Lyndon B. Johnson and the Politics of Arms Sales to Israel seeks to reconstruct and elucidate the processes behind the decisions made by the Johnson Administration during the years 1965-68 to sell Israel M-48 tanks, A-4 Skyhawk planes and F-4 Phantom planes. This examination is based on a distinction between three factions which competed for influence within Washington's high-policy elite: the traditionalists (whose major representative was Secretary of State Dean Rusk); the pragmatists (whose most outspoken representative was Robert Komer of the National Security Council); and the domestically oriented policymakers (the central decision-maker who quintessentially exemplifies this category being President Johnson). This book is a sequel to John F. Kennedy and the Politics of Arms to Israel, which examined the first arms deal between the US and Israel.

Anyone with an interest in the Second World War in the Far East is familiar with military and Prisoner-of-War narratives. But how the 130,000 British, Dutch and American civilian men, women and children captured and interned by the Japanese in the Far East during the same period survived their internment is less well-known. How did these colonial people react to the sudden humiliation of surrender? How did they adapt to three-and-a-half years in Japanese camps in China, Hong Kong, Singapore, the Philippines and the Dutch East Indies? "The" "Internment of Western Civilians under the Japanese 1941-1945 "addresses these questions.
Bernice Archer's comparative study of the experiences of the Western civilians interned by the Japanese in mixed family camps and sexually segregated camps in the Far East combines a wide variety of conventional and unconventional course material. This includes: contemporary War, Foreign and Colonial Office papers, diaries, letters, camp newspapers and artifacts and post-war medical, engineering and educational reports, biographies, autobiographies, memoirs and over 50 oral interviews with ex-internees.
An investigation of evacuation policies reveals the moral, economic, political, emotional and racial dilemmas faced by the imperial powers and the colonial communities in the Far East. Using contemporary personally accounts, the shock of the Japanese victories and the devastating experience of capture are highlighted. Inside the camps, the author focuses on agency and survival demonstrating that far from being passive victims with no control over their lives, the interned Western civilian internees who used and adapted the social and cultural resourcesthey inherited from the colonial world-such as the embroideries sewn by the women in the camps, and in particular, the three quilts made by the women in Changi-to survive their ordeal.
"The Internment of Western Civilians under the Japanese 1941-1945" ""alsocovers wider issues such as the role of women in war, gender and war, children and war, colonial culture, oral history and war and memory.

Across Africa, growing economic inequality, instability and urbanization have led to the rapid spread of private security providers. While these PSPs have already had a significant impact on African societies, their impact has so far received little in the way of comprehensive analysis. Drawing on a wide range of disciplinary approaches, and encompassing anthropology, sociology and political science, Private Security in Africa offers unique insight into the lives and experiences of security providers and those affected by them, as well as into the fragile state context which has allowed them to thrive. Featuring original empirical research and case studies ranging from private policing in South Africa to the recruitment of Sierra Leoneans for private security work in Iraq, the book considers the full implications of PSPs for security and the state, not only for Africa but for the world as a whole.

This book comprises 14 essays by scholars who disagree about the methods and purposes of comparing Nazism and Communism. The central idea is that if these two different memories of evil were to develop in isolation, their competition for significance would distort the real evils both movements propagated. Whilst many reject this comparison because they feel it could relativize the evil of one of these movements, the claim that a political movement is uniquely evil can only be made by comparing it to another movement. How do these issues affect postwar interrelations between memory and history? Are there tensions between the ways postwar societies remember these atrocities, and the ways in which intellectuals and scholars reconstruct what happened? Nazism and Communism have been constantly compared since the 1920s. A sense of the ways in which these comparisons have been used and abused by both Right and Left belongs to our common history. These twentieth century evils invite comparison, if only because of their traumatic effects. We have an obligation to understand what happened, and we also have an obligation to understand how we have dealt with it.

In the 489 Dachau trials, 1700 criminals of Nazi Germany faced American justice. Held in the old administration building of the defunct concentration camp, they began just weeks after the capitulation in 1945 and were completed on December 30, 1947. The defendants varied from major figures in the Reich, to doctors, engineers, and teachers, to farmers, students, and villagers. The crimes include the abuse or murder of downed American airmen and atrocities committed against victims of all nationalities in the concentration camps and transports.

This study concentrates or a selection of the trials that show a broad group of representative crimes and lend themselves to an understanding of World War II German culture. In proving that the average citizen could be as devoted a contributor to the Nazi cause as Hitler, the work reveals something about those who would not stand up to him, who tolerated him, or who joined him.It addresses the disturbing reality that most atrocities committed in the Hitler era were the result of personal decisions made by others than the dictator.

Written from primary source documents such as letters, testimony, petitions, military records, physical evidence, and the official files and reviews of the trials, the case descriptions also provide defendants' personal details: upbringing, family life, education, career choices, their behavior during the trials, and their lives afterward. The study concludes with an appendix of all cases by number and defendant, divided by series, and a bibliography. It is illustrated with mug shots of the defendants and photographs of relevant sites and events.

First published in 1997, this volume builds its discussion on a technological base along with policy implications, and constitutes a review of the current situation in international security created by the Cold War, and how the end of the Cold War is likely to change the situation. As the close of the Cold War created a multitude of changes in international security, resulting in a broad range of topics tackled in this collection. It features specialists in military technology, physics, political science, public and international affairs.

Since 1991, China has emerged as a significant player in international arms control and nonproliferation regimes but the nature of China's interaction with the rest of the world, and specifically with global institutions, remains a subject yet to be examined in detail.
"
China and International Arms Control, a"n empirically and conceptually path-breaking book, is the first to document China's participation in international arms control in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. It focuses on the distinction between US expectations of Chinese compliance, which China has not always met, and international standards, against which Chinese performance is acceptable. Frieman carefully documents China's role in the seven specific arms control regimes and uses the examination to offer suggestions about to gain China's commitment and compliance in the future. The book highlights that policy initiative grounded in the history of Chinese behavior are more likely to be successful thanthose that stem from overstatements and misconceptions.
Based on extensive fieldwork and interviews with over one hundred Chinese and US government officials, this work casts new light on both the nature of Chinese military power and the regimes that have attempted to constrain it. It will be invaluable for policy makers and analysts and will appeal to scholars of Chinese security studies, foreign policy, international relations and arms control and disarmament.

An impressive array of activists, scholars, government officials, journalists, and landmine victims themselves are gathered here to tell the dramatic and inspiring story of the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL). Organized in the early 1990s, the ICBL is a network of more than one thousand nongovernmental organizations worldwide, working for a global ban on landmines. It was an important force behind the treaty to ban antipersonnel landmines that was signed in Ottawa in 1997, and which led to its being awarded the 1997 Nobel Peace Prize, along with its coordinator.

The "What Works" initiative is having a profound impact on the work of the National Probation Service in the UK, and much has been invested in new accredited programs - both in terms of the numbers of offenders planned to complete these programs and their anticipated impact upon offending. Yet there has been little scholarly or professional discussion of the nature and risks of the new paradigm. It is important that it is subjected to critical debate and scrutiny. This book provides a critical overview of what works, providing a wider set of perspectives on a project which is vital for the future of the National Probation Service. It has the following objectives: to assess critically the claims of the "What Works" initiative; to examine the foundations upon which "What Works" is based; to demonstrate the limitations of the "What Works" initiative as currently conceived; and to begin the process of constructing an alternative vision for the National Probation Service.

Focusing on events in Rwanda, Armenia, and the former Yugoslavia as well as the Holocaust, Genocide and Gender in the Twentieth Century investigates how historically- and culturally-specific ideas led to genocidal sexual violence. Expert contributors also consider how these ideas, in conjunction with issues relating to femininity, masculinity and understandings of gendered identities, contributed to perpetrators' tools and strategies for ethnic cleansing and genocide. The 2nd edition features: * Five brand new chapters which explore: imperialism, race, gender and genocide; the Cambodian genocide; memory and intergenerational transmission of Holocaust trauma; and genocide, gender and memory in the Armenian case. * An extended and enhanced introduction which makes use of recent scholarship on gender and violence. * Historiographical and bibliographical updates throughout. * Key primary document - excerpt from the 1948 UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide. Updated and revised in its second edition, Genocide and Gender in the Twentieth Century is the authoritative study on the complex gender dimensions of ethnic cleansing and genocide in the 20th century.

Warrant for Genocide provides a unique, interdisciplinary approach to understanding the underlying causes of the World War I Armenian genocide. It traces genocide to the origin and history of the long-standing Turko-Armenian discord with the massacres treated as a means to resolve the conflict between a powerful, dominant group and a weak, vulnerable minority.

The World War I destruction of the Armenian people in the Ottoman Empire was neither an accident nor an aberration. The seeds of the large-scale deportations and massacres of Armenians can be found in the 1919u1920 Turkish Courts Martial documents of leaders of the Young Turk Ittihadist regime. These were replete with xenophobic nationalism, calls for the use of arms to achieve that end, and references to Islam to incite the masses against Armenians. The utmost secrecy, camouflage, and deflection with respect to their plans were evident in what was not said. This was a drastic departure by the regime from its publicly proclaimed posture of egalitarianism, heralding the dawn of a new era of multiethnic harmony and accord in the decaying empire.

Dadrian carefully details these calculated deliberations and the concomitant shift from Ottomanism to Turkism in the radical wing of the regime. He illustrates how this rekindled enmities between dominant Turks and subject minorities. The desire to neutralize or eliminate the opposition helped pave the way to a new and radical nationality policy. To Dadrian, the act of genocide was a draconian method of resolving a lingering conflict.

No analysis of the Armenian genocide can be adequate without understanding the origin, elements, evolution, and escalation of the Turko-Armenian conflict. Dadrian details this admirably, showing that in the final analysis, the Armenian genocide was a cataclysmic by-product of this conflict. Genocide and Holocaust scholars, Armenian area specialists, and human rights activists will consider this an essential addition to the literature.

Genocide is a topic beset by ambiguities over meaning and double standards. In this stimulating and gripping history, William Rubinstein sets out to clarify the meaning of the term genocide and its historical evolution, and provides a working definition that informs the rest of the book. He makes the important argument that each instance of genocide is best understood within a particular historical framework and provides an original chronology of these distinct frameworks. In the final part of the book he critically examines a number of alleged past and recent genocides: from native Americans, slavery, the Irish famine, homosexuals and gypsies in the Nazi concentration camps, Yugoslavia, Rwanda through to the claims of pro-lifers and anti-abortionists.

Contents:
1. The Attaché Corps in the Pre-Cold War Era, 1888-1945 2. The Attachés, their Duties, Responsibilities, Education, Training and Attitudes, 1945-1964 3. US Attachés, Guatemala and the Overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz, 1950-1954 4. US Attachés and the Cuban Revolution, 1952-1958 5. US Attachés and the Bolivian MNR, 1958-1964 6. Conclusions Appendices Bibliography

Contents:
1. From Defence to Development? Ann Markusen and Sean DiGiovanna
2. Post Cold War Conversion: Gains, Losses and Hidden Changes in the US Economy Michael Oden, Laura Wolf-Powers, and Ann Markusen
3. Spanish Defense Industrial Restructuring in the Post-Cold War Decade Antonia Casellas
4. The Polish Defense Industry: REstructuring in the Midst of Economic Transition Marla Nelson
5. The Dismantling of the Argentine Defense Industry Graziellla Cavicchia
6. Diversification and Niche Market Exporting: The Restructuring of Israel's Defense Industry in the Post-Cold War Era ^David Lewis
7. Defense Conversion in South Africa: A Lost Opportunity Soraya Goga
8. Diversification of Defense Based Industries in India Sudha Maheshwari
9. Defense Conversion in China: an Economic Review Shaolin Chen
10. The South Korean Defense Industry in the Post Cold War Era Yong-Sook Lee and Ann Markusen

The Arms Industry is an area that is of huge concern to many people around the world. The economics of this hugely important industry are a vital strand that needs to be understood.
This volume brings together contributors from all over the globe, such as Todd Sandler and Keith Hartley, and focuses on the important issues surrounding the Arms Trade such as:
*the determinants of US military expenditure
*alliance formation and expansion
*new challenges to export controls
This well-rounded, comprehensive book will be of huge interest to students and academics with involved in the economics of defence, as well as more general studies of the defence industry. The book will also be an invaluable read for those with an interest in the Arms Industry such as policy-makers and corporate managers.

eBook available with sample pages: 0203477162

Originally published in 1985 The Decision to Disarm Germany offers a fresh approach to Britain's First World War and Paris Peace Conference policy on the question of German military disarmament. It offers interpretations based on extensive research into unpublished records and private papers and provides important new conclusions about British policy. The book shows the interaction of domestic concerns and strategic considerations in the wartime development of British thinking on the issue of post-war German disarmament and in the post-Armistice formulation and implementation of Britain's German disarmament policy. It establishes the crucial interrelationship in British thinking and policy between German disarmament and general disarmament. It also shows the interwar consequences of wartime attitudes and peace conference policy.

The war in Kosovo has been a defining moment in post-Cold War Europe. Kosovo has great importance beyond the Balkans as the most ambitious attempt of the international community to prevent internal conflicts and rebuild a society destroyed by war and ethnic cleansing. As the danger of ethnic conflict prevails in the region and elsewhere around the world, the experience of Kosovo offers important lessons. This is a comprehensive survey of developments in Kosovo leading up to, during and after the war in 1999, providing additionally the international and regional framework to the conflict. It examines the underlying causes of the war, the attempts by the international community to intervene, and the war itself in spring 1999. It critically examines the international administration in Kosovo since June 1999 and contextualizes it within the relations of Kosovo to its neighbours and as part of the larger European strategy in Southeastern Europe with the stability pact. It does not seek to promote one interpretation of the conflict and its aftermath, but brings together a range of intellectual arguments from some sixteen researchers from the Balkans, the rest of Europe and North America.

The post-World War Two period has witnessed numerous armed conflicts characterized by extensive violations of relevant obligatory international norms. Responding to these events, the United Nations General Assembly created a per-manent international court in 2003, with jurisdiction over selected international crimes. The International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia was a precursor to this permanent court. It was established for the purpose of "prosecuting persons responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of the former Yugoslavia." As a precedent for what we may expect in the future, it deserves special attention from a historical, politi-cal, and especially an international law point of view.

The Prosecution of International Crimes comprehensively examines the creation, mandate, and challenges of the Inter-national Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. Derived from a special issue of Criminal Law Forum: An International Journal, a peer-review journal dedicated to the advance-ment of criminal law theory, practice, and reform through-out the world, it is now available in paperback.

The decades separating our new century from the Armenian Genocide, the prototype of modern-day nation-killings, have fundamentally changed the political composition of the region. Virtually no Armenians remain on their historic territories in what is today eastern Turkey. The Armenian people have been scattered about the world. And a small independent republic has come to replace the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, which was all that was left of the homeland as the result of Turkish invasion and Bolshevik collusion in 1920. One element has remained constant. Notwithstanding the eloquent, compelling evidence housed in the United States National Archives and repositories around the world, successive Turkish governments have denied that the predecessor Young Turk regime committed genocide, and, like the Nazis who followed their example, sought aggressively to deflect blame by accusing the victims themselves.

This volume argues that the time has come for Turkey to reassess the propriety of its approach, and to begin the process that will allow it move into a post-genocide era. The work includes "Genocide: An Agenda for Action," Gijs M. de Vries; "Determinants of the Armenian Genocide," Donald Bloxham; "Looking Backward and Forward," Joyce Apsel; "The United States Response to the Armenian Genocide," Simon Payaslian; "The League of Nations and the Reclamation of Armenian Genocide Survivors," Vahram L. Shemmassian; "Raphael Lemkin and the Armenian Genocide," Steven L. Jacobs; "Reconstructing Turkish Historiography of the Armenian Massacres and Deaths of 1915," Fatma Muge Gocek; "Bitter-Sweet Memories; "The Armenian Genocide and International Law," Joe Verhoeven; "New Directions in Literary Response to the Armenian Genocide," Rubina Peroomian; "Denial and Free Speech," Henry C. Theriault; "Healing and Reconciliation," Ervin Staub; "State and Nation," Raffi K. Hovannisian.

The Second Amendment, by far the most controversial amendment to the US Constitution, will soon celebrate its 225th anniversary. Yet, despite the amount of ink spilled over this controversy, the debate continues on into the 21st century. Initially written with a view towards protecting the nascent nation from more powerful enemies and preventing the tyranny experienced during the final years of British rule, the Second Amendment has since become central to discussions about the balance between security and freedom. It features in election contests and informs cultural discussions about race and gender. This book seeks to broaden the discussion. It situates discussion about gun controls within contemporary debates about citizenship, culture, philosophy and foreign policy as well as in the more familiar terrain of politics and history. It features experts on the Constitution as well as chapters discussing the symbolic importance of Annie Oakley, the role of firearms in race, and filmic representations of armed Hispanic girl gangs. It asks about the morality of gun controls and of not imposing them. The collection presents a balanced view between those who favour more gun controls and those who would prefer fewer of them. It is infused with the belief that through honest and open debate the often bitter cultural divide on the Second Amendment can be overcome and real progress made. It contains a diverse range of perspectives including, uniquely, a European perspective on this most American of issues.

This book assesses the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia's (ICTY) legacy and examines the conflicting intersection of law and politics in the search for justice, both thematically and through close analysis of some of the major trials. It analyses the related case brought against Serbia and Montenegro by Bosnia and Herzegovina at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), as well as the Ganic case in London where the ICTY and ICJ findings were challenged. The book addresses the following questions: To what extent the political climate in which the ICTY was conceived, and continues to operate, has affected the declared aims of its founders? Have political considerations and political correctness, and the perceived need for political stability and democratic transition, at times proved an obstacle to the administration of justice? Are some of the acknowledged failings of international policy in the 1990s finding some resonance in more recent court proceedings? This highly relevant and comprehensive book will be of interest to students and scholars of political science, international relations, transitional justice, Balkan area studies, human rights law, international criminal and peace and conflict studies.

This volume, newly published in paperback, is part of a comprehensive effort by R. J. Rummel to understand and place in historical perspective the entire subject of genocide and mass murder, or what he calls democide. It is the fifth in a series of volumes in which he offers a detailed analysis of the 120,000,000 people killed as a result of government action or direct intervention.

In Power Kills, Rummel offers a realistic and practical solution to war, democide, and other collective violence. As he states it, "The solution...is to foster democratic freedom and to democratize coercive power and force. That is, mass killing and mass murder carried out by government is a result of indiscriminate, irresponsible Power at the center."

Rummel observes that well-established democracies do not make war on and rarely commit lesser violence against each other. The more democratic two nations are, the less likely is war or smaller-scale violence between them. The more democratic a nation is, the less severe its overall foreign violence, the less likely it will have domestic collective violence, and the less its democide. Rummel argues that the evidence supports overwhelmingly the most important fact of our time: democracy is a method of nonviolence.

Shaping U.S. Military Forces for the Asia-Pacific examines how U.S. Joint Forces should be used to face the threat of a rising China at a time when future crises and even wars are likely to be defined by relatively limited political stakes alongside competing nationalist identities. Today s nascent multipolar system shows commonalities with an earlier, Euro-centric international system era. Thus the book begins by looking back at previous ages of major power competition and cooperation to draw lessons for the present global system. It then analyzes the geopolitical context behind issues relating to cooperation, competition, and conflict in the contemporary Asia-Pacific. It also describes the nature of successful deterrents to threats, including warnings and attempts to bargain with the adversary to keep conflict relatively limited in scope. Lastly, it examines the crucial role of diplomatic reassurance during crisis bargaining to prevent worst-case scenario thinking by the adversary, offer compromise settlements, and de-escalate in the context of ongoing operational, or threatened, use of military force. Applying both military theories from thinkers such as von Clausewitz and Jomini and past lessons to current realities help to provide concrete answers to what it means to procure, equip, and employ U.S. military forces in the Asia-Pacific in the 21st century. This allows for recommendations about USAF and US Navy roles, missions, and performance characteristics i.e., how to best link air and sea power to each other and to strategic political needs during periods of tension with rising powers such as China."