The decades separating our new century from the Armenian Genocide, the prototype of modern-day nation-killings, have fundamentally changed the political composition of the region. Virtually no Armenians remain on their historic territories in what is today eastern Turkey. The Armenian people have been scattered about the world. And a small independent republic has come to replace the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, which was all that was left of the homeland as the result of Turkish invasion and Bolshevik collusion in 1920. One element has remained constant. Notwithstanding the eloquent, compelling evidence housed in the United States National Archives and repositories around the world, successive Turkish governments have denied that the predecessor Young Turk regime committed genocide, and, like the Nazis who followed their example, sought aggressively to deflect blame by accusing the victims themselves.

This volume argues that the time has come for Turkey to reassess the propriety of its approach, and to begin the process that will allow it move into a post-genocide era. The work includes "Genocide: An Agenda for Action," Gijs M. de Vries; "Determinants of the Armenian Genocide," Donald Bloxham; "Looking Backward and Forward," Joyce Apsel; "The United States Response to the Armenian Genocide," Simon Payaslian; "The League of Nations and the Reclamation of Armenian Genocide Survivors," Vahram L. Shemmassian; "Raphael Lemkin and the Armenian Genocide," Steven L. Jacobs; "Reconstructing Turkish Historiography of the Armenian Massacres and Deaths of 1915," Fatma Muge Gocek; "Bitter-Sweet Memories; "The Armenian Genocide and International Law," Joe Verhoeven; "New Directions in Literary Response to the Armenian Genocide," Rubina Peroomian; "Denial and Free Speech," Henry C. Theriault; "Healing and Reconciliation," Ervin Staub; "State and Nation," Raffi K. Hovannisian.

This book relates a complex ethical (re)assessment of the continued reliance by some states on nuclear weapons as instruments of state power. This (re)assessment is more urgent considering the relatively recent intensification of great power conflict dynamics and the nuclear-weapon states' recommitments to modernizing, augmenting, or tailoring their nuclear forces to address vital state and alliance interests. And, especially since the beginning of the administration of U.S. President Donald J. Trump, these recommitments have accelerated the degree to which the political and moral dilemmas of (the threat of) nuclear use define and intensify existential risks for specific states and the international community at large. To execute this (re)assessment, this book details how strategic, political, legal, and moral reasoning are deeply intertwined on the questions of vital state and global values. Its ontological assumptions are taken from a broadly construed IR Constructivist stance, and its epistemological approach applies non-ideal moral principles informed by Kantian thought to selected problems of nuclear-armed security competition as they evolved since President Barack Obama's 2009 Prague Declaration. This non-ideal moral approach employed is committed to the view that the dual imperatives of humanity's survival and the common security of states requires an international order which privileges considerations of justice over power-political considerations. This non-ideal moral approach is a necessary element of theorizing a set of practices to effectively address the challenges and dilemmas of reordering international politics in terms of justice.

This book assesses the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia's (ICTY) legacy and examines the conflicting intersection of law and politics in the search for justice, both thematically and through close analysis of some of the major trials. It analyses the related case brought against Serbia and Montenegro by Bosnia and Herzegovina at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), as well as the Ganic case in London where the ICTY and ICJ findings were challenged. The book addresses the following questions: To what extent the political climate in which the ICTY was conceived, and continues to operate, has affected the declared aims of its founders? Have political considerations and political correctness, and the perceived need for political stability and democratic transition, at times proved an obstacle to the administration of justice? Are some of the acknowledged failings of international policy in the 1990s finding some resonance in more recent court proceedings? This highly relevant and comprehensive book will be of interest to students and scholars of political science, international relations, transitional justice, Balkan area studies, human rights law, international criminal and peace and conflict studies.

Genocide is one of the most heinous abuses of human rights imaginable, yet reaction to it by European governments in the post-Cold War world has been criticised for not matching the severity of the crime. European governments rarely agree on whether to call a situation genocide, and their responses to purported genocides have often been limited to delivering humanitarian aid to victims and supporting prosecution of perpetrators in international criminal tribunals. More coercive measures - including sanctions or military intervention - are usually rejected as infeasible or unnecessary. This book explores the European approach to genocide, reviewing government attitudes towards the negotiation and ratification of the 1948 Genocide Convention and analysing responses to purported genocides since the end of the Second World War. Karen E. Smith considers why some European governments were hostile to the Genocide Convention and why European governments have been reluctant to use the term genocide to describe atrocities ever since.

This volume, newly published in paperback, is part of a comprehensive effort by R. J. Rummel to understand and place in historical perspective the entire subject of genocide and mass murder, or what he calls democide. It is the fifth in a series of volumes in which he offers a detailed analysis of the 120,000,000 people killed as a result of government action or direct intervention.

In Power Kills, Rummel offers a realistic and practical solution to war, democide, and other collective violence. As he states it, "The solution...is to foster democratic freedom and to democratize coercive power and force. That is, mass killing and mass murder carried out by government is a result of indiscriminate, irresponsible Power at the center."

Rummel observes that well-established democracies do not make war on and rarely commit lesser violence against each other. The more democratic two nations are, the less likely is war or smaller-scale violence between them. The more democratic a nation is, the less severe its overall foreign violence, the less likely it will have domestic collective violence, and the less its democide. Rummel argues that the evidence supports overwhelmingly the most important fact of our time: democracy is a method of nonviolence.

Contents:
Stoler, Mark A. A Half Century of Conflict: Interpretations of US World War II Diplomacy. Diplomatic History 18 (Summer 1994).
Louis, William Roger and Ronald Robinson. The Imperialism of Decolonization. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 22 (September 1994).
Sbrega, John J. Determination versus Drift: The Anglo-American Debate over the Trusteeship Issue, 1941-1945. Pacific Historical Review 55 (May 1986).
Sheffield, G.D. The Anglo-American Alliance, 1941-45. The Journal of Mississippi History 57 (Winter 1995).
Phillips, Hugh. Mission to America: Maksim M. Litvinov in the United States, 1941-43. Diplomatic History 12 (Summer 1988).
Maclean, Elizabeth Kimball. Joseph E. Davies and Soviet-American Relations, 1941-1943. Diplomatic History 4 (Winter 1980).
Resis, Albert. Spheres of Influence in Soviet Wartime Diplomacy. The Journal of Modern History 53 (September 1981).
Garrett, Crister S. and Stephen A. Garrett. Death and Politics: The Katyn Forest Massacre and American Foreign Policy. East European Quarterly 20 (Winter 1986).
Ma, Xiaohua. The Sino-American Alliance During World War II and the Lifting of the Chinese Exclusion Acts. American Studies International 38 (June 2000).
Dinnerstein, Leonard. America, Britain, and Palestine: The Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry and the Displaced Persons, 1945-46. Diplomatic History 4 (Summer 1980).
McFarland, Stephen L. A Peripheral View of the Origins of the Cold War: The Crises in Iran, 1941-47. Diplomatic History 4 (Fall 1980): 333-51.
Thorne, Christopher. Indochina and Anglo-American Relations, 1942-1945. Pacific Historical Review 45 (February 1976).
Gallicchio, Marc. The Other China Hands: USArmy Officers and America's Failure in China, 1941-1950. The Journal of American-East Asian Relations 3 (Spring 1995).
Villa, Brian L. The US Army, Unconditional Surrender, and the Potsdam Declaration. The Journal of American History 64 (June 1976).

Contents:
Berry, Chad. Public, Private, and Popular: The United States Remembers World War II. Contemporary Austrian Studies 5 (1997).
Bennett, Michael Todd. Anglophilia on Film: Creating an Atmosphere for Alliance, 1935-1941. Film and History 27 (1997).
Krome, Frederic. The True Glory and the Failure of Anglo-American Film Propaganda in the Second World War. Journal of Contemporary History 33 (January 1998).
Black, Gregory D. and Clayton R. Koppes. OWI Goes to the Movies: The Bureau of Intelligence's Criticism of Hollywood, 1942-43. Prologue 6 (Spring 1974).
Donald, Ralph R. Awakening a Sleeping Giant: The Pearl Harbor Attack on Film. Film and History 27 (1997).
Moeller, Susan D. Pictures of the Enemy: Fifty Years of Images of Japan in the American Press, 1941-92. Journal of American Culture 19 (Spring 1996).
Valenti, Peter L. The Cultural Hero in the World War II Fantasy Film. Journal of Popular Film and Television 8 (1979).
Beidler, Philip D. South Pacific and American Remembering; or, 'Josh, We're Going to Buy This Son of a Bitch!' Journal of American Studies 27 (August 1993).
Leff, Leonard J. Hollywood and the Holocaust: Remembering the Pawnbroker. American Jewish History 84 (1996).
Manchell, Frank. A Reel Witness: Steven Spielberg's Representation of the Holocaust in Schindler's List. The Journal of Modern History 67 (March 1995).
Cohen, Eliot. What Combat Does to Man: Private Ryan and its Critics. The National Interest 54 (Winter 1998/99).
Cripps, Thomas and David Culbert. The Negro Soldier (1944): Film Propaganda in Black and White. American Quarterly 31 (Winter 1979).
Garrett, Greg. It's Everybody's War: Racism and World War Two Documentary. Journal of Popular Film and Television 22 (Summer 1994).
Leff, Leonard J. What in the World interests Women? Hollywood, Postwar America, and Johnny Belinda. Journal of American Studies 31 (December 1997).
Kodat, Catherine Gunther. Saving Private Property: Steven Spielberg's American DreamWorks. Representations 71 (Summer 2000).
Bennett, Todd. Culture, Power, and Mission to Moscow: Film and Soviet Relations during World War II. The Journal of American History 87 (September 2001).
Rosenfield, Alvin H. The Holocaust in American Popular Culture. Midstream 39 (June/July 1983).
Mandelbaum, Michael. The Political Lessons of Two World War II Novels: A Review Essay. Political Science Quarterly 93 (Fall 1979).

Recent investigation into the activities of Sandline International in Sierra Leone has rekindled interest in the role of private armies in African conflicts. Sensational references in newspaper articles, however, run the risk of emphasizing the military aspect of security at the expense of a holistic approach to an emergent security conundrum.This fascinating book is a critique of mercenary involvement in post-Cold War African conflicts. It seeks to achieve a greater understanding of the mercenary-instability complex by examining the links between the rise in internal conflicts and the proliferation of mercenary activities in the 1990s. The distinction in the methods adopted by Cold War mercenaries and their contemporary counterparts, the convoluted network between private armies, business interests, sustained poverty in Africa's poorest countries as well as the connection between mercenary activities and arms proliferation. In exploring solutions to the upsurge of mercenaries on the continent, the book seeks a political and legal redefinition of the term "mercenaries," and calls for new international legislation.The book argues that unless there are complete solutions to the root causes of conflict in a region where poverty represents the greatest threat to democracy and development, legislation will provide only temporary, rather than permanent, mechanisms for stemming this disturbing trend.

First published in 1997, this volume builds its discussion on a technological base along with policy implications, and constitutes a review of the current situation in international security created by the Cold War, and how the end of the Cold War is likely to change the situation. As the close of the Cold War created a multitude of changes in international security, resulting in a broad range of topics tackled in this collection. It features specialists in military technology, physics, political science, public and international affairs.

From the early efforts that emerged in the struggle against Nazism, and over the past half century, the field of genocide studies has grown in reach to include five genocide centers across the globe and well over one hundred Holocaust centers. This work enables a new generation of scholars, researchers, and policymakers to assess the major foci of the field, develop ways and means to intervene and prevent future genocides, and review the successes and failures of the past.

The contributors to Pioneers of Genocide Studies approach the questions of greatest relevance in a personal way, crafting a statement that reveals one's individual voice, persuasions, literary style, scholarly perspectives, and relevant details of one's life. The book epitomizes scholarly autobiographical writing at its best. The book also includes the most important works by each author on the issue of genocide.

Among the contributors are experts in the Armenian, Bosnian, and Cambodian genocides, as well as the Holocaust against the Jewish people. The contributors are Rouben Adalian, M. Cherif Bassiouni, Israel W. Charney, Vahakn Dadrian, Helen Fein, Barbara Harff, David Hawk, Herbert Hirsch, Irving Louis Horowitz, Richard Hovannisian, Henry Huttenbach, Leo Kuper, Raphael Lemkin, James E. Mace, Eric Markusen, Robert Melson, R.J. Rummel, Roger W. Smith, Gregory H. Stanton, Ervin Staub, Colin Tatz, Yves Ternan, and the co-editors. The work represents a high watermark in the reflections and self-reflections on the comparative study of genocide.

Weapons proliferation is one of the most pressing global concerns following the end of the Cold War. Despite the absence of an overarching superpower conflict, armaments and related technologies have continued to spread throughout the international system. This has been particularly true in areas such as East Asia and the Middle East, where the traditional two party arms races are not readily apparent.
This book addresses these concerns and shortcomings using data on fourteen specific military technological innovations that diffused throughout the international system from 1960 to 1997.

First published in 1997, this volume responds to attention in recent years which has been belatedly directed towards reviving World War II issues involving Japan. This study deals first with the manner in which such issues so long fell into abeyance under Cold War conditions, while tracing the vast and varied writing on the war which meanwhile appeared within Japan. Evolving Japanese views on the war are largely focused on debate over the revision of the postwar constitution, especially its renunciation of "war potential". The book also contains the first overview of the decades-long litigation within Japan on the screening of textbooks, especially on the war.

Originally published in 1939, this book examined how to finance the war, including chapters on the methods of industrial mobilisation and government borrowing and the growth of money income. During the course of the year 1936, when the probability of another war with Germany became exceedingly great, a group of six persons interested in the problems of financial policy began to meet, and the results of the discussions that took place between them are embodied in the present work.

In recent years the international community has begun to scrutinize and, in many cases, condemn the atrocities that took place at Nanking in late 1937. This is all part of a larger worldwide movement in which both nations and multinational groups are attempting to reach closure regarding past atrocities and inhumanities. As represented by the contributors to this book, these activities have an importance reaching far beyond aggressors or victims, beyond admission or vindication, but rather are a search for the common causes of all human atrocities and for solutions that would set humanity on a path toward a more peaceful and harmonious international community.

In recent years the international community has begun to scrutinize and, in many cases, condemn the atrocities that took place at Nanking in late 1937. This is all part of a larger worldwide movement in which both nations and multinational groups are attempting to reach closure regarding past atrocities and inhumanities. As represented by the contributors to this book, these activities have an importance reaching far beyond aggressors or victims, beyond admission or vindication, but rather are a search for the common causes of all human atrocities and for solutions that would set humanity on a path toward a more peaceful and harmonious international community.

In this volume, the author seeks to fully reconstruct the process by which the Kennedy administration decided to sell to Israel Hawk surface-to-air missiles. He argues that such domestic considerations as the approaching congressional elections, and such political calculations as the administration's desire to promote a Palestinian settlement, were all part of a highly complex decisional setting which affected the thinking and behaviour of members of Washington's high policy elite on the very eve of the Hawk decision, albeit not to the same degree. Ultimately, a winning coalition was formed between the Middle Eastern experts of the National Security Council and the president's liaison to the Jewish community, Myer Feldman. President Kennedy's decision to join this coalition and to approve the sale without any prior Israeli concessions to the Palestinians, determined the outcome of this process. This sealed the fate of the Department of State's efforts to prevent the sale or later to make it dependent upon an Israeli commitment to soften its traditional Palestinian posture.
This book identifies the individuals and groups involved in each phase of the decision-making process of the sale of Hawk missiles, examines their relative power and capacity to mobilize support for their respective positions, and assesses the immediate and middle-range consequences of the sale, both in the context of American-Israeli relations and Washington's relations with the Arab Middle East.

Winner of the Yad Vashem International Book Book Prize for Holocaust Research "A substantive contribution to the history of ethnic strife and extreme violence" (The Wall Street Journal) and a cautionary examination of how genocide can take root at the local level--turning neighbors, friends, and family against one another--as seen through the eastern European border town of Buczacz during World War II. For more than four hundred years, the Eastern European border town of Buczacz--today part of Ukraine--was home to a highly diverse citizenry. It was here that Poles, Ukrainians, and Jews all lived side by side in relative harmony. Then came World War II, and three years later the entire Jewish population had been murdered by German and Ukrainian police, while Ukrainian nationalists eradicated Polish residents. In truth, though, this genocide didn't happen so quickly. In Anatomy of a Genocide, Omer Bartov explains that ethnic cleansing doesn't occur as is so often portrayed in popular history, with the quick ascent of a vitriolic political leader and the unleashing of military might. It begins in seeming peace, slowly and often unnoticed, the culmination of pent-up slights and grudges and indignities. The perpetrators aren't just sociopathic soldiers. They are neighbors and friends and family. They are also middle-aged men who come from elsewhere, often with their wives and children and parents, and settle into a life of bourgeois comfort peppered with bouts of mass murder. For more than two decades Bartov, whose mother was raised in Buczacz, traveled extensively throughout the region, scouring archives and amassing thousands of documents rarely seen until now. He has also made use of hundreds of first-person testimonies by victims, perpetrators, collaborators, and rescuers. Anatomy of a Genocide profoundly changes our understanding of the social dynamics of mass killing and the nature of the Holocaust as a whole. Bartov's book isn't just an attempt to understand what happened in the past. It's a warning of how it could happen again, in our own towns and cities--much more easily than we might think.

Cyber-warfare is often discussed, but rarely truly seen. When does an intrusion turn into an attack, and what does that entail? How do nations fold offensive cyber operations into their strategies? Operations against networks mostly occur to collect intelligence, in peacetime. Understanding the lifecycle and complexity of targeting adversary networks is key to doing so effectively in conflict. Rather than discussing the spectre of cyber war, Daniel Moore seeks to observe the spectrum of cyber operations. By piecing together operational case studies, military strategy and technical analysis, he shows that modern cyber operations are neither altogether unique, nor entirely novel. Offensive cyber operations are the latest incarnation of intangible warfare--conflict waged through non-physical means, such as the information space or the electromagnetic spectrum. Not all offensive operations are created equal. Some are slow-paced, clandestine infiltrations requiring discipline and patience for a big payoff; others are short-lived attacks meant to create temporary tactical disruptions. This book first seeks to understand the possibilities, before turning to look at some of the most prolific actors: the United States, Russia, China and Iran. Each has their own unique take, advantages and challenges when attacking networks for effect.

In this volume, the author seeks to fully reconstruct the process by which the Kennedy administration decided to sell to Israel Hawk surface-to-air missiles. He argues that such domestic considerations as the approaching congressional elections, and such political calculations as the administration's desire to promote a Palestinian settlement, were all part of a highly complex decisional setting which affected the thinking and behaviour of members of Washington's high policy elite on the very eve of the Hawk decision, albeit not to the same degree. Ultimately, a winning coalition was formed between the Middle Eastern experts of the National Security Council and the president's liaison to the Jewish community, Myer Feldman. President Kennedy's decision to join this coalition and to approve the sale without any prior Israeli concessions to the Palestinians, determined the outcome of this process. This sealed the fate of the Department of State's efforts to prevent the sale or later to make it dependent upon an Israeli commitment to soften its traditional Palestinian posture.
This book identifies the individuals and groups involved in each phase of the decision-making process of the sale of Hawk missiles, examines their relative power and capacity to mobilize support for their respective positions, and assesses the immediate and middle-range consequences of the sale, both in the context of American-Israeli relations and Washington's relations with the Arab Middle East.

The genocide of Armenians by Turks during the First World War was one of the most horrendous deeds of modern times and a precursor of the genocidal acts that have marked the rest of the twentieth century. Despite the worldwide attention the atrocities received at the time, the massacre has not remained a part of the world's historical consciousness. The parallels between the Jewish and Armenian situations and the reactions of the Jewish community in Palestine (the Yishuv) to the Armenian genocide, which was muted and largely self-interested, are explored by Yair Auron. In attempting to assess and interpret these disparate reactions, Auron maintains a fairminded balance in assessing claims of altruism and self-interest, expressed in universal, not merely Jewish, terms.

While not denying the uniqueness of the Holocaust, Auron carefully distinguishes it from the Armenian genocide reviewing existing theories and relating Armenian and Jewish experience to ongoing issues of politics and identity. As a groundbreaking work of comparative history, this volume will be read by Armenian area specialists, historians of Zionism and Israel, and students of genocide. Yair Auron is senior lecturer at The Open University of Israel and the Kibbutzim College of Education. He is the author, in Hebrew, of Jewish-Israeli Identity, Sensitivity to World Suffering: Genocide in the Twentieth Century, We Are All German Jews, and Jewish Radicals in France during the Sixties and Seventies (published in French as well)

The question of national responsibility for crimes against humanity became an urgent topic due to the charge of ethnic cleansing against the previous Yugoslav government. But that was not the first such urging of legal and moral responsibility for war crimes. While the Nazi German regime has been prototypical, the actions of the Japanese military regime have been receiving increasing prominence and attention. Indeed, Peter Li's volume examines the phenomenon of denial as well as the deeds of destruction.

Certainly one of the most troublesome unresolved problems facing many Asian and Western countries after the Asia Pacific war (1931u1945) is the question of the atrocities committed by the Japanese Imperial Army throughout Asia and the Japanese government's repeated attempts to whitewash their wartime responsibilities. The psychological and physical wounds suffered by victims, their families, and relations remain unhealed after more than half a century, and the issue is now pressing. This collection undertakes the critical task of addressing some of the multifaceted and complex issues of Japanese war crimes and redress.

This collection is divided into five themes. In "It's Never Too Late to Seek Justice," the issues of reconciliation, accountability, and Emperor Hirohito's responsibility for war crimes are explored. "The American POW Experience Remembered" includes a moving account of the Bataan Death March by an American ex-soldier. "Psychological Responses" discusses the socio-psychological affects of the Nanjing Massacre and Japanese vivisection on Chinese subjects. The way in which Japanese war atrocities have been dealt with in the theater and cinema is the focus of "Artistic Responses." And central to "History Must not Forget" are the questions of memory, trauma, biological warfare, and redress. Included in this volume are samples of the many presentations given at the International Citizens' Forum on War Crimes and Redress held in Tokyo in December 1999.

"Japanese War Crimes" will be mandatory reading for those interested in East Asian history, genocide studies, and international politics.

Nuclear Notes is a publication of the CSIS Project on Nuclear Issues (PONI) featuring innovative thinking by rising experts in the nuclear field. Its goal is to advance the public debate about nuclear weapons strategy, arms control, nonproliferation, disarmament, and other nuclear issues by providing a forum for sharing new analysis and insight. In particular, this publication seeks to provide an opportunity for graduate students and early career professionals to publish ideas emanating from their independent research or that are connected to their unique vantage point as analysts and implementers of nuclear policy.

The Persian Gulf area is the world's greatest paradox. Wealthy, yet economically and socially underdeveloped; traditional, yet full of the turmoil of change. It is no wonder that this area has been the focal point of so much violence, struggle and controversy in the 20th century. This volume addresses the main strategic issues in today's Persian Gulf, a region that is arguably the most likely to produce a crisis that would encourage international political and economic involvement. Among the broader questions discussed in this book are: strategic balances, modernization, internal stability, weapons of mass destruction, inter-state conflicts, ethnic rivalries, and oil. This book provides a comprehensive and systematic picture of the region's current issues and problems.

Taking Lives is a pivotal effort to reconstruct the social and political contexts of twentieth century, state-inspired mass murder. Irving Louis Horowitz re-examines genocide from a new perspective -- viewing this issue as the defining element in the political sociology of our time. The fifth edition includes approximately 30 percent new materials with five new chapters. The work is divided into five parts: "Present as History Past as Prologue, " "Future as Memory, " "Toward A General Theory of State-Sponsored Crime, " "Studying Genocide." The new edition concludes with chapters reviewing the natural history of genocide studies from 1945 to the present, along with a candid self-appraisal of the author's work in this field over four decades.

Taking Lives asserts that genocide is not a sporadic or random event, nor is it necessarily linked to economic development or social progress. Genocide is a special sort of mass destruction conducted with the approval of the state apparatus. Life and death issues are uniquely fundamental, since they alone serve as a precondition for the examination of all other issues. Such concerns move us beyond abstract, formalist frameworks into new ways of viewing the social study of the human condition. Nearly all reviewers of earlier editions have recognized this. Taking Lives is a fundamental work for political scientists, sociologists, and all those concerned with the state's propensity toward evil.