, politics, philosophy and
revolution. An Introduction to Antonio Gramsci retraces the
trajectory of Gramsci's life, before examining his conceptions of
culture, politics and philosophy. Gramsci's writings are then
interpreted through the lens of his most famous concept, that of
'hegemony'; Gramsci's thought is then extended and applied to
'think through' contemporary problems to illustrate his distinctive
historical methodology. The book concludes with a valuable
examination of Gramsci's legacy today and useful tips for further
reading. George Hoare and Nathan Sperber make Gramsci accessible
for students of history, politics and philosophy keen to understand
this seminal figure in 20th-century intellectual history.
What is at the heart of political resistance? Whilst traditional
accounts often conceptualise it as a reaction to power, this volume
(prioritising remarks by Michel Foucault) invites us to think of
resistance as primary. The author proposes a strategic analysis
that highlights how our efforts need to be redirected towards a
horizon of creation and change. Checchi first establishes a
genealogy of two main trajectories of the history of our present:
the liberal subject of rights and the neoliberal ideas of human
capital and bio-financialisation. The former emerges as a reactive
closure of Etienne de la Boetie's discourse on human nature and
natural companionship. The other forecloses the creative potential
of Autonomist Marxist conceptions of labour, first elaborated by
Mario Tronti. The focus of this text then shifts towards
contemporary openings. Initially, Checchi proposes an inverted
reading of Jacques Ranciere's concept of politics as interruption
that resonates with Antonio Negri's emphasis on Baruch Spinoza's
potential qua resistance. Finally, the author stages a virtual
encounter between Gilles Deleuze's ontology of matter and
Foucault's account of the primacy of resistance with which the text
begins. Through this series of explorations, The Primacy of
Resistance: Power, Opposition and Becoming traces a conceptual
trajectory with and beyond Foucault by affirming the affinity
between resistance and creation.
Drawing on recently declassified material from Stalin's personal
archive in Moscow, this is the first attempt by scholars to
systematically analyze the way Stalin interpreted and envisioned
his world-both the Soviet system he was trying to build and its
wider international context. Since Stalin rarely left his offices
and perceived the world largely through the prism of verbal and
written reports, meetings, articles, letters, and books, a
comprehensive analysis of these materials provides a unique and
valuable opportunity to study his way of thinking and his
interaction with the outside world. Comparing the materials that
Stalin read from week to week with the decisions that he
subsequently shaped, Sarah Davies and James Harris show not only
how Stalin perceived the world but also how he misperceived it.
After considering the often far-reaching consequences of those
misperceptions, they investigate Stalin's contribution to the
production and regulation of official verbal discourse in a system
in which huge political importance was attached to the correct use
of words and phrases..
Introducing the most famous work of the nineteenth-century radical
thinkers Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, this comprehensive
reader's guide to the Communist Manifesto explores the key themes,
ideas and issues of a revolutionary pamphlet.Beginning with a
discussion of the intellectual, political and social context of the
Manifesto, the "Reader's Guide" clearly illustrates the themes by
relating points in the work to ideas and theories made in other
works written by Marx and Engels. This is followed by a closer
examination and analysis of the text that: - covers the
introductory statement and each of the chapters in detail-
discusses the style, structure and intended audience of the
Manifesto including its later prefaces- explores the ways in which
the Manifesto was received both during the lives of Marx and Engels
and in the twentieth century, for example: the Soviet Union's
version of Marxism, China's re-interpretations of the ideas, and
the innovative political philosophy found in Western analytical
Marxism.As well as presenting relevant biographical points about
Marx and Engels and giving concise information on prominent people
mentioned in the text, this valuable study resource features
discussion questions and annotated guides to further reading. For
students studying political philosophy and political theories,
"Marx and Engels' Communist Manifesto: A Reader's Guide" provides a
better understanding of the ideas, theories and contexts discussed
in the most famous work of the writers who founded the ideology of
Marxism.
This groundbreaking book offers a comprehensive documentary history
of children whose parents were identified as enemies of the Soviet
regime from its inception through Joseph Stalin's death. When
parents were arrested, executed, or sent to the Gulag, their
children also suffered. Millions of children, labeled "socially
dangerous," lost parents, homes, and siblings. Co-edited by Cathy
A. Frierson, a senior American scholar, and Semyon S. Vilensky,
Gulag survivor and compiler of the Russian documents, the book
offers documentary and personal perspectives. The editors present
top-secret documents in translation from the Russian state
archives, memoirs, and interviews with child survivors. The
editors' narrative reveals how such prolonged child victimization
could occur, who knew about it, and who tried to intervene on the
children's behalf. The editors show how the emotions from childhood
trauma persist into the twenty-first century, passing from victims
to their children and grandchildren. Interviews with child
survivors also display their resilient ability to fashion
productive lives despite family destruction and stigma.
What did it mean to be a Soviet citizen in the 1970s and 1980s? How
can we explain the liberalization that preceded the collapse of the
USSR? This period in Soviet history is often depicted as stagnant
with stultified institutions and the oppression of socialist
citizens. However, the socialist state was not simply an oppressive
institution that dictated how to live and what to think-it also
responded to and was shaped by individuals' needs. In Soviet
Society in the Era of Late Socialism, 1964-85, Neringa Klumbyte and
Gulnaz Sharafutdinova bring together scholarship examining the
social and cultural life of the USSR and Eastern Europe from 1964
to 1985. This interdisciplinary and comparative study explores
topics such as the Soviet middle class, individualism, sexuality,
health, late-socialist ethics, and civic participation. Examining
this often overlooked era provides the historical context for all
post-socialist political, economic, and social developments.
A century on, scholars can achieve a certain balance in views of
what Soviet leader Vladimir Lenin's government meant for Russia and
for the world. In Roberto Echeverran synthesizes all that we know
about Lenin and his government by taking data from new and original
sources. With auxiliary chapters on the evolution of land tenancy
in Russia, the collectivization of land under Stalin, and the
suppression of sexual minorities under Soviet rule, this book adds
breadth and scope to our understanding of Lenin's government and
legacy.
When the Cold War ended, some people called it the "end of
history." Capitalism and liberal democracy had prevailed. Later,
when the West clashed with radical Islam, Americans realized
history hadn't ended after all-at least not abroad. Now, in How
Marx Can Save American Capitalism, Ronald W. Dworkin shows us that
even the home front is in play and capitalism and liberal democracy
are threatened. Dworkin uses Karl Marx to tip the balance in their
favor-a paradox, as Marx was the sworn enemy of capitalism and
liberal democracy, but also logical, as Marx knew the weak spots in
capitalism and democracy better than anyone. In the past,
capitalism's weak spots were obvious: sweatshops, workhouses, and
hunger. The twentieth century welfare state saved capitalism by
fixing them. Today's weak spots are less obvious; they don't even
seem related- mass loneliness, a declining birth rate, young people
postponing adulthood, and workers using sleep aids to function on
the job. Yet they pose the same risk to capitalism that child labor
and horrid factory conditions once did. Marx's ideas applied to
contemporary America show how they are all of apiece. Saving
capitalism demands a third way-not rigid Republican conservatism or
blind Democratic state interventionism, but a new politics in which
the state focuses laser-like on advanced capitalism's unique
threats to private life, while leaving much of the free market
intact.
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