This volume explores the past, present and future of pessimism in International Relations. It seeks to differentiate pessimism from cynicism and fatalism and assess its possibilities as a respectable perspective on national and international politics. The book traces the origins of pessimism in political thought from antiquity through to the present day, illuminating its role in key schools of International Relations and in the work of important international political theorists. The authors analyse the resurgence of pessimism in contemporary politics, such as in the new populism, attitudes to migration, indigenous politics, and the Anthropocene. This edited volume provides the first collection of scholarly work on pessimism in International Relations theory and practice and offers fresh perspectives on an intellectual position often considered as disreputable as it is venerable.

Some American intellectual traditions, although pristine in appearance, are racist at their core. This book reveals the racism inherent in those Platonist and Enlightenment moral traditions that motivate much contemporary rhetoric. Part One contains five chapters of substantial critique, while Part Two contains four chapters of constructive suggestion explaining how indigenous American traditions of thought about morality avoid the racism of conventional Western moral thought that dominates political rhetoric. This book, because of its focus, thesis, and brevity, will be useful in a number of academic contexts, including political science, American studies, philosophy, sociology, and also to the larger educated public.

This book is about how opinion polls are reported in the media. Opinions polls are not reported in the media as unfiltered numbers, and some opinion polls are not reported at all. This volume demonstrates how opinion polls travel through several stages that eventually turn boring numbers into biased news in the media. The framework offered in this book helps to understand how some polls end up in the news coverage, and which systemic biases abound in the news media reports of opinion polls. In the end, a change narrative will be prominent in the reporting of opinion polls which contributes to what the general public sees and shares. The findings cover journalists, politicians, experts and the public, and how they all share a strong preference for change.

This book calls for a philosophical consideration of the development, challenges and successes of the European Union. The author argues that conceptual innovation is essential if progress on the European project is to be made; new meanings, rather than financial or institutional engineering solutions, will help solve the crisis. By applying a philosophical approach to diagnosing the EU crisis, the book reconsiders the basic concepts of democracy in the context of the complex reality of the EU and the globalised world where profound social and political changes are taking place. It will be of interest to students and scholars interested in EU politics, political theory and philosophy.

The iPINIONS Journal Commentaries Vol. II

In this volume of political and social commentaries, Anthony Livingston Hall synthesizes the most critical developments of 2006 with remarkable clarity and inimitable wit. But, unlike more celebrated columnists who trade in partisan political talking points, Hall seems beholden to no ideology and is definitely an equal-opportunity critic. Moreover, you would be hard-pressed to find another columnist anywhere who writes as persuasively about the international menace of Iran's nuclear program as he does about the interpersonal dynamics of an NBA Championship series or what the latest ooops from Britney Spears portends for western civilization.

Hall's refreshing worldview may stem from the unique fusion of his Caribbean heritage and American education. But it is clearly the informed passion that permeates all of his commentaries that makes this book so riveting

This book looks at how Europe's refugee crisis has provoked different political and humanitarian responses, all similarly driven by technology. The author first explores the transformation of Europe into an increasingly militarised space, where technologies are mainly used to exercise surveillance and to distinguish between citizens and unwanted migrants. She then shifts the attention to refugees' practices of connectivity by looking at how technologies are used by refugees to communicate, perform and resist their exile. Finally, the book examines the opportunities and challenges that characterise the impact of digital social innovation in humanitarian settings. By focusing on how technologies are used to promote solidarity in crisis contexts, the volume provides an original contribution to studying the role of tech for good activism within the space of Fortress Europe. Based on interviews with refugees, digital humanitarians and social entrepreneurs, the book timely questions what Europe means today, and why dialogue is now more important than ever.

For Marxists, imperialism is the highest stage of capitalism. Critical analysis of imperialism has been a feature of Marxist throughout the twentieth century. The conceptualising and theorising of imperialism by Marxists has evolved over time in response to developments in the global capitalist economy and in international politics. Murray Noonan here provides the first complete analysis of Marxist theories of imperialism in over two decades. Presenting three phases of imperialist theories, he analyses and compares 'Classical', 'Neo' and 'Globalisation-era' Marxist theories of imperialism. The book moves chronologically, tracking the origins of imperialism theorised by J.A. Hobson at the beginning of the twentieth century up to the present day. He critically identifies and engages with a new 'Globalisation-era' phase of Marxist imperialism theory. Through a detailed scholarly analysis of the history and evolution of these theories, Noonan offers vital new perspectives on imperialist theory and its relevance and application in the twenty-first century.

NATO's military interventions in the Balkans have transformed the alliance. As the alliance goes East, its members are compelled to rethink NATO's, and each member nation's, military and political roles. Providing a well-rounded study of continuing change in the contemporary North Atlantic Treaty Organization, this book is constructed around eight essays by European security experts analyzing challenges confronting the Atlantic Alliance as a military alliance and as a collective security organization dealing simultaneously with deterrence, enlargement, and regional crisis intervention. It is intended for senior undergraduate and graduate students in international relations, American foreign policy, European studies, security and strategic studies.

The evidence is that NATO will undergo many more changes responding to actual and potential threats to Europe's peace. These range from a revival of the ethnic conflict in the former Yugoslavia to the proliferation and possible use of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons. Also discussed is the matter of NATO's further enlargement and the question of whether this offers more or less security to the alliance membership, as are the emerging tensions between the EU and NATO security regimes.

Alexander examines interest group involvement in direct democracy. The tools of direct democracy--initiative, referendum, and recall--were initially created to delimit the power of economic interest groups and curb the power of political machines. Today, however, many believe that direct democracy has become a tool dominated by economic interests and that ballot contests have emboldened moneyed interests, rather than stemming their power. This unanticipated consequence of direct democracy has been coined the Populist Paradox.

Through two case studies, Alexander examines how debilitating the Populist Paradox truly is. The issue of gambling was selected due to the large number of affected interests and the degree of conflict enveloping the issue. Current research suggests that economic interest groups are best able to mobilize monetary resoures, while citizen groups are best able to mobilize personnel resources. The question then turns to whether the differential ability to mobilize resources translates to success or failure for groups with different bases of support. Populist and Progressive reformers obviously did not foresee the advent of campaign consultants, focus groups, direct mail, and paid petitioners. These changes in political campaigning have made the ability to mobilize personnel resources much less important. Alexander provides a valuable extension to current knowledge of group involvement in ballot campaigns that will be of particular interest to scholars, students, and other researchers involved with state and local public policy.

Combining thematic and country approaches to show students what comparative politics is really about, The Good Society organizes itself around a key question-why are some countries better than others at improving their citizens' lives? This brief survey offers a focused look at political institutions and uses in-depth country studies to compare how different institutional arrangements yield different political results. By concentrating on how politics affects citizens' lives, The Good Society offers a uniquely relevant introduction to comparative politics that goes to the heart of the field and helps students develop a critical point-of-view.

Thoroughly updated to cover world affairs through 2012, the brief version of International Relations presents the same approach and coverage but in a streamlined and flexible format. From war and trade to human rights and the environment, this text is praised for being the most current introduction to international relations theory as well as security, economic, and global issues. Applying a broad range of theoretical perspectives to help students analyze what is happening in the world today, International Relations, Brief Edition is perfect for courses where multiple texts are assigned. Teaching and Learning Experience *Personalize Learning: MyPoliSciLab delivers proven results in helping students succeed, provides engaging experiences that personalize learning, and comes from a trusted partner with educational expertise and a deep commitment to helping students and instructors achieve their goals. *Explore Concepts and Current Events: Drawing on recent political events from Europe's sovereign debt crisis to the U.S. withdrawal from Iraq, this text provides a balanced survey of security, economic, and transnational issues and covers a diverse range of theoretical perspectives. *Improve Critical Thinking: "Policy Perspectives" boxes helps students apply international relations theory to current world problems. *Engage Students: A four-color design and numerous figures, maps, and photos offer a current and lively reading experience. *Emphasize Learning Outcomes: In MyPoliSciLab, study plans based on book-specific learning objectives give students follow-up reading, video, and multimedia activities for further practice. *Instructor Support: An instructor's manual, test bank, and PowerPoint presentation provide more teaching resources. In MyPoliSciLab, ClassPrep collects class presentation resources in one convenient online destination.

Politics in States and Communities is distinguished by its focus on politics, its comparative approach, its concern with thorough explanation, its interest in policy, and its focus on conflicts in states and communities and the structures and processes designed to manage conflict.

From democratization, human rights, and global finance to terrorism, pandemics, and climate change, Global Issues is a current and topical look at the forces driving globalization. This texts surveys global problems that transcend boundaries and are challenging the international system. For global issues or international relations courses, this is the only text of its kind to place complex issues into comprehensive context and thus explain the growing political, economic, and cultural interdependence visible in the headlines and in students' lives. Learning Goals * Analyze the current forces that are driving globalization. * Explain the political, economic, and cultural context of issues around the globe.

This book deals with the events leading up to the 1936 Popular Olympics which would have united the Popular Front in opposition to the Berlin Olympics. It also discusses the days after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War which began on the same day the games were due to start. Using a variety of primary and secondary sources, the book traces the biographies of several Popular Olympians who would go on to volunteer in the Spanish Civil War. The book also examines the planned events and locations for the Popular Olympics as well as the international funding that the games secured. The book argues that the events were a departure from Workers' Sport as well as the IOC's Olympic games and represented an important cultural manifestation of the Popular Front.

This book examines the making and breaking of peripheral selves in and from postsocialist Bosnia in an empirically rich self-reflexive account of politico-economic and ideological developments. Through world systems and postcolonial theory, historical and new materialist optics, discursive and affective analytical registers, and various qualitative methodological choices, the author analyzes peripheral subjectivity in connection to global proletarianization, as well as past and present resistance via social and personal movement(s). She refers to past Yugoslav socialist and anticolonial struggles as well as more recent ones, including the social justice and feminist collective, engaging with workers' and women's struggles in postwar Bosnia and the Justice for David movement. Finally, she analyzes the lives of new third-wave Bosnian migrants to Germany post-2015, placing them in juxtaposition with non-European migrants in Bosnian reception centers and exposing labor and race, border struggles and market as new variables for studying selves in this particular context. Writing about "situated knowledge" and "politics of location," the author stresses the importance of strong affective ties within researcher-researched assemblages urging for deeper coalitions and solidarity among various peripheral, power-differentiated communities. This book will be of interest to readers with backgrounds in linguistics, sociology, post-Yugoslav history, cultural studies and anthropology.

This book examines the theoretical and practical relevance and challenges of the consociationalist model of democracy. Since the publication of the Politics of Accommodation (1968) and Democracy in Plural Societies (1977) Professor Lijphart's theories and practical implementations have played a key role in establishing enduring peace settlements. In this edited volume, scholars and Professor Lijphart himself critically examine the history of consocationalism and its application in areas including Northern Ireland, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Colombia. The book will be essential reading for undergraduate and graduate students of political science, comparative politics, transitional justice and peace studies. It will also be of use to practitioners ranging from diplomats to NGOs who are interested in the practical application of tested models of political accommodation.

This book strives to answer two interrelated questions: Why have certain states in the Americas been more successful than others at creating stable democratic regimes? Why have certain states in the Americas failed to create stable democratic regimes? To answer both questions, the author focuses on four states - the United States, Argentina, Chile, and Peru. Throughout the analysis, he isolates and evaluates the conditions that helped or hindered the development of each state and of its political regime. He presents his conclusions in the form of time-related explanatory hypotheses. By identifying and examining the conditions that brought about the transformation of each states and of its political regimes, this study ultimately facilitates a discussion of the future of democracy in each of these countries as well as in the world.

This book provides a timely, compelling, multidisciplinary critique of the largely tacit set of assumptions funding Modernity in the West. A partnership between Michael Polanyi and Charles Taylor's thought promises to cast the errors of the past in a new light, to graciously show how these errors can be amended, and to provide a specific cartography of how we can responsibly and meaningfully explore new possibilities for ethics, political society, and religion in a post-modern modernity.

This book explores the links between the British government and the dictatorships of Argentina and Chile, 1973-82, using newly-opened British archives. It gives the most complete picture to date of British arms sales, military visits and diplomatic links with the Argentine and Chilean military regimes before the Falklands war. It also provides new evidence that Britain had strategic and economic interests in the Falkland Islands and was keen to exploit the oil around the Islands. It looks at the impact of private corporations and social movements, such as the Chile Solidarity Campaign and human rights groups, on foreign policy. By analyzing the social background of British diplomats and tracing the informal social networks between government officials and the private sector, it considers the pro-business biases of state officials. It describes how the Foreign Office tried to dissuade the Labour governments of 1974-79 from imposing sanctions on the Pinochet regime in Chile and discusses whether un-elected officials place constraints on politicians aiming to pursue an 'ethical' foreign policy.

This edited volume covers the development of the thought of the political realist Hans J. Morgenthau from the time of his arrival in America from Nazi-dominated Europe through to his emphatic denunciation of American policy in the Vietnam War. Critical to the development of thinking about American foreign policy in the post-war period, he laid out the idea of a national interest defined in terms of power, the precarious uncertainty of the international balance of power, the weakness of international morality, the decentralized character of international law, the deceptiveness of ideologies, and the requirements of a peace-preserving diplomacy. This volume is required reading for students of American foreign policy, and for anyone who wishes to understand the single most important source of the ideas underpinning American foreign policy since the end of the Second World War.

This Fist Called My Heart: The Peter McLaren Reader, Volume I is "at the same time an homage, a gathering, an intellectual activist's...toolkit, a teacher's bullshit detector, a parent's demand list and an academic's orienting topography. This collection of essays...represents some of the most central and important work of Peter McLaren; work he has done on behalf of people's liberation and humanization over more than three decades. [It provides] readers with an opportunity to develop a deep understanding of McLaren's intellectual history and academic development, and the thinking processes that lead to his current framework and intellectual/philosophical/political situatedness in humanist Marxism. Through these gathered and sequentially presented essays, readers will be able to `see' McLaren in the process of his theory construction, over time, without missing his essence of struggling for a just society that promotes the full humanity and liberation of all people. [Here,] we have curated some of the most exemplary essays along the trajectory of Peter McLaren's long and impactful career. These pieces track and document Peter's intellectual grow as one of North America's most important intellectuals and advocates for critical pedagogy; his theorizing of the discursive and the everyday through post-modernist and post-structural lenses; his contributions to the literature and practice of critical multiculturalism; his stirring work on capitalist empire, and valiant struggles to resist it; through to his foundational, long held connection and cutting edge contribution to the field of humanist Marxism."

Why do advocacy campaigns succeed in some cases but fail in others? What conditions motivate states to accept commitments championed by principled advocacy movements? Joshua W. Busby sheds light on these core questions through an investigation of four cases - developing-country debt relief, climate change, AIDS, and the International Criminal Court - in the G-7 advanced industrialized countries (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States). Drawing on hundreds of interviews with policy practitioners, he employs qualitative, comparative case study methods, including process-tracing and typologies, and develops a framing/gatekeepers argument, emphasizing the ways in which advocacy campaigns use rhetoric to tap into the main cultural currents in the countries where they operate. Busby argues that when values and costs potentially pull in opposing directions, values will win if domestic gatekeepers who are able to block policy change believe that the values at stake are sufficiently important.

A plethora of politicians, military leaders and think-tank intellectuals have written books about their experience with the Bush Administration. But what about the rest of us? What were we thinking as America marched off to war against Iraq? Fred Rounds, the author of War of the Willing, is one of us. In January, 2003, Rounds carefully began to follow the news as the United States fumbled its way into a disastrous war. Taken from worldwide media sources his journal contains a record not only of the incredible day-by-day antics of our politicians, but also the agonizing struggles, frustrations, and sense of powerlessness that became for the author the root of an obsession. If we can learn anything from the last eight years of the Bush Administration, then let it be the fact that the government does not have any privileged channel of information unavailable to its constituents. Either the government had the wrong information or it misused what it did have. Democrats and Republicans alike got caught up in the war fervor. Along with millions of others who were thrust into a powerless "focus group" of protesters, Rounds illustrates how freedom of speech means nothing if no one in government listens. Thoughtful and well-informed Americans were simply denied a voice. America not only lost its voice; it lost a generation to a pointless war in Iraq.